Journal articles: 'Political parties, asia'

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Chiriyankandath, James. "Parties and political change in South Asia." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 52, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662043.2013.867686.

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Berenschot, Ward. "Political Parties and Clientelism in Southeast Asia." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 171, no. 4 (January 1, 2015): 557–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-17104007.

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Isa Harahap, Husnul. "ISLAMIC POLITICAL PARTIES IN SOUTHEAST ASIA: THE ORIGIN AND POLITICAL PROBLEMS." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 7, no. 5 (October 9, 2019): 481–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2019.7555.

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Purpose: The objective of the study was to describe factors that influenced the establishment of the Islamic political parties and its political problems in South East Asia. Methodology: The research methodology used in the present research study is a literature study method with qualitative analysis. The data obtained from documents and books which were studied by online and offline. The gathered data analysed by using political theories. One of them was the analysis of the emergence of Islamic political parties. Main Findings: The study had two main findings. First, there were six factors which influenced the establishment of Islamic political parties, that is the demography, political system, political ideology, contagion, international political economy, and political competition. Secondly, there were four problems faced by Islamic political parties in winning the political contest, especially in the general election. The first problem was the division of local cultural identity, followed by the unfavorable situation for Islamic political parties, political ideology, and the quality of Islamic political parties themselves. Implications: It had a theoretical implication on the harmony between Islam and democracy, the emergence of Islamic political parties, and the problems. It revealed that there was no problem between the existence of Islamic political parties and democracy. Novelty: When the secular political party lost public trust, the voters did not automatically shift their political votes to the Islamic political parties.

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MacDonald, Scott B., and Jonathan Lemco. "Political Islam in Southeast Asia." Current History 101, no. 658 (November 1, 2002): 388–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2002.101.658.388.

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Significant differences exist between the Islamic revivalist movements looking to cultural and spiritual renewal that have swept Southeast Asia in recent years and transnational terrorist networks. Straddling these two extremes are political parties and groups seeking greater autonomy or secession of predominantly Islamic regions.

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Wood, John R., and Haruhiro Fukui. "Political Parties of Asia and the Pacific. ("The Greenwood Historical Enciclopaedia of the World's Political Parties"." Pacific Affairs 60, no. 2 (1987): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2758142.

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STOCKTON, HANS. "Political Parties, Party Systems, and Democracy in East Asia." Comparative Political Studies 34, no. 1 (February 2001): 94–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414001034001004.

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Institutionalized parties and party systems have traditionally been viewed as necessary conditions for democracies to function effectively. Although this area of research is germane to all democracies, most analyses have been divided by regional investigation. Seeking to bridge the gap, this article applies concepts and measures of institutionalization from the study of Latin America to Pacific Asia's two most prominent cases of democratic transition, South Korea and Taiwan. An effort is made to apply the approaches of Dix and Mainwaring and Scully on party and system institutionalization in Latin America to South Korea and Taiwan. Cross-national comparison reveals a curvilinear relationship between institutionalization and consolidation. Taiwan's path to consolidation has been predicated on a pattern very similar to those taken by Latin American cases, whereas South Korea, theoretically, should not be as close to consolidation as it is.

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Ngeow, Chow Bing. "Political parties, party systems and democratization in East Asia." Democratization 19, no. 1 (February 2012): 152–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2011.650070.

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Dalton, Russell J., Yun-han Chu, and Doh Chull Shin. "Introduction: Parties, Party Choice, and Partisanship in East Asia." Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (August 2007): 177–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008699.

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Political parties are widely seen as “a sine qua non for the organization of the modern democratic polity and for the expression of political pluralism.” The manner in which parties articulate political interests largely defines the nature of electoral competition, the representation of citizen interests, the policy consequences of elections—and ultimately the functioning of the democratic process.

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Joshi, Devin K., and Kara Kingma. "The Uneven Representation of Women in Asian Parliaments: Explaining Variation across the Region." African and Asian Studies 12, no. 4 (2013): 352–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341272.

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AbstractAlthough home to the majority of the world’s women, Asia is the continent with the smallest proportion of women in Parliament. Rarely studied from a comparative perspective, this article examines the uneven representation of women in the lower houses of contemporary Asian parliaments. While socio-economic modernization and industrialization are generally expected to increase the proportion of women in positions of political influence, we find that differences in electoral and party systems across Asia play a greater role than levels of female literacy, urbanization, or per capita income. In particular, Asian parliaments with strict quotas and a higher number of (three of more) major political parties had significantly more female MPs. We also found cultural attitudes supportive of women in the public sphere to make a difference along with multi-member districts and parties on the political left.

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Lanko, D., and I. Lantsova. "Korea's Choice for Asia." Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 135, no. 2 (2021): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2021-135-2-21-37.

