Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political parties, ethiopia

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Political parties, ethiopia'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 10 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the lists of relevant articles, books, theses, conference reports, and other scholarly sources on the topic 'Political parties, ethiopia.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Journal articles on the topic "Political parties, ethiopia"

1

Dr. Ayenew Birhanu Worku. "The Roles of Political Parties and Their Challenges in Political Transition: The Case of Ethiopia." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 1 (2021): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2915.

Full text
Abstract:
The political parties of any country are expected to remain committed to the political and economic improvement of their country. As one of the main intermediaries between the state and citizens, one would therefore expect political parties to have a key role in achieving a democratic and peaceful transition. This article focuses on the contribution, actual or potential, of political parties to political transitions. The objective of this study is to examine the roles of political parties in ongoing reform efforts and the challenges they face in Ethiopia. The paper reports mainly on the findings of semi-structured interviews with local and national politicians carried out during 2020 as well as an analysis of political parties’ programs. This study indicates that political parties are the main agents of political representation, and play a crucial role in articulating and aggregating citizens’ demands in democracies. As such, this study argues that political parties have a major role to play in political transitions though, in Ethiopia, they have generally not lived up to expectations. The findings reveal that the very nature of transition and the prevailing character of political parties in Ethiopia have inhibited that role. The study concludes that the unpredictability of post-reform trends, a weak political culture, and inefficiency of political parties, which are in turn related to the nature of party systems, prompted political instability which in turn hampered the anticipated political transition in Ethiopia.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Lyons, Terrence. "Transnational Politics in Ethiopia: Diasporas and the 2005 Elections." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 15, no. 2-3 (2011): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.15.2-3.265.

Full text
Abstract:
Beginning with a discussion of new political processes in transnational social networks, this essay presents Ethiopians in North America as a conflict-generated transnational diaspora closely involved in homeland politics. The essay surveys a range of key diaspora political organizations and media, detailing their involvement in the dramatic political events surrounding the Ethiopian election in 2005. The critical and creative roles that the Ethiopian diaspora played—in framing political events and as a gatekeeper for opposition strategies—provided essential support for the homeland’s opposition parties both during and after the election. (6 March 2009)
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Vasudeo, Kshipra. "Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia: Reflecting on Diversity and Ethnic Identity." East African Journal of Arts and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (2021): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajass.3.1.407.

Full text
Abstract:
Ethiopia formed an ethnic federal system in 1991, which recognized ethnic autonomy entirely while ensuring the country’s unity. The new Constitution established a federal structure focused primarily on ethnic territorial units. The constitution ambitions to achieve ethnic freedom and equality by maintaining the state. Ethiopian politics has shifted to a federal liberal and plural system since the military dictatorship ended, as ethnic groups sought to exist under a federal structure that could preserve the country’s stability and diversity. The federal arrangement is noteworthy because its Constitution allows for the inheritance of every ethnic group. It supports an ethicised federal state with a secession mechanism and allows political parties to unite along ethnic lines. It is a worthwhile case study because it is an exception to the general trend in Africa. This paper examines how ethnic Federalism is a vital part of the Ethiopian Constitution and gives ethnic autonomy and identity in Ethiopian politics. Theoretical understanding of Federalism and ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

Abebe, Desta, and Ephrem Ahadu. "Nexus between Ethnic Federalism and Creating National Identity Vis-À-Vis Nation Building in Contemporary Ethiopia." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 7, no. 1 (2020): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v7i1.1327.

Full text
Abstract:
The current regime of Ethiopia (EPRDF) implemented ethnic federalism and reshaped the state along ethnic lines as soon as it assumes political power in 1991. As an exception to the general pattern in Africa the Ethiopian government, though not explicitly, encourages political parties to organize beside ethnic lines, and champions an ethicized federal state with a secession option, it is a worthy case study. This desk study, used secondary sources of data got from numerous literatures, aims to identify the nexus between ethnic federalism in creating national identity in relation with nation building. Although the Constitution embodies a doctrine of balance between unity and diversity to build one economic and political community by rectifying” past injustices”, politicization of ethnicity under the context of ethnic federalism has encouraged ethnic cleavages by forming distinctiveness and differences which is a backlash against nation building and shared aspirations. Therefore, there is the need for visionary thinking outside the box of past injustices so that the antithesis for these injustices is not taken too far to the extent of derailing shared identity and shared aspirations. Ethnic Federalism may lead the country into never-ending ethnic wars and eventually to disintegration. Thus, ethnic conflicts prevailing in Ethiopia may be caused by such technicality problems and the ethnic federal arrangement in Ethiopia needs an urgent reconsideration before the case moves to the worst scenario.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Hailu, Eden Fissiha. "Who Speaks for Whom? Parliamentary Participation of Women in the Post-1991 Ethiopia." Journal of Developing Societies 33, no. 3 (2017): 352–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x17717003.

