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Journal articles on the topic 'Political parties, ethiopia'
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1
Dr. Ayenew Birhanu Worku. "The Roles of Political Parties and Their Challenges in Political Transition: The Case of Ethiopia." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 1 (2021): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2915.
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The political parties of any country are expected to remain committed to the political and economic improvement of their country. As one of the main intermediaries between the state and citizens, one would therefore expect political parties to have a key role in achieving a democratic and peaceful transition. This article focuses on the contribution, actual or potential, of political parties to political transitions. The objective of this study is to examine the roles of political parties in ongoing reform efforts and the challenges they face in Ethiopia. The paper reports mainly on the findings of semi-structured interviews with local and national politicians carried out during 2020 as well as an analysis of political parties’ programs. This study indicates that political parties are the main agents of political representation, and play a crucial role in articulating and aggregating citizens’ demands in democracies. As such, this study argues that political parties have a major role to play in political transitions though, in Ethiopia, they have generally not lived up to expectations. The findings reveal that the very nature of transition and the prevailing character of political parties in Ethiopia have inhibited that role. The study concludes that the unpredictability of post-reform trends, a weak political culture, and inefficiency of political parties, which are in turn related to the nature of party systems, prompted political instability which in turn hampered the anticipated political transition in Ethiopia.
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Lyons, Terrence. "Transnational Politics in Ethiopia: Diasporas and the 2005 Elections." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 15, no. 2-3 (2011): 265–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.15.2-3.265.
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Beginning with a discussion of new political processes in transnational social networks, this essay presents Ethiopians in North America as a conflict-generated transnational diaspora closely involved in homeland politics. The essay surveys a range of key diaspora political organizations and media, detailing their involvement in the dramatic political events surrounding the Ethiopian election in 2005. The critical and creative roles that the Ethiopian diaspora played—in framing political events and as a gatekeeper for opposition strategies—provided essential support for the homeland’s opposition parties both during and after the election. (6 March 2009)
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Vasudeo, Kshipra. "Ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia: Reflecting on Diversity and Ethnic Identity." East African Journal of Arts and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (2021): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajass.3.1.407.
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Ethiopia formed an ethnic federal system in 1991, which recognized ethnic autonomy entirely while ensuring the country’s unity. The new Constitution established a federal structure focused primarily on ethnic territorial units. The constitution ambitions to achieve ethnic freedom and equality by maintaining the state. Ethiopian politics has shifted to a federal liberal and plural system since the military dictatorship ended, as ethnic groups sought to exist under a federal structure that could preserve the country’s stability and diversity. The federal arrangement is noteworthy because its Constitution allows for the inheritance of every ethnic group. It supports an ethicised federal state with a secession mechanism and allows political parties to unite along ethnic lines. It is a worthwhile case study because it is an exception to the general trend in Africa. This paper examines how ethnic Federalism is a vital part of the Ethiopian Constitution and gives ethnic autonomy and identity in Ethiopian politics. Theoretical understanding of Federalism and ethnic Federalism in Ethiopia.
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Abebe, Desta, and Ephrem Ahadu. "Nexus between Ethnic Federalism and Creating National Identity Vis-À-Vis Nation Building in Contemporary Ethiopia." International Journal of Multicultural and Multireligious Understanding 7, no. 1 (2020): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.18415/ijmmu.v7i1.1327.
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The current regime of Ethiopia (EPRDF) implemented ethnic federalism and reshaped the state along ethnic lines as soon as it assumes political power in 1991. As an exception to the general pattern in Africa the Ethiopian government, though not explicitly, encourages political parties to organize beside ethnic lines, and champions an ethicized federal state with a secession option, it is a worthy case study. This desk study, used secondary sources of data got from numerous literatures, aims to identify the nexus between ethnic federalism in creating national identity in relation with nation building. Although the Constitution embodies a doctrine of balance between unity and diversity to build one economic and political community by rectifying” past injustices”, politicization of ethnicity under the context of ethnic federalism has encouraged ethnic cleavages by forming distinctiveness and differences which is a backlash against nation building and shared aspirations. Therefore, there is the need for visionary thinking outside the box of past injustices so that the antithesis for these injustices is not taken too far to the extent of derailing shared identity and shared aspirations. Ethnic Federalism may lead the country into never-ending ethnic wars and eventually to disintegration. Thus, ethnic conflicts prevailing in Ethiopia may be caused by such technicality problems and the ethnic federal arrangement in Ethiopia needs an urgent reconsideration before the case moves to the worst scenario.