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The article discusses the Republic of Korea’s role in multiple already working and being negotiated free trade agreements from the viewpoints of the influence of Korea’s domestic affairs on the role and of the political and economic change among its partners in the free trade agreements. It finds that Korea’s position on the free trade agreements remained stable despite the shift to the domination of right-wing parties in Korea’s domestic politics in 2008 and back to domination of left-wing parties in 2017. Both left- and right-wing parties in Korea supported the free trade agreements, despite their rationale was different: in 2000s left-wing parties perceived the free trade agreements to curb negative consequences of the 1990s Asia’s financial crisis, while in 2010s right-wing parties perceived them as a response to the failure of multilateral trade negotiations within the World Trade Organization. It also finds that Korea’s partners in the free trade agreements sometimes seek to re-negotiate the already existing free trade agreements in response to domestic political and economic changes in those countries. In most cases, Korea and its partners managed to find common grounds at re-negotiations and thus to conclude renewed bilateral and multilateral free trade agreements. At the same time, Korea, China, and Japan have so far failed to conclude a trilateral free trade agreement, thus leaving the ASEAN in the position of the exemplary group of countries in the core of the network of Asia’s free trade agreements.

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Lewis, D. S., and D. J. Sagar. "Political Parties of Asia and the Pacific. A Reference Guide." Verfassung in Recht und Übersee 28, no. 4 (1995): 573–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0506-7286-1995-4-573.

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Hellmann, Olli. "The Developmental State and Electoral Markets in East Asia." Asian Survey 53, no. 4 (July 2013): 653–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2013.53.4.653.

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Party systems in East Asia are characterized by a wide variety of party types, as formally institutionalized parties coexist next to informally and weakly institutionalized parties. This variety can be explained in terms of whether political parties enjoyed access to the developmental state’s resources at the time of their formation.

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Deych, Tatiana. "China’s Ties With African Political Parties." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 63, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 146–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2023-63-2-146-155.

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This article is devoted to an important aspect of Chinese “soft power” policy in Africa. The research shows that Beijing actively uses its “soft power” tools to convince African countries to support Chinese policy. In the framework of this policy, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is developing and strengthening contacts with political parties of different countries. Now the CCP has established relations with more than 600 political parties and organisations around the world in over 160 countries and territories. These relations are most active in Asia and Africa. The Communist Party of China has set up ties with 170 political parties in 51 African countries out of 54. Although CCP strives to establish ties with political parties in all countries despite their forms of government – authoritarian or democratic. Although the CCP cooperates with not only ruling but also opposition parties, the studies show that it prioritises relations with ruling parties. The frequency of Chinese visits to Africa affirms it. African political parties are not going to import China’s model. However, their officials are often ready to borrow the Chinese governance formula and refrain from criticism of some aspects of Chinese policy in Africa. African groups have begun to establish Party-to-party relations with the CCP in the 50s. These relations are successfully developing now and allow Beijing to enhance its political influence in Africa. But the obstacle to such ties development is the Western countries’ ideological activity directed at hindering China-Africa party-to-party cooperation.

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Majeed, Altaf, Mussawar Hussain Bukhari, Ali Shan Shah, and Mian Muhammad Azhar. "Space of Green Politics in South Asia: Myth Or Reality?" Review of Economics and Development Studies 5, no. 2 (May 19, 2019): 253–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26710/reads.v5i2.595.

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Green politics is a political ideology comprises social progress through sustainable development, peace, social justice, and grass-root democracy. Green politics is an evolving trend in world politics emerged in 1970s and revolutionized the political scenarios after the mid-80s with the discovery of ‘Ozone Hole’ in 1984. Currently, green or eco political parties are popular in many advance countries such as Germany, France, UK, Netherland, and Spain etc. Regions which present a bleak picture on eco-politics are backward in environmental sustainability, and same is the case with South Asia. Environment is considered a secondary thing in South Asia; because region is already tackling the primary goals of life such as food, shelter, inflation, health, and education etc. Until achieving these goals; eco-politics will remain an illusion in South Asia despite facing many environmental related challenges. Hence, environmental slogans are not Asian political parties. Yet, there are some conservation and reforestation projects such as a billion-tree project in KPK of Pakistan or KFCC (Kerala forest conservation campaign) etc. South Asia is prone to climate change and global warming; Karachi, Mumbai, and Maldives are in the immediate threat to be drowned till 2050 if the sea level keeps rising due to the melting of glaciers. Hence, the need is to focus on more environmental oriented political programs before it is too latepopular in the region. There is a nominal finding about environment in the manifestoes of South.

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Teitelbaum, Emmanuel. "Mobilizing Restraint: Economic Reform and the Politics of Industrial Protest in South Asia." World Politics 62, no. 4 (October 2010): 676–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887110000225.