Full text
Abstract:
The claim that women are half the sky is more than a cliché when it comes to real political representation and rendering true women agency. Ethiopia has embarked on the recognition of women empowerment and representation, and indeed has achieved substantial changes in light of the statistical share of women in lower parliamentary houses. Although this is a token much praise among academics, however, in light of its sustainability and what their presence in these houses constitutes and the real power of representation and women agency, there is a lot not yet achieved. This is because their representation is not cognizant of the realization of their real capabilities and free women agency to stand for themselves and not because of an obligation imposed on the political parties through mandatory legislation. This study based on the secondary literature survey of women parliamentary representation in Ethiopia contends that the subaltern status of women, despite substantial statistical presence in lower parliamentary houses, which is also the result of absence of strong political parties’ competition, has not been significantly changed that they still cannot speak for themselves.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Ermyas Admasu Wolde and Abiot Desta Habte. "Trilateral Talks on the Filling and Annual Operation of the GERD: Competing Demands and the Need for Revisiting the Status quo towards a Negotiated Settlement." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 1, no. 2 (2020): 4–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2341.

Full text
Abstract:
The Nile River Basin, with ten riparian countries, lacks any agreed-upon basin-wide legal framework. Attempts at effective management and utilization of water resources inclusive of all countries along the basin have not been possible due to lack of consensus on the legal basis of already exiting colonial-era agreements that allocate an absolute share of the Nile water to Egypt and Sudan by excluding most of the upper riparians. The review has specifically focused on the trilateral negotiation processes between Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt since November 2019 on the filling and annual operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which Ethiopia has been constructing since 2011. It has made a thorough review of a series of events and processes through which the negotiation has passed to conduct a critical analysis of facts, and has suggested reflections on the way forward. It considers the need for political will and flexibility of the negotiating parties to reconcile existing contradictory positions. To this end, pursuing a revisionist approach to take the dynamic socio-economic realities and development needs of co-basin countries is commendable. This further requires renegotiating long existed colonial-era agreements and formulating a basin-wide legal framework in line with existing international standards. Focusing on technical and expertise level of discussions and outcomes would minimize over politicization and specifically would help to address the negative impacts of Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and optimize positive externalities. Peace is a necessity than any other option among the co-basin countries and the only avenue towards sustainable resolution of disputes. Negotiating in good faith and in a ‘give and take’ modality needs to be a second to none alternative to the parties. The international community may also need to play a neutral and genuine role to assist the parties to settle their differences amicably and reach a final negotiated settlement.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Ermyas Admasu Wolde and Abiot Desta Habte. "Trilateral Talks on the Filling and Annual Operation of the GERD: Competing Demands and the Need for Revisiting the Status quo towards a Negotiated Settlement." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 1, no. 2 (2020): 4–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2381.