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Hailu, Eden Fissiha. "Who Speaks for Whom? Parliamentary Participation of Women in the Post-1991 Ethiopia." Journal of Developing Societies 33, no. 3 (2017): 352–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x17717003.
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The claim that women are half the sky is more than a cliché when it comes to real political representation and rendering true women agency. Ethiopia has embarked on the recognition of women empowerment and representation, and indeed has achieved substantial changes in light of the statistical share of women in lower parliamentary houses. Although this is a token much praise among academics, however, in light of its sustainability and what their presence in these houses constitutes and the real power of representation and women agency, there is a lot not yet achieved. This is because their representation is not cognizant of the realization of their real capabilities and free women agency to stand for themselves and not because of an obligation imposed on the political parties through mandatory legislation. This study based on the secondary literature survey of women parliamentary representation in Ethiopia contends that the subaltern status of women, despite substantial statistical presence in lower parliamentary houses, which is also the result of absence of strong political parties’ competition, has not been significantly changed that they still cannot speak for themselves.
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Ermyas Admasu Wolde and Abiot Desta Habte. "Trilateral Talks on the Filling and Annual Operation of the GERD: Competing Demands and the Need for Revisiting the Status quo towards a Negotiated Settlement." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 1, no. 2 (2020): 4–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2341.
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The Nile River Basin, with ten riparian countries, lacks any agreed-upon basin-wide legal framework. Attempts at effective management and utilization of water resources inclusive of all countries along the basin have not been possible due to lack of consensus on the legal basis of already exiting colonial-era agreements that allocate an absolute share of the Nile water to Egypt and Sudan by excluding most of the upper riparians. The review has specifically focused on the trilateral negotiation processes between Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt since November 2019 on the filling and annual operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which Ethiopia has been constructing since 2011. It has made a thorough review of a series of events and processes through which the negotiation has passed to conduct a critical analysis of facts, and has suggested reflections on the way forward. It considers the need for political will and flexibility of the negotiating parties to reconcile existing contradictory positions. To this end, pursuing a revisionist approach to take the dynamic socio-economic realities and development needs of co-basin countries is commendable. This further requires renegotiating long existed colonial-era agreements and formulating a basin-wide legal framework in line with existing international standards. Focusing on technical and expertise level of discussions and outcomes would minimize over politicization and specifically would help to address the negative impacts of Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and optimize positive externalities. Peace is a necessity than any other option among the co-basin countries and the only avenue towards sustainable resolution of disputes. Negotiating in good faith and in a ‘give and take’ modality needs to be a second to none alternative to the parties. The international community may also need to play a neutral and genuine role to assist the parties to settle their differences amicably and reach a final negotiated settlement.
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Ermyas Admasu Wolde and Abiot Desta Habte. "Trilateral Talks on the Filling and Annual Operation of the GERD: Competing Demands and the Need for Revisiting the Status quo towards a Negotiated Settlement." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 1, no. 2 (2020): 4–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v1i2.2381.
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The Nile River Basin, with eleven riparian countries, lacks any agreed-upon basin-wide legal framework. Attempts at effective management and utilization of water resources inclusive of all countries along the basin have not been possible due to lack of consensus on the legal basis of already exiting colonial-era agreements that allocate an absolute share of the Nile water to Egypt and Sudan by excluding most of the upper riparians. The review has specifically focused on the trilateral negotiation processes between Ethiopia, Sudan, and Egypt since November 2019 on the filling and annual operation of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, which Ethiopia has been constructing since 2011. It has made a thorough review of a series of events and processes through which the negotiation has passed to conduct a critical analysis of facts, and has suggested reflections on the way forward. It considers the need for political will and flexibility of the negotiating parties to reconcile existing contradictory positions. To this end, pursuing a revisionist approach to take the dynamic socio-economic realities and development needs of co-basin countries is commendable. This further requires renegotiating long existed colonial-era agreements and formulating a basin-wide legal framework in line with existing international standards. Focusing on technical and expertise level of discussions and outcomes would minimize over politicization and specifically would help to address the negative impacts of Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and optimize positive externalities. Peace is a necessity than any other option among the co-basin countries and the only avenue towards sustainable resolution of disputes. Negotiating in good faith and in a ‘give and take’ modality needs to be a second to none alternative to the parties. The international community may also need to play a neutral and genuine role to assist the parties to settle their differences amicably and reach a final negotiated settlement.