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The study draws on evidence from South Asia to explore how union partisan ties condition industrial protest in the context of rapid economic change. It argues that unions controlled by major political parties respond to the economic challenges of the postreform period by facilitating institutionalized grievance resolution and encouraging restraint in the collective bargaining arena. By contrast, politically independent unions and those controlled by small parties are more likely to ratchet up militancy and engage in extreme or violent forms of protest. The difference between the protest behavior of major party unions and other types of unions is explained by the fact that major political parties are encompassing organizations that internalize the externalities associated with the protest of their affiliated unions. Using original survey data from four regions in South Asia, the study shows that party encompassment is a better predictor of worker protest than other features of the affiliated party or the union, including whether the party is in or out of power, the ideological orientation of the party, or the degree of union encompassment. The analysis has implications for the policy debate over whether successful economic reform is contingent upon the political exclusion or repression of organized labor.

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Chu, Yun-han, and Min-hua Huang. "Partisanship and Citizen Politics in East Asia." Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (August 2007): 295–321. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008754.

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This article assesses the relative importance of partisanship in explaining level of citizens' political engagement within a multivariate framework. In particular, we examine if the relative worth of partisan attachment in explaining civic engagement differs systematically between East Asian emerging democracies and established democracies. We find that partisanship in East Asia exerts just as much influence on citizens' engagement in politics as in established democracies. The global trend in which interest associations and social movements are becoming vigorous competitors to parties for the opportunity to represent and mobilize citizens in democratic process has also spread to East Asia.

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Hicken, Allen, and Netina Tan. "Factionalism in Southeast Asia: Types, Causes, and Effects." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (April 2020): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420925928.

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In this article we present an overview of the arguments contained in the articles of this special issue. We first catalogue the varieties or types of factionalism present across Southeast Asia—namely, programmatic, clientelistic, and personalist/charismatic. We then explore the question of why the degree and type of factionalism varies across countries, across time, and across parties. We first focus on differences between factionalism in governing and opposition parties, arguing that factionalism across dominant and opposition parties differs in terms of the origin, type, and effect. We find that the more competitive the party system the more likely it is that factional patterns between the parties within a given polity will converge. We then review the relative power of socio-structural and institutional explanations of factionalism, and place the greatest weight on the role of patronage, party size, and the degree of party centralization. Finally, we turn our attention to common strategies for curbing factionalism across our cases and conclude by examining the consequences of factionalism.

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Slater, Dan, and Joseph Wong. "The Strength to Concede: Ruling Parties and Democratization in Developmental Asia." Perspectives on Politics 11, no. 3 (September 2013): 717–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592713002090.

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Authoritarian ruling parties are expected to be exceptionally resistant to democratization. Yet some of the strongest authoritarian parties in the world have not resisted democratization, but have embraced it. This is because their raison d'etre is to continue ruling, not necessarily to remain authoritarian. Democratization requires that ruling parties hold free and fair elections, but not that they lose them. Authoritarian ruling parties can thus be incentivized to concede democratization from a position of exceptional strength as well as extreme weakness. This “conceding-to-thrive” scenario is most likely to unfold when regimes (1) possess substantial antecedent political strengths and resource advantages, (2) suffer ominous setbacks signaling that they have passed their apex of domination, and (3) pursue new legitimation strategies to arrest their incipient decline. We illustrate this heretofore neglected alternative democratization pathway through a comparative-historical analysis of three Asian developmental states where ruling parties have democratized from varying positions of considerable strength: Taiwan, South Korea, and Indonesia. We then consider the implications of our analysis for three “candidate cases” in developmental Asia where ruling parties have not yet conceded democratization despite being well-positioned to thrive were they to do so: Singapore, Malaysia, and the world's most populous dictatorship, China.

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Absattarov, G. R., and M. F. Shamilov. "CONSIDERING GENERAL LEGALAND TREATYBASES OF COOPERATION BETWEEN EUROPEAN UNION AND CENTRAL ASIA." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 70, no. 2 (June 25, 2020): 263–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-2.1728-8940.38.

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For almost three decades of partnership, Central Asia has become of a great strategic importance to the European Union due to the geographic location of the region between Asia and Europe and mutual common interests in cooperationissues. Based on this study on the evolution of the development of relations between the EU and the countries of the Central Asian region, carried through political, legal, economic and humanitarian mechanisms, the author gives an attempt to research the formation of the regulatory framework of this cooperation, based under legal acts, documents and agreements between parties.

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Kumar, Pankaj. "Book Review: James Chiriyankandath (ed.), Parties and Political Change in South Asia." Political Studies Review 14, no. 2 (March 31, 2016): 306–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916630923.

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Suzdaltsev, Ilya. "Assesments by modern english-speaking historians of the policy of the comintern in Asia." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 1 (2024): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080029140-1.