Full text
Abstract:
The Nile River Basin, with eleven riparian countries, lacks any agreed-upon basin-wide legal framework. Attempts at effective management and utilization of water resources inclusive of all countries along the basin have not been possible due to lack of consensus on the legal basis of already exiting colonial-era agreements that allocate an absolute share of the Nile water to Egypt and Sudan by excluding most of the upper riparians. The review has specifically focused on the trilateral negotiation processes between Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt since November 2019 on the filling and annual operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which Ethiopia has been constructing since 2011. It has made a thorough review of a series of events and processes through which the negotiation has passed to conduct a critical analysis of facts, and has suggested reflections on the way forward. It considers the need for political will and flexibility of the negotiating parties to reconcile existing contradictory positions. To this end, pursuing a revisionist approach to take the dynamic socio-economic realities and development needs of co-basin countries is commendable. This further requires renegotiating long existed colonial-era agreements and formulating a basin-wide legal framework in line with existing international standards. Focusing on technical and expertise level of discussions and outcomes would minimize over politicization and specifically would help to address the negative impacts of Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and optimize positive externalities. Peace is a necessity than any other option among the co-basin countries and the only avenue towards sustainable resolution of disputes. Negotiating in good faith and in a ‘give and take’ modality needs to be a second to none alternative to the parties. The international community may also need to play a neutral and genuine role to assist the parties to settle their differences amicably and reach a final negotiated settlement.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Shaw, Malcolm N. "Title, Control, and Closure? The Experience of the Eritrea–Ethiopia Boundary Commission." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 56, no. 4 (2007): 755–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei201.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractThis article examines the establishment and work of the Eritrea–Ethiopia Boundary Commission with regard to its decision of 13 April 2002 concerning the delimitation of the border between Eritrea and Ethiopia and subsequent events. Apart from an examination of the substantive decision of the Commission in the light of the law relating to territory, the article will discuss certain unusual features of the process, including mandating the Commission both to delimit and demarcate the boundary and the involvement of third parties. The delimitation decision is significant in a number of ways, including its views as to the applicable law, treaty interpretation and the subsequent conduct of the parties in relation to title. The long-running and difficult process of demarcation is noted, together with the important role played by the UN and other international actors.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Shambel, Teshale. "The Constitutional Hurdles to Exercise Secession Right and Arguments on its Inclusion in the Ethiopian Constitution." Journal of Legal Studies 26, no. 40 (2020): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jles-2020-0010.

Full text
Abstract:
AbstractThe right to self-determination is one of the human rights enshrined under the Ethiopian constitution. It is also one of the rights mentioned under ICCPR and ICESCR as well as the constitutions of different countries. Being unique to many other human rights instruments and constitutions in the world, the Ethiopian constitution includes the unconditional right to secession as a part of self-determination for every one of the ethnic groups (nations, nationalities, and people) in the country. As argued among many scholars, the inclusion of unconditional secession as a part of self-determination right in the Ethiopian constitution was based on the wrong narrative that nations, nationalities and people in the country were oppressed. Thus, it is a point of political debate between elites and became the major cause of widening the divergence among views of different political parties in the country. Of course, within the constitution, there are hurdles that can potentially deny exercising of this right. Therefore, this study qualitatively analyses the impracticability of secession and unacceptability of narratives to its inclusion in the constitution of the federal democratic republic of Ethiopia.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
10

Kaso, Kemal Abdela, Sukanya Aimimtham, Sukhumvit Saiyasopon, and Weerakul Chaiphar. "Integrated Regional Development Policy Formulation in Ethiopia." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 4 (2018): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n4p153.

Full text
Abstract:
This research aims (1) to study the practice of an Integrated Regional Development Policy Formulation (IRDPF) in Ethiopia and (2) to explore and identify the challenges of integrated regional development policy formulation in Ethiopia. The research is conducted by collecting data from 20 purposely selected key informants from both the federal and regional government sectors, political parties and community in Ethiopia. Data are collected through in-depth interviews and review of relevant documents, and systematically analyzed using content analysis technique. The results show that the practice of policymaking and IRDPF process in particular is not in line with of the law of land, in which the executive branch, particularly, the Prime Minister and ruling party’s elites are the key actor in the process at both federal and regional levels with limited consultation and participation of other House of Peoples Representatives, federal and regional policy makers, and other stakeholders. The study also identified various political, social, economic and technical challenges that affect sound and effective integrated regional development policy formulation in the country.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
More sources

Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political parties, ethiopia"

1

Weis, Toni. "Vanguard capitalism : party, state, and market in the EPRDF's Ethiopia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c4c9ae33-0b5d-4fd6-b3f5-d02d5d2c7e38.