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Shaw, Malcolm N. "Title, Control, and Closure? The Experience of the Eritrea–Ethiopia Boundary Commission." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 56, no. 4 (2007): 755–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/iclq/lei201.
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AbstractThis article examines the establishment and work of the Eritrea–Ethiopia Boundary Commission with regard to its decision of 13 April 2002 concerning the delimitation of the border between Eritrea and Ethiopia and subsequent events. Apart from an examination of the substantive decision of the Commission in the light of the law relating to territory, the article will discuss certain unusual features of the process, including mandating the Commission both to delimit and demarcate the boundary and the involvement of third parties. The delimitation decision is significant in a number of ways, including its views as to the applicable law, treaty interpretation and the subsequent conduct of the parties in relation to title. The long-running and difficult process of demarcation is noted, together with the important role played by the UN and other international actors.
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Shambel, Teshale. "The Constitutional Hurdles to Exercise Secession Right and Arguments on its Inclusion in the Ethiopian Constitution." Journal of Legal Studies 26, no. 40 (2020): 37–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jles-2020-0010.
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AbstractThe right to self-determination is one of the human rights enshrined under the Ethiopian constitution. It is also one of the rights mentioned under ICCPR and ICESCR as well as the constitutions of different countries. Being unique to many other human rights instruments and constitutions in the world, the Ethiopian constitution includes the unconditional right to secession as a part of self-determination for every one of the ethnic groups (nations, nationalities, and people) in the country. As argued among many scholars, the inclusion of unconditional secession as a part of self-determination right in the Ethiopian constitution was based on the wrong narrative that nations, nationalities and people in the country were oppressed. Thus, it is a point of political debate between elites and became the major cause of widening the divergence among views of different political parties in the country. Of course, within the constitution, there are hurdles that can potentially deny exercising of this right. Therefore, this study qualitatively analyses the impracticability of secession and unacceptability of narratives to its inclusion in the constitution of the federal democratic republic of Ethiopia.
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Kaso, Kemal Abdela, Sukanya Aimimtham, Sukhumvit Saiyasopon, and Weerakul Chaiphar. "Integrated Regional Development Policy Formulation in Ethiopia." Journal of Politics and Law 11, no. 4 (2018): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n4p153.
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This research aims (1) to study the practice of an Integrated Regional Development Policy Formulation (IRDPF) in Ethiopia and (2) to explore and identify the challenges of integrated regional development policy formulation in Ethiopia. The research is conducted by collecting data from 20 purposely selected key informants from both the federal and regional government sectors, political parties and community in Ethiopia. Data are collected through in-depth interviews and review of relevant documents, and systematically analyzed using content analysis technique. The results show that the practice of policymaking and IRDPF process in particular is not in line with of the law of land, in which the executive branch, particularly, the Prime Minister and ruling party’s elites are the key actor in the process at both federal and regional levels with limited consultation and participation of other House of Peoples Representatives, federal and regional policy makers, and other stakeholders. The study also identified various political, social, economic and technical challenges that affect sound and effective integrated regional development policy formulation in the country.
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Tesfay, Leake Mekonen. "Anti-Defection Laws in Ethiopia: Is There Any Constitutional Room?" Indonesian Journal of Social and Environmental Issues (IJSEI) 1, no. 3 (2020): 228–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.47540/ijsei.v1i3.69.
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Anti-defection laws are laws by which members of parliaments (MPs) who changed their party affiliation or voted against the position of their political faction or independent MPs who joined a political party are forced to vacate their parliamentary seat or prohibited from nomination as candidates of another political party in the next election. The essence of anti-defection laws is restricting political party members’ freedom to change their party affiliation to prevent government parties’ loss of majority in the parliament. Anti-defection laws are not uniformly used. While many established democracies see parliamentary defection as manifestation of democracy, other jurisdictions with undeveloped democracies have outlawed defection. In Ethiopia, the FDRE Constitution entitles MPs to be led by the Constitution itself, peoples’ will and their conscience, not necessarily by their party line. Accordingly, MPs can opine and vote contrary to the views of the political party of their membership in parliamentary debates; they can even change their party affiliation without risk of losing their parliamentary mandate. This makes Ethiopia one of the countries without anti-defection laws.