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The article analyzes the modern English-language historiography on the policies of the Communist International in Asia. English-speaking countries have been chosen because a significant number of studies devoted both directly to the tactics of the Comintern in relation to Asia and the activities of its sections in this region are published in the USA, Great Britain, Canada, Australia and India. This topic has been infused with fresh relevance thanks to the opening of funds in the Russian State Archive of Socio-Political History (RGASPI) that concern, among other things, the activities of Asian communist parties. These newly available documents present an opportunity for scholars to rethink some issues, such as the policies of Asian communist parties: what was the influence of the Comintern on their tactics? What was the nature of this influence? What role did national and colonial questions play in the policy of the Comintern, and what were the results of their implementation? This article demonstrates that the traditionalist approach to the analysis of the activities of the Comintern and its policies toward specific nations, which took shape before and during the Cold War, is still significantly represented in English-language historiography. However, the final approval of a new approach (“revisionist”) contributed to a certain correction of existing trends: the article contains assessments of both the negative and positive influence of the Comintern on individual communist parties and on the political situation in the given country or region.

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Ji, Chen. "The Study on the Vulnerability and Countermeasures of Pakistan’s Nation-state Construction." Asia Social Science Academy 2, no. 2 (April 30, 2022): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.51600/isr.2022.2.2.21.

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The independence of Pakistan was an important event of the national independence movement in Asia, Africa and Latin America in the 20th century. Behind the event was the capacity building led by political parties. With the process of building a modern nation state, Pakistani political party’s ability has suffered a major “capacity decline” in reverse, which leads to the negative characteristics of Pakistan’s national construction such as “fragility” and “failed state”. Focusing on strengthening the construction of nation-state with party capacity building as its core, we will put forward corresponding countermeasures from four aspects of party capacity building.There are expression and integration of interests, formulation of program and policy, political mobilization and participation, political selection and employment, so as to effectively improve the core governance ability of political parties in many modern nation-states in Asia, Africa and Latin America.

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Nair, Deepa. "Textbook Conflicts in South Asia." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2010): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2010.020203.

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The aftermath of World War II saw the emergence of many new nation-states on the Asian geopolitical map and a simultaneous attempt by these states to claim the agency of nationhood and to create an aura of a homogenous national identity. Textbooks have been the most potent tools used by nations to inject an idea of a national memory - in many instances with utter disregard for fundamental contradictions within the socio-political milieu. In South Asia, political sensitivity towards transmission of the past is reflected in the attempts of these states to revise or rewrite versions which are most consonant with the ideology of dominant players (political parties, religious organizations, ministries of education, publishing houses, NGOs, etc.) concerning the nature of the state and the identity of its citizens. This paper highlights the fundamental fault lines in the project of nation-building in states in South Asia by locating instances of the revision or rewriting of dominant interpretations of the past. By providing an overview of various revisionist exercises in South Asia, an attempt will be made to highlight important issues that are fundamental to the construction of identities in this diverse continent.

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Halbach, Uwe. "Afghanistan 2014: Shadows over Central Asia?" Security and Human Rights 24, no. 2 (2013): 137–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18750230-02402005.

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How will the withdrawal of ISAF forces from Afghanistan in 2014 affect the states of Central Asia and other parties with interests in the region? What will the effect be on economic interests (the “New Silk Road”) and will risks such as drug trafficking and cross-border terrorism increase? This paper considers these questions with specific reference to the Afghanistan policies of the Central Asian states.

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Peyrouse, Sébastien. "The “Imperial Minority”: An Interpretative Framework of the Russians in Kazakhstan in the 1990s." Nationalities Papers 36, no. 1 (March 2008): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990701848416.

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This paper is devoted to the Russian minorities living in Central Asia (nearly 10 million people in 1989, about 5.5 million today), and more specifically to the Russians living in Kazakhstan, who constitute the main Russian minority in the near abroad, apart from Ukraine. Unlike the Russians living in the other Central Asian republics, Russians in Kazakhstan created political parties. Kazakhstan even experienced some significant secessionist trends in the mid-1990s. Today, the political, social and economic situation of the Russian minority is rather different. Since about 2 million Russians have left the country, those who remain have tried to find their niche within the economic growth that Kazakhstan has experienced since the 2000s. The political parties and associations that represented the interests of the Russian minority have largely disappeared from the political scene. The “Russian question” no longer threatens to destabilize the territorial integrity of the country.

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Shin, Doh Chull, and Rollin F. Tusalem. "Partisanship and Democratization." Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (August 2007): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008766.

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How do attachments to political parties among the mass publics of East Asia affect the process of democratization in the region? Analyses of the East Asia Barometer surveys reveal that partisanship motivates East Asians to endorse the democratic performance of their political system and embrace democracy as the best possible system of government. These findings accord, by and large, with the socialization, cognitive dissonance, and rational choice theories of partisanship.

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Kasuya, Yuko, and Siripan Nogsuan Sawasdee. "The transformation of dominant parties in Asia: Introduction to the special issue." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 4, no. 1 (February 26, 2019): 3–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891119831470.

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Dominant political parties have been the subject of study since the 1950s. As they have emerged both in democracies and non-democracies, they have become an intriguing research theme for scholars who study politics in a variety of world regions. This introductory note to the special issue on the transformation of dominant parties in Asia first reviews how “dominant parties” are defined by scholars who study this subject. Then, it turns to a discussion of the existing research on dominant parties and analyzes how scholars have examined the question of how they emerge and are sustained. Lastly, the articles included in this special issue are introduced.