Full text
Abstract:
Since the fall of the Derg regime in 1991, Ethiopia has undergone a remarkable economic transformation. Shunning liberal policy advice yet avoiding the pathologies of patrimonialism, its experience is increasingly presented as an example for others to follow. However, there has been surprisingly little research, and even less consensus, on what actually constitutes this 'Ethiopian model.' The present thesis provides an answer to this question by focusing on the role of the EPRDF - the former insurgency movement which has governed Ethiopia since 1991 - and the fundamental reconstruction of state and market it has overseen. It argues that the resulting political economy is best characterised as a form of 'vanguard capitalism,' which combines the centralising political logic of a Leninist movement party with the expansive logic of capitalist markets. At its base lies the monopolisation of state-society relations by the EPRDF which, in turn, allows for the creation, centralisation and strategic use of economic rents by its administration. The two processes of illiberal state- and market-building are complementary, and their outcomes mutually reinforcing: a state that seeks to derive legitimacy from 'developmental' interventions in the economy, and an economy that advances a particular vision of the Ethiopian state. To bear out this argument, the thesis traces the evolving relationship between party, state, and market through four distinct periods in the EPRDF's Ethiopia. While the administrative and economic institutions built during the wartime years were all subsumed into the movement's thrust toward military victory, structural adjustment during the 1990s led to a gradual differentiation between party, state, and market. The propagation of an Ethiopian 'developmental state' in the early 2000s implied a re-centralisation of economic rents, yet without a corresponding degree of control over society the party was left vulnerable. After the electoral near-defeat of 2005 the EPRDF thus reclaimed its 'vanguard' role, again fusing party, state, and market into a campaign for economic transformation that it presents as a logical extension of the original struggle for liberation. The thesis draws on over one hundred stakeholder interviews conducted during ten months of field research in Addis Ababa, Mekelle, and among the Ethiopian diaspora, as well as on extensive archival research.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Wondie, Binyam Lewoyehu. "Prospect of employing e-voting scheme in Ethiopia: understanding perception of the government and opposition political parties." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Handelshögskolan vid Örebro universitet, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-19440.

Full text
Abstract:
Abstract Over the years, the opposition parties argued that the existing election system in Ethiopia has many problems during the election process and the outcome of actual results and it is not a kind of election system they can trust.  Whereas the government officials claimed it was fair and free election system. The integrity of the election process is fundamental to the integrity of democracy itself. Hence, electronic voting (e-Voting) is a newly popular method to cast ballots of an election using electronic devices. This scheme is deployed highly as a main election system in some countries and still others are using a hybrid system. However, there are countries like Ethiopia which adopt the manual election scheme for several years till now. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to understand the perception of the government and opposition political parties towards the prospect of implementing e-voting scheme in the present context of Ethiopia.   Even though there are setbacks in implementing e-voting in the present political situation of Ethiopia. However, the benefits are deemed to be much useful. Therefore, it is in the hands of the public and the government to work in developing and adopting e-voting scheme in a way that is helpful for both stakeholders. This paper suggests the government and the oppositions should have a reasonable consensus and planned date for starting the campaign which gives the right for the people for free and fair election and the rise of new political arena.   Key words- e-voting, hybrid system, manual election scheme
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Books on the topic "Political parties, ethiopia"

1

Contested power in Ethiopia: Traditional authorities and multi-party elections. Brill, 2012.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Ga/kidān, Wasansagad. YaQāliti mesṭiroč: YaʼItop̣ gāzéṭā wānā ʼazagāǧ ʼendaṣāfaw. s.n.], 2011.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

Amnesty International. Ethiopia: The 15 May 2005 elections and human rights : recommendations to the government, election observers and political parties. Amnesty International, International Secretariat, 2005.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
4

United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations. Ethiopia after Meles: The future of democracy and human rights : hearing before the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Thirteenth Congress, first session, June 20, 2013. U.S. Government Printing Office, 2013.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
5

Kest Damena (Rain Bow) Ethiopia for Democracy and Social Justice Movement. Kest Damena (Rain Bow) Ethiopia for Democracy and Social Justice Movement: The memorandum of understanding of the association. Kest Damena (Rain Bow) Ethiopia for Democracy and Social Justice Movement, 2004.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
6

Tronvoll, Kjetil, and Tobias Hagmann. Contested Power in Ethiopia: Traditional Authorities and Multi-Party Elections. BRILL, 2011.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
7

Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Party: Between a Rock and a Hard Place, 1975-2008. Red Sea Press, 2017.

Find full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
8

Roessler, Philip, and Harry Verhoeven. Why Comrades Go to War. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190611354.003.0013.