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Addisu Gelaneh, Getnet. "The Pushing Forces to the Formation of Ethnic-based Political Parties Ethiopia in the Post 1991." Journal of Political Science and International Relations 3, no. 4 (2020): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.jpsir.20200304.11.
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Muluye, Ketemaw Tiruneh. "Holding Together, Coming Together or Putting Together? A [Re]examination on the Formation of Ethiopia’s Federation." RUDN Journal of Public Administration 7, no. 1 (2020): 70–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8313-2020-7-1-70-82.
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Federations are institutional and structural arrangements with the tenets of shared rule and self-rule. These federations may be formed through coming together, holding together or putting together processes. Both holding together and coming together federations are established through democratic bargain while putting together federation is imposed coercively by the winners. Hence, this article aims to situate Ethiopia in to one of these three variants through critical [re]examination of the transitional activities. The data were collected through interviews and document analysis. A qualitative analysis was employed to analyze the data. Accordingly, the paper argues that Ethiopia is a putting together federation because of the major flaws committed during the transition. Particularly, the absence of an organization that could represent Amhara during the Peace Conference, exclusion of the major political organizations from the conference and the aftermath processes as well as the inhuman and extrajudicial treatments against those who were explaining their discontent in the restructuring processes are some of the justification to level Ethiopia’s federation as putting together. Moreover, the electoral frauds that forced the major political parties to boycott the elections (the 1992 and 1994 elections) and the manipulation of the drafting and ratification processes of the constitution by TPLF/EPRDF can justify this position. Hence, it is recommended to restructure the federation through democratic bargaining for the putting nature of the federation is facing a legitimacy crisis due to the different questions rooted in the formation processes.
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Bereketeab, Redie. "The Morality of the U.N. Security Council Sanctions against Eritrea: Defensibility, Political Objectives, and Consequences." African Studies Review 56, no. 2 (2013): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2013.46.
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Abstract:This article seeks to examine the sanctions imposed on Eritrea by the U.N. Security Council (UNSC) based on Eritrea’s alleged involvement in Somalia and its border dispute with Djibouti. It argues that the UNSC’s failure to sanction the parties for reneging on their commitment to implement the Permanent Court of Arbitration’s verdict on the border dispute between Eritrea and Ethiopia casts doubt on the morality of the sanctions. It also argues that the decision may have been driven by political motives. These sanctions will hurt the people of Eritrea and the Eritrean nation, and indeed, there is a real risk that the outcome of the sanctions could be the collapse of the Eritrean state.
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Ketemaw, T. Muluye. "The status of political parties in using social media for campaigns during the 2015 general election of Ethiopia." African Journal of Political Science and International Relations 11, no. 10 (2017): 284–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.5897/ajpsir2017.1038.
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Bires Belete, Simeneh. "The Politics of Opposition in Post - 2005 Ethiopia: Challenges and Prospects in the Case of National Political Parties." International and Public Affairs 5, no. 1 (2021): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.11648/j.ipa.20210501.16.
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Nigusie, Alemu Asfaw. "An Integrated Approach to the Study of Ethnicity and Its Relevance to Ethiopia." International Journal of Social Science Studies 6, no. 12 (2018): 38. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v6i12.3782.
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Despite decades old study of ethnicity, scholars have largely failed to answer basic questions that are pertinent to the topic because they study it from a single perspective (primordialism, constructivism, and instrumentalism) and such an isolated study could not fully elaborate the phenomenon. Consequently, as a remedy to this problem, an integrated approach to the study of ethnicity has been formulated by Philip Q. Yang. Thus, the central objective of this paper was to examine this approach and test its relevance to the Ethiopian case, where ethnic identity has been playing a major role since the middle of twentieth century. Scholars in the field of political science have identified the problem of instrumentalization of ethnic identity by political elites and parties for their political gains but have insufficiently analyzed the problem due to overreliance on a single theory. To this effect, primary and secondary data were collected through literature and document review. The integrated approach of ethnicity includes the central arguments of primordialism, constructivism, and instrumentalism and hence is found to be very crucial to understand and explain past and present Ethiopian socio-political systems, their concomitant ethnic policies and the political struggles thereof. This work thus concludes that, with all its limitations, studying such complex and dynamic issue as ethnicity requires adopting an integrated or holistic approach so that one could have a better picture of the issue at hand.