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Pandita, Ramesh. "Scenario of Public Participation in Assembly Elections of Jammu & Kashmir: A Study (1962-2008)." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 27 (May 2014): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.27.1.

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The present study is an attempt to evaluate the prevailing democracy in Jammu & Kashmir, India which is also being termed as conflict zone in South Asia. The study analyzes elections held to state legislator during the period 1962-2008. Aspects like, participation of national and local political parties has been evaluated, participation and performance of some prominent political parties, representation given to women candidates, participation of electorate etc have been studied.

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Jha, Kalpana. "Book Review: James Chiriyankandath, Ed. 2015. Parties and Political Change in South Asia." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 2, no. 3 (December 2015): 346–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797015601921.

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Hellmann, Olli. "Political Parties and Electoral Strategy: The Development of Party Organization in East Asia." CONTEMPORARY SOUTHEAST ASIA 33, no. 3 (2011): 391. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs34-3g.

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Yuichiro, Shimizu. "State, Political Parties, and the Nation: Triangular Political History without a Center of Gravity." GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES ON JAPAN, no. 4 (March 31, 2021): 15–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.62231/gp4.160001a01.

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Last year, Japan celebrated the one hundred and thirtieth anniversary of the establishment of the Meiji imperial constitution. As the first constitutional state in Asia, Japan’s experience soon garnered the attention of the world. As in the postwar era where Japan’s model of high-speed economic growth proffered a model for developing countries, in the pre-war imperial world, Japan’s experience with constitutionalism provided encouragement to those nations, then colonies of the European powers. Yet this history of constitutionalism was by no means a story of unalloyed successes. Rapid modernization and economic growth in no short order destabilized Japan’s traditional order, giving birth to an unstable social structure. How to design the relationship between the state, political parties and nation has remained a major question which has continued up to the present. Clarifying how the three parts of the triangle (state, parties, nation) have evolved over the last one hundred and thirty years provides important insights into how the development of Japanese ‘democracy’ has differed from the experience of the Western democracies.

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Cheng, Isabelle, and Dafydd Fell. "The Change of Ruling Parties and Taiwan's Claim to Multiculturalism before and after 2008." Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 43, no. 3 (September 2014): 71–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/186810261404300304.

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In recent years, female marriage migration from China and Southeast Asia has significantly increased the number of foreign-born citizens in Taiwan. This article is a preliminary investigation into how political parties responded to the growing multicultural makeup of the national community between 2000 and 2012. We examine the content of the Understanding Taiwan textbook, the election publicity of the two major political parties, citizenship legislation, and the results of interviewing immigrant women. The findings show that the change in the ruling party did make differences in terms of both parties’ projection of immigrant women in election propaganda and citizenship legislation. However, inward-looking multiculturalism is practised by the two main political parties in Taiwan to forge national identity and enhance national cohesion rather than to promote the recognition of immigrants’ different cultural heritage.

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SHAWON TALUKDAR. "POPULIST RESURGENCE IN SOUTH ASIA: AN EMPIRICAL PERSPECTIVE." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 6, no. 1 (April 4, 2019): 84–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol6iss1pp84-103.

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Envisioning of populism as the charismatic mobilization of mass people in pursuit of political power, this Element examines that populists burgeon where ties between voters and either bureaucratic or clientelistic parties do not exist or have decayed. This is because populists’ ability to mobilize electoral support directly is made much more likely by voters not being deeply embedded in existing party networks. This model is used to explain the pervasiveness of populism across the major states in South Asia: Pakistan, India, Bangladesh and Srilanka. It excerpts lessons from these South Asian cases for the study of populism.

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Reilly, Benjamin. "Electoral Systems and Party Systems in East Asia." Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 2 (August 2007): 185–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008705.

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Over the past two decades, numerous East Asian states have undergone transitions to democracy. One of the most distinctive aspects of democratization has been the way East Asian democracies have sought to manage political change by institutional innovations that aim to influence the development of the region's party systems. These reforms have typically tried to promote more centrist and stable politics by encouraging fewer, and hence larger, political parties. The result is an increasing evolution of the region's electoral and party system constellations toward more majoritarian elections and, in some cases, nascent two-party systems.

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MALYSHEVA, D. B. "Political Processes in the Republics of post-Soviet Central Asia." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 3 (August 17, 2018): 36–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-36-52.

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The article analyzes contemporary political processes in the newly independent states of post-Soviet Central Asia. The peculiarities of functioning of their centralized political systems, as well as the interaction of the executive (the president and the government) and the legislative (parliament) branches of power are considered in the context of the authoritarian type of government that prevails in most countries of the region. Attention is drawn to the use by the ruling elites for the purposes of political mobilization of procedures for electoral democracy (elections, etc.), which is mostly of a formal nature. The place in the power structures of both officially recognized political parties and opposition ones is defined, which are divided mainly into secular and religious (Islamist). Informal political structures that function in a number of cases in the form of regional communities, territorial or ethnic clans are considered in the article as a specific characteristic of Central Asian societies. Based on the analysis of the political process in the Central Asian countries, it was concluded that the whole period of post-Soviet transit has come to an end and that authoritarian but consolidated regimes of a new type are emerging in the region; they form a sovereign statehood and an independent foreign policy strategy.