Full text
Abstract:
The conclusion explores the book’s broader implications. The unraveling of the AFDL happened within the same fifteen-month timeframe that would also see the outbreak of a “war of brothers” between Eritrea and Ethiopia (May 1998) and a violent fall-out between the RPF and Uganda's NRM (August 1999)—on Congolese territory. The fall of Kinshasa in May 1997 marked the last successful violent revolution brought about by liberation movements in Africa (save for the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement’s (SPLM) partial victory in Sudan). Existing liberation regimes shifted their focus to internal development and a narrow conception of national interest rather than continuing to export revolution and building deep institutional ties with brother countries. Thus, rather than the AFDL triumph ushering in a new era of liberation politics and regional solidarity that would transform Africa, it was in some sense the Thermidor of the Pan-Africanist, Nyerere-driven vision of unity and security through regime change campaigns. The final pages of the book assess the lasting impact of the liberation project on African politics.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
9

Williams, Paul D. Stalemate. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198724544.003.0004.

Full text
Abstract:
This chapter analyses AMISOM’s challenges in Mogadishu after Ethiopia’s withdrawal. The first section summarizes conflict dynamics in Mogadishu while the second examines the state of AMISOM’s main partner: the second iteration of the Transitional Government under President Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. It focuses on the government’s (failed) attempts to build an effective set of security forces and some of the challenges this posed for AMISOM. The third section analyses the UN Security Council’s decision to establish a Support Office for AMISOM (UNSOA) in 2009, in order to provide AMISOM with better logistical support. The final section discusses how during the second half of 2010 the political and military balance began to tilt in AMISOM’s favour as a result of two major blunders made by al-Shabaab, namely, the decision to bomb civilian targets in Kampala, Uganda, and the failure of its 2010 Ramadan offensive in Mogadishu.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Book chapters on the topic "Political parties, ethiopia"

1

Negash, Tekeste. "Eritrean Political Parties on the Eve of the UN Resolution of 1950." In Eritrea and Ethiopia. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429337086-2.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
2

Degifie, Zelalem. "Party-Political Financing, Democracy, and Constitutionalism in Ethiopia." In Democracy, Elections, and Constitutionalism in Africa. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192894779.003.0012.

Full text
Abstract:
Political party funding stands central to the process of democratization, because it affects whether the political playing field is level allowing for electoral competition. However, it can also threaten democracy if party funding regimes allow parties to be captured by private interests or a ruling party abuses its position as the incumbent government to gain access to resources. Adequately regulation is thus required. This chapter examines the interplay of party financing regulation, democracy, and constitutionalism in Ethiopia. Based on the normative framework of political finance in the democratic process, the study finds that badly designed and weakly enforced rules are the main challenges for political finance regulation in Ethiopia to provide a level playing field. The legislative framework and its implementation favours the ruling party, thereby causing a wide discrepancy in financial capacity between the ruling party and opposition parties. Furthermore, political parties are not transparent in their financial matters, as the law requires because the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) is reluctant to enforce the rules requiring such. Finally, the chapter recommends political finance reforms in order to level the political playing field and ensure transparency with regard to the funding of political parties. In this regard, diversified sources of income that combine regulated private donations with regular public funding should be introduced. Finally, the chapter suggests restrictions on the size of financial contributions and also imposing spending ceilings. A reformed legal framework would require, however, that the NEBE enforce it in a rigorously and non-discriminatory manner.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
3

"Chapter Five. Crafting Ethnic Politics: The Formation Of Parties In Sidama And Wolayta." In The Politics of Ethnicity in Ethiopia. BRILL, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004207295.i-214.35.

Full text
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

Reports on the topic "Political parties, ethiopia"

1

Alemu, Dawit, and Abebaw Assaye. The Political Economy of the Rice Value Chain in Ethiopia: Actors, Performance, and Discourses. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2021.004.

Full text
Abstract:
The goal of this working paper is to identify the core challenges that have contributed to the poor performance of Ethiopia’s rice sector, and highlight approaches to successfully promote the commercialisation of the rice value chain. The authors achieve this by emphasising the underlying political economy dynamics of the rice value chain in Ethiopia, and how these can offer a better understanding of the drivers and constraints of agricultural commercialisation in the country. The paper also discusses the performance of, and challenges faced by, actors involved in the rice value chain. In addition, it looks at the role of development partners in promoting the rice value chain, the role of rice in the rural labour market, as well as the impact of COVID-19 on the various actors.
APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles
You might also be interested in the extended bibliographies on the topic 'Political parties, ethiopia' for particular source types:
Journal articles
We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!

To the bibliography