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Mulu, Anchinesh Shiferaw. "The Jurisprudence and Approaches of Constitutional Interpretation by the House of Federation in Ethiopia." Mizan Law Review 13, no. 3 (2019): 419–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/mlr.v13i3.4.
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This article examines the jurisprudence of the Council of Constitutional Inquiry (CCI) and the House of Federation (HoF) in resolving constitutional disputes with a view to identifying the principles/approaches utilized in their decisions and its human rights implication. These organs are entrusted with the power to interpret the Constitution upon application by private parties or court referral of cases. The article also examines patterns in the judiciary’s referral of cases for constitutional interpretation, and it discusses the methods and principles used by CCI/HoF in constitutional interpretation. Although the CCI/HoF has not expressly adopted distinct principles/approaches of constitutional interpretation, they can be inferred from the jurisprudence of the CCI and the HoF. I argue that there is inconsistent application of principles of constitutional interpretation. This is related with the incoherence observed in the constitutional interpretation of fundamental human rights recognized under the FDRE Constitution and ratified international human rights conventions. This shows that the HoF –which is a political body– has failed to protect basic human rights through its decisions that involve politically sensitive cases. There is thus the need to develop and adopt rules of procedure and principles of constitutional interpretation that can ensure predictability, consistency and coherence in HOF/CCI decisions towards the protection of human rights.
 Key terms
 Human rights, Constitutional interpretation, House of Federation, Council of Constitutional Inquiry
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Brems, Eva. "Ethiopia Before The United Nations Treaty Monitoring Bodies." Afrika Focus 20, no. 1-2 (2007): 49–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0200102004.
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Ethiopia before the United Nations Treaty Monitoring Bodies Among the many human rights conventions adopted by the UN, seven are known – together with their additional protocols – as the core international human rights instruments: ‒ The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination; ‒ The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights; ‒ The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; ‒ The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women; ‒ The Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; ‒ The Convention on the Rights of the Child; ‒ The International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of all Migrant Workers and Members of their Families. The main international control mechanism under these conventions is what may be considered the standard mechanism in international human rights protection: state reporting before an international committee. An initial report is due usually one year after joining the treaty and afterwards, reports are due periodically (every four or five years). The international committees examine the reports submitted by the state parties. In the course of this examination they include information from other sources, such as the press, other United Nations materials or NGO information. They also hold a meeting with representatives of the state submitting the report. At the end of this process the committee issues 'concluding observations' or 'concluding comments'. This paper focuses on the experience of one state – Ethiopia – with the seven core human rights treaties. This should allow the reader to gain insights both into the human rights situation in Ethiopia and in the functioning of the United Nations human rights protection system.
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Shoa, Dame Dereba, and Hana Mekonen Gizaw. "Political Dynamics the Rift of EPRDF Coalitions Since the Outbreak of Qerro’s Protest to the Nomination of Dr. Abiy Ahmed in Ethiopia." Journal of Society and Media 5, no. 1 (2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26740/jsm.v5n1.p1-18.
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Ethiopia has been under the rule of EPRDF coalitions, a vanguard party ruling the country since the collapse of Derg regime. This article is therefore, intended to explore the political dynamics associated with the rift of EPRDF coalitions since the outbreaks of Qerro’s protest. To meet the study purposes, qualitative research design was employed to collect the data. The study reveals that the broke out of Qerro’s protest against integrated master plan of Addis Ababa and tyrannical rule of EPRDF used to be the key dawn towards the step down of titular OPDO officials and empowerment of reformist ODP officials in place that eventually split ruling coalitions in to conservative and reformist. Broad spectrum of political dynamics like: declaration of state of emergency, massive displacement of Oromo people from Ethio-Somali region, wider public protests accompanied by sectorial boycotts, political unrest, apprehension of contrabandist, resignation of late prime minister, Mr. Hailemariam Desalegn and nomination of Dr. Abiy Ahmed in place and others were ensued from the rift of ruling coalitions. The study implicate that polarized political interests amidst the ruling parties (TPLF and PP) could be extended to the oppositions and wider people that may escalate ethnic tensions and thereby ensue in the state fragility.