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Subekti, Dimas, and Makmun Wahid. "The Political Parties Coalition Behaviour in Election: A Meta-Analysis." Jurnal Pemerintahan dan Politik 8, no. 3 (August 11, 2023): 183–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.36982/jpg.v8i3.3111.

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The formation of political party coalitions can be applied productively to patronage democracy, but this requires a broader comprehensive study and the addition of new conceptualizations. Therefore, this study aims to determine the development of research on the theme of political party coalition behavior from 2015 to 2021 indexed by Scopus. This study uses a scoping review method. The source of this research data comes from the Scopus database. The findings in this study that the coalition behavior of political parties will not be separated from the topic of voting behavior and the electoral system, this is evident in this study. The political parties in building coalitions must consider the level of electability by looking at behavior in the voters. Moreover, the electoral system will determine whether political parties need to form coalitions or not if they want to participate in electoral contestation. Furthermore, parliamentary elections and proportional representation are topics that have opportunities as novelties for future research related to this themes. Furthermore, Indonesia (southeast asia), Spain, Norway (Europa), Uruguay and Colombia (South America) have recently paid great attention to research on the political parties coalition behavior. The implications of the findings of this study are as a form of a reference for knowledge regarding the study of political parties. More than that, it is important to describe these findings because they can classify world research which so far has only been limited to individual findings.

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Birkett, Daley J. "Twenty Years of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court: Appraising the State of National Implementing Legislation in Asia." Chinese Journal of International Law 18, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 353–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/chinesejil/jmz014.

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Abstract The International Criminal Court relies on its State Parties to incorporate, or implement, its constituent instrument, the Rome Statute, into their domestic legal systems to enable its effective functioning. First, State Parties are obliged to give effect to their explicit obligation to cooperate with the Court under the Rome Statute. Second, although not required to do so, to avoid their national legal systems being found by the Court to be unable to investigate and/or prosecute the crimes under its jurisdiction in accordance with the principle of complementarity, they should also implement the definition and prohibition of these offences in their national legal frameworks. This article appraises the status of the domestic implementation of the Rome Statute, both crimes and cooperation, in Asia. The article concludes that few Asian State Parties to the Rome Statute have incorporated the treaty’s provisions into their domestic laws in a holistic manner, with the absence of cooperation legislation, enabling State Parties to assist the Court, particularly striking.

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ROGOZHINA, N. G. "Political Parties of Thailand – Examination for Democratic Stability." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 3 (August 17, 2018): 102–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-3-102-119.

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On the threshold of elections designed to be held in February 2019, the first after the military junta seized power in 2014, it is important to define the role of parties in the political process of Thailand, which as other developing countries of Asia, faces challenges in democratic state building. The contemporary political history of kingdom represents the confrontation of two tendencies – authoritarianism and democracy what has a reverse impact on political parties, their character, structure and ability to represent interests of the society as a whole. The author analyses the process of party evolution in the historical retrospective in the context of transformation of political system – from bureaucratic to semidemocratic subjected to economic modernization and changes in socio structure of society where traditional form of organization patron-client is persisted. The author defines three stages of evolution of party system in Thailand The first is characterized by the full control of civil-military bureaucracy over parties. The second stage is closely related to the formation of provincial political clientele groups. The third stage marks the evolvement of party of “power” with the implication for strengthening the parliamentary democracy in the beginning of XXI century. And as the result of it – to the destabilization of political system, based on the relative balance of power between two main political forces – bureaucracy and army interested in reservation of authoritarian government, and bourgeoisie supporting the liberalization of political institutes. With the emergence of party of “power” supported by the majority of population advocating parliamentary democracy political spectrum has changed. The arising conflict of interests subjected to collision of positions regarding the model of political governance was overcome by military coup. Analyzing the political spectrum on the threshold of elections the author comes to conclusion that the restoration of compromised model of political governance sample of 80-90 years of XX century is the most likely option of political development of Thailand in the near future. Though it differs in one aspect – the social structure has changed, there is the rise of that groups of population that intend to participate in the political process, what will force the power to be more transparent and social oriented. These challenges face the political parties as well.

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Ufen, Andreas. "Party Systems, Critical Junctures, and Cleavages in Southeast Asia." Asian Survey 52, no. 3 (May 2012): 441–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.3.441.

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Abstract This article differentiates between clientelist (Thailand and the Philippines) and cleavage-based parties and party systems (Malaysia and Indonesia) with reference to insights of historical institutionalism. Clientelist parties, in contrast to cleavage-based ones, often undermine democratization because, on average, representativeness is weak, bureaucracy is more politicized, and rent-seeking behavior is widespread.