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Idris, Idris Mahmoud, Elfatih Abdullahi Abdelsalam, and Abdulhamid Mohamed Ali Zaroum. "The Role of Political Institutions in Africa In Building Democratic Governments." Al Hikmah International Journal of Islamic Studies and Human Sciences 4, no. 3 (2021): 436–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.46722/hkmh.4.3.21r.
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The “third wave” of democratization, which saw the fall of old authoritarian regimes across Africa, as well as the introduction of multiparty elections and other significant new changes, has faded. Today, we are witnessing a reversal of democratic gains in favour of dictatorship, resulting in political instability and severe outbreaks of violence in Ethiopia, Mozambique, Kenya, the Ivory Coast, Nigeria, and elsewhere. This article seeks explanation for the failures of the democratization process in Africa, focusing on the challenging role of political institutions in determining the nature of transition trajectories, reviewing its significance, and justifying why this factor is important when analyzing the success or failure of democratization. The paper sought to provide a more robust understanding of Africa's democratization failure and the thorny issue of a transitional path toward good governance. The study found that the progress of the democratic transition process at any given point in history is dependent on the existence of powerful and capable political institutions equipped to face and respond to the challenges of the transition process, and that the more integrated and independent government and civil society institutions are, the more likely democratic practices will thrive. Furthermore, the study showed that under authoritarianism, institutions like elections, political parties, and legislatures are often referred to as "pseudo-democratic" because they are copied, imitated, and mocked to manipulate the concept of democracy and serve the continuation of autocratic rule.
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Beyene, Fekadu. "Property rights conflict, customary institutions and the state: the case of agro-pastoralists in Mieso district, eastern Ethiopia." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 2 (2009): 213–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09003814.
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ABSTRACTThis paper examines inter-ethnic conflict over grazing land previously accessed as common property. It presents results of a study undertaken in Mieso district of eastern Ethiopia where two ethnic groups maintain different production systems – pastoral and agropastoral. The historical change in land use by one of the ethnic groups, resource scarcity, violation of customary norms, power asymmetry and livestock raids are among the factors that have contributed to the recurrence of conflict. Particularly important is the role of raids in triggering conflict and restricting access to grazing areas. Socio-economic and political factors are responsible for power asymmetry and the increasing scale of raids. An increase in the frequency of violence and a decline in the capacity of customary authority in conflict management advance the role of the state in establishing enforceable property rights institutions. This will succeed only if policies and interventions are redirected at suppressing incentives for violence, establishing new institutional structures in consultation with clan elders of both parties, and building internal capacity to monitor conflict-triggering events.
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Becker, Derick A., Derick A. Becker, and Hannah Wittmeyer. "Africa’s Land Rush and the Embedded Neoliberal State: Foreign Agricultural Investment in Ethiopia and Mozambique." Comparative Sociology 12, no. 6 (2013): 753–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341284.
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AbstractAs changes to traditional economic power relationships upend the global economy, there is a resurgent interest in Africa’s raw materials by an increasing number of states beyond the traditional post-colonial coterie. These states are not fundamentally altering Africa’s status as a small economic player supplying raw goods to the world. But the level of interest, the states involved, and the changing nature of Africa’s involvement are raising questions about the long-term benefits and consequences of this renewed interest. Of particular concern is the trend in scale and type of commercial agricultural projects where land deals are slowly consuming vast sections of Africa’s agricultural land for export crops. NGOs, a few academics and virtually any news story on the subject inevitably invoke the term neo-colonialism. Our argument, however, is that the neo-colonial thesis – as well as the embedded state and neoliberal state theses taken separately – fail to capture the complexity of African commercial agriculture, particularly in the cases of Ethiopia and Mozambique. Despite ample evidence of massive, opaque land deals, investments do not tend to be restricted in bi-lateral ways nor are the investing parties members of the traditional Western world. While the role of elites is similar to the embedded state thesis, deals are mediated via wider market relations and conditions and justified in neoliberal terms. We propose that a synthesis of these latter theoretical strands better captures both the character and outcomes of African land acquisitions in our two case studies, and Africa at large.
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Adam, Achamyeleh Gashu. "Understanding competing and conflicting interests for peri-urban land in Ethiopia’s era of urbanization." Environment and Urbanization 32, no. 1 (2020): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0956247819890215.
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Understanding the competing and conflicting interests in peri-urban land is crucial for informed decisions and well-managed urbanization. These interests in peri-urban land in Ethiopia are explored from a political economy perspective, using desk review and case study research. The findings show that the state, the private business sector and the local community are the three main sets of players with competing interests in peri-urban land, which has resulted in the rapid conversion of farmland into built-up urban property. The more land is expropriated by government agents, and the more land is developed by developers, the more revenues are collected by the government and the more profit is realized by developers and dealers, but with less opportunity and security for local communities in the peri-urban areas. Therefore, urban spatial expansion and development programmes in urban fringe areas require purposeful intervention of the government in a way that can accommodate the interests of all parties without conflict.
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Bayu, Takele Bekele. "Fault Lines within the Ethiopian People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF): Intraparty Network and Governance system." International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 10, no. 02 (2019): 20592–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr.v10i02.662.
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Ethiopia People Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRD) is a political party in charge of government power since 1991. EPRDF is established in 1989 out of Rebel group to party transformation with the view to oust the military government called Derg. It is a coalition of four parties political organization i.e. Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF)- which is an architect of EPRDF, Amhara National Democratic Movements (ANDM) in 1980, Oromo People Liberation Organization (OPDO ) and Southern Ethiopian People Democratic Movement ( SEPDM) However, in spite of the nominally coalition structure of the EPRDF, from the beginning the TPLF provided the leadership and ideological direction to other members of the coalition. To maintain the dominant position within the coalition the TPLF has transferred its rebel time internal governance network that focuses on traditional Marxist Leninist organizational lines, with an emphasis on “democratic centralism”; and a tradition of hierarchically organizational structure to the newly established political organization i.e. EPRDF. Consequently, the EPRDF intraparty network and governance system is dominated by the use of ML (Marxist-Leninist) authoritarian methods and hegemonic control, rigid hierarchical leadership; Democratic centralism, the dominance of the party apparatus behind the façade of regional and local autonomy, an extensive patron-client mechanisms; the use of force to silence opposition within and outside the party; intertwined State institutions and the party system and excessive reliance on party entity instead of state administration units; and gim gema (self-evaluation) are worth mentioning. These intraparty network and governance system have severely limited genuine democratization within the party as well as hampered the democratization process in the country. The party is facing increasing pressure and challenge from within the party and the public at large demanding equal status and fair political economic representation. In effect, EPRDF is in deep crisis shattered by internal divisions, crises as well as external public pressure forcing the party to entertain democratic principles and culture. Hence, it is recommended that the organizational structure and the values and principles governing the organization should be revisited within the framework of democracy which allows adaptability and flexibility given the various change agents in the socio-cultural, economic, political environment.
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Chanie, Paulos. "Clientelism and Ethiopia's post-1991 decentralisation." Journal of Modern African Studies 45, no. 3 (2007): 355–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x07002662.
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ABSTRACTThis article addresses the question of why Ethiopia's post-1991 decentralisation reform is not taking the desired direction of matching diverse needs with available resources and creating accountable, responsive and autonomous regional governments. Given regional governments' relatively diverse socio-economic positions, the intention of the reform to create autonomous regions with devolved administrative, fiscal and political power is appropriate. Nonetheless, the implementation of the elements of the reform – expenditure assignment, revenue assignment, intergovernmental fiscal transfer and sub-national borrowing – is flawed. Existing studies that question the effectiveness of Ethiopia's devolution focus on political or fiscal aspects, and fail to link the de facto centre-region political power relationship with intergovernmental fiscal relations. This article, based on detailed field research in three regional governments, argues that the flawed intergovernmental fiscal relations reform is best explained by the clientelistic relationship between central and regional political parties.
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Hultin, Jan. "Rebounding Nationalism: State and Ethnicity in Wollega 1968–1976." Africa 73, no. 3 (2003): 402–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2003.73.3.402.