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Toon, Valeriane. "International Criminal Court: Reservations of Non‑ State Parties in Southeast Asia." Contemporary Southeast Asia 26, no. 2 (August 2004): 218–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs26-2b.

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Roberts, Sean P. "Converging party systems in Russia and Central Asia: A case of authoritarian norm diffusion?" Communist and Post-Communist Studies 48, no. 2-3 (June 2015): 147–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2015.06.004.

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Almost twenty five years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia and several Central Asian republics appear to be converging on what may be termed a ‘hierarchic party system’, characterised by controlled and unequal competition between parties. Addressing the juncture between international politics and party politics, this article explores this convergence and considers Russian authoritarian norm diffusion as a possible explanation. This article argues that although Russia continues to build significant party-based linkage in Central Asia, similarities between party systems are the result of complex, multidirectional norm diffusion, as regimes look to liberalise or close their respective political systems.

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Bauyrzhan Serikbayev and Erbolat Sergazin. "THE ROLE OF ELECTION OF RURAL AKIMS IN KAZAKHSTAN IN INCREASING COMPETITION BETWEEN PARTIES." Qogam jane Dauir 72, no. 4 (December 15, 2021): 50–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.52536/2788-5860.2021-4.04.

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For the first time in Central Asia, first-ever election of akims of rural districts are being held in the Republic of Kazakhstan. In his message to the people in 2020, President Kassym-Zhomart Tokayev noted the importance of electing rural akims. On the initiative of the president, the law was prepared and adopted by the parliament. Six political parties registered in the country actively participated in the elections of akims, and representatives of all political parties in Kazakhstan were elected akims of villages. This is an important reform that will stimulate the political process and increase competition between parties. The elections of akims will contribute to the development of the institution of local self-government, unification of the mechanisms of interaction between the akim and the population through village councils. This is one of the most important and necessary political reforms for Kazakhstan. This article focuses on the elections of rural akims and provides recommendations on their achievements and directions for improvement.

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Reuter, Thomas. "Political Parties and the Power of Money in Indonesia and Beyond." TRaNS: Trans -Regional and -National Studies of Southeast Asia 3, no. 2 (March 18, 2015): 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/trn.2014.23.

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AbstractPolitical parties in Indonesia and in other parts of Southeast Asia have become vitally dependent on the financial support of individuals or conglomerates with large private fortunes. A remarkable new development is that some of the billionaires who have long sponsored political parties have decided to out themselves as political leaders, and thus to adopt the style of oligarchs. I define an oligarchy as a society featuring systematic conflation of political and economic power within the same individuals or within small, elite groups of such individuals in a manner that is visible, tolerated and hence legitimated. The gradual shift from clandestine money politics to open oligarchy is a significant challenge for contemporary liberal democracies. Conflicts of interest between the demands of public office and their private interests would seem difficult to avoid for politicians who also run large business empires and own great estates. On the other hand, for billionaire sponsors of political parties to come forward and stand for public office personally also means that their hitherto clandestine influence is becoming more transparent, and their conduct and decisions more subject to public scrutiny and accountability. This article describes how both direct and indirect ways of conducting money politics operate and coexist within different types of political parties in Indonesia today, what the significance of these differences is and what is changing; with special reference to the 2014 parliamentary elections in Indonesia.

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Formisano, Ron. "Interpreting Right-Wing or Reactionary Neo-Populism: A Critique." Journal of Policy History 17, no. 2 (April 2005): 241–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2005.0010.

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During the 1980s and 1990s in countries across the globe, new populist protest movements and radical political organizations emerged to challenge traditional parties, ruling elites, and professional politicians, and even long-standing social norms. The revolts against politics-as-usual have arisen from many kinds of social groupings and from diverse points on the political spectrum. Through the 1980s, in Western and Eastern Europe, Latin America, Africa, Asia, and North America, populist discontent erupted intermittently. But the end of the Cold War, particularly in Europe, unleashed a torrent of popular movements and political parties opposed to what the discontented perceived as the corruption and deceitfulness of the political classes and their corporate patrons. Some protest movements promoted more democracy, pluralism, and economic opportunity; some expressed intolerance, bigotry, and xenophobic nationalism.

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Nandy, Debasish, and Md Saifullah Akon. "Populism and Political Parties in Asia: A Comparison of Aam Admi Party (AAP) in India and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in Japan." Journal of Asian Social Science Research 5, no. 2 (March 28, 2024): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/jassr.v5i2.82.

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Populism is one of the most popular techniques used by Asian political parties. Political parties use this tactic through socio-political movements not only for the larger good of society but also for their own narrow goals. This article investigates two separate political parties from India and Japan. Populist policies have both beneficial and harmful effects on politics. The given promises often failed to address the grievances of the voters. A significant civil society movement propelled the Aam Admi Party (AAP) to political status. It began as a non-political entity and evolved into a political one. Following the formation of AAP, the issue of civil society as a non-political entity arose. The AAP is a regional party that holds power in two Indian states, focusing its populist policies on local issues. As a national party, the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan (LDP) is comparatively old and addresses pertinent national issues, like national security. The quality of politics and socio-economic dynamics of the two countries are different. This paper argues that populism as a tool cannot always be beneficial for the political culture of a country. The wide gap between the promises and implementation often creates discontent among the voters. This paper will attempt the delineate the different scenarios of the populist policies of the AAP of India and the LDP of Japan using the content analysis method.

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Keyuan, Zou. "Joint Development in the South China Sea: A New Approach." International Journal of Marine and Coastal Law 21, no. 1 (2006): 83–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180806776639510.

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AbstractThe political situation in the South China Sea is complicated, as it contains potential for conflict with different national interests, in particular around the Spratly Islands which are currently under multiple territorial and maritime claims. This article argues for a new proposal of joint development, at least as a provisional means, pending the settlement of the territorial and maritime disputes, involving all the parties concerned, based on the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea and the 2002 Declaration on the Conduct of the Parties in the South China Sea Between the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China, so as to pave the way for the sharing of resources between ASEAN members and China on the one hand and to maintain regional peace and security in East Asia on the other.

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Naseer, Mirza Muhammad, and Khalid Mahmood. "Ready for e-electioneering? Empirical evidence from Pakistani political parties’ websites." Internet Research 26, no. 4 (August 1, 2016): 901–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/intr-04-2014-0099.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the use of political party websites for e-electioneering and their impact on the outcome of the elections. Design/methodology/approach – Empirical data for the study were collected from the websites of 11 major political parties of Pakistan using modified version of the coding scheme used by Gibson, Rommele and Ward for the evaluation of functionality and delivery of websites. Data were analysed using web content analysis method to achieve the objectives of this study. The study also ranked the party websites based on points scored for functionalities and delivery. Findings – The study found that although Pakistani political parties have started using their websites for communication with their voters during the general elections but they have not utilized the full potential of the website functionalities for e-electioneering. Research limitations/implications – The study focused on content analysis of political party websites of Pakistan only. However, comparisons were made to other studies where possible to contextualize the results of this study in international perspective. It is suggested to replicate this study after ten years to study the changing behaviour of political parties. Practical implications – Political parties might like to improve their websites in the light of findings of this study to spread their message more effectively to larger voter base. Social implications – Findings of the study will help in improving the readiness of political parties for e-electioneering and improved websites will help voters in making an informed decision during election. It will overall improve the electoral process in the country where democratic system is not very strong. Originality/value – With the advent of internet, political parties are using their websites during elections for various purposes. This study, first ever in Pakistan on the topic, provides empirical evidence on the use of political party websites during May 2013 general election in Pakistan and presents its impact on the outcome of the election. The study will be valuable for political science researchers especially those focusing on Asia and Pakistan.

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Noguchi, Motoo. "Criminal Justice in Asia and Japan and the International Criminal Court." International Criminal Law Review 6, no. 4 (2006): 585–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181206778992296.

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AbstractThe under-representation of Asia in the International Criminal Court is an issue of serious concern. This article addresses criminal justice in Asia and Japan, hoping to help enhance the understanding of their special circumstances and assist in increasing the number of State Parties to the ICC. More specifically, it (i) identifies common features surrounding society and culture in many Asian countries that are hindrances or possible reasons why they haven't acceded; (ii) discusses the main characteristics of the Japanese criminal investigation and trial system that reflect the influence of both the civil law and common law legal systems; (iii) gives a brief overview of the history of the development of the Japanese criminal law since the late 19th century; (iv) touches upon some of the main legal issues that Japan needs to consider before acceding to the Statute; and (v) clarifies the significance of Japan becoming a State Party.

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Beeson, Mark, and Gregory W. Noble. "Collective Action in East Asia: How Ruling Parties Shape Industrial Policy." Pacific Affairs 74, no. 1 (2001): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2672499.

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Grzymala-Busse, Anna. "Consequences of Authoritarian Party Exit and Reinvention for Democratic Competition." Comparative Political Studies 53, no. 10-11 (February 16, 2020): 1704–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414019897683.

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How do the successors to authoritarian ruling parties influence subsequent democratic party competition? The existing literature does not distinguish among these parties, nor does it differentiate among the distinct strategies of their adaptation to the collapse of authoritarian rule. As a result, the impact of these parties on democracy has been unclear and difficult to discern. Yet, using a novel data set with observations from postcommunist Europe, Africa, Asia, and Latin America, I find that the exit of authoritarian ruling parties from power and their subsequent reinvention as committed democratic competitors are powerfully associated with robust democratic party competition. Mixed effects regressions and estimates of treatment effects show that authoritarian exit and reinvention promote the success of democratic party competition.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political parties, asia'

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