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AbstractThis article deals with the interrelationship of ethnic and national processes in a rural district in Wollega at the time of the Ethiopian revolution of 1974. It describes how the state policy of ‘official nationalism’ and Amharisation on the one hand, and the policy of land confiscation and land grants on the other, affected two different categories of Oromo: the small, educated elite, and the peasants. The government promoted Amharic as the language of state, whilst the Oromo language was banned from public contexts and not allowed in print. The government feared popular involvement in politics, and all political parties and organisations were banned. University students voiced demands for modernisation and land reform whilst the war in Eritrea raised the ‘question of nationalities’, but there was not yet any Oromo nationalist claim for statehood. Among the farmers, opposition to the state centred on land tenure and taxes and on the abuse of authority by the government. Most Oromo-speaking regions had been conquered and incorporated into the empire in the last decades of the nineteenth century. Land was confiscated and granted to warlords, or to local leaders who collaborated with the emperor. The original inhabitants became tribute-paying tenants under the new lords. As most landlords were immigrants to the area, ethnicity was an obvious aspect of property relations. In Wollega, however, local Oromo who had collaborated with the emperor were in control of much of the land and both landlords and share-croppers were Macha Oromo. They shared basic value-orientations by which performance is judged. Memories of the moral economy of an earlier time provided an alternative to the existing situation. Reference to history implied an active selection of elements in the formulation of a critical discourse on power and property that addressed the basic opposition between society and state. The last part of the article describes how educated and farmers met in a political meeting that was organised by the local authorities in 1976 to celebrate the revolution and its land reform. The occasion turned into an intense celebration of local values and, at least to some of the participants, this was a moment of new ethnic awareness and a call to revive gada, the Oromo ritual system. Threatened by ethnic identification, the state responded with brutal repression, and several people were murdered. Shortly after, some activists joined the Oromo Liberation Front to wage guerrilla war against the state.
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Follesdal, Andreas. "Stability and Trust in Federations with Ethnic Territories and a Secession Clause – Challenges and Opportunities for Ethiopia." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights, May 24, 2021, 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10031.
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Abstract How might Ethiopia maintain its federal structure and its territory? ‘Constitutional contestation’ in Ethiopia is fuelled by two factors: regions and political parties follow ethnic line; and the Ethiopian Constitution has a secession clause. A central challenge is to secure sufficient political trust. The public must be assured that authorities and individuals across regional borders generally comply with the law. This requires authoritative, independent ways to settle disagreements and monitor compliance, including carefully designed multi-level checks and balances, representatives of regions in central decision making bodies, and a ‘competence police’. So we should welcome the prohibition of the 2019 Election Law against ethnically based political parties. Strong and credible human rights constraints together with free media and functioning opposition parties may also foster trusts,. This is one further reason why Ethiopia should grant the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACtHPR) jurisdiction to hear cases from ngo s and individuals.
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Croke, Kevin. "The origins of Ethiopia's primary health care expansion: The politics of state building and health system strengthening." Health Policy and Planning, November 10, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/czaa095.
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Abstract Ethiopia’s expansion of primary health care over the past 15 years has been hailed as a model in sub-Saharan Africa. A leader closely associated with the programme, Tedros Adhanom Gebreyesus, is now Director-General of the World Health Organization, and the global movement for expansion of primary health care often cites Ethiopia as a model. Starting in 2004, over 30 000 Health Extension Workers were trained and deployed in Ethiopia and over 2500 health centres and 15 000 village-level health posts were constructed. Ethiopia’s reforms are widely attributed to strong leadership and ‘political will’, but underlying factors that enabled adoption of these policies and implementation at scale are rarely analysed. This article uses a political economy lens to identify factors that enabled Ethiopia to surmount the challenges that have caused the failure of similar primary health programmes in other developing countries. The decision to focus on primary health care was rooted in the ruling party’s political strategy of prioritizing rural interests, which had enabled them to govern territory successfully as an insurgency. This wartime rural governance strategy included a primary healthcare programme, providing a model for the later national programme. After taking power, the ruling party created a centralized coalition of regional parties and prioritized extending state and party structures into rural areas. After a party split in 2001, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi consolidated power and implemented a ‘developmental state’ strategy. In the health sector, this included appointment of a series of dynamic Ministers of Health and the mobilization of significant resources for primary health care from donors. The ruling party’s ideology also emphasized mass participation in development activities, which became a central feature of health programmes. Attempts to translate this model to different circumstances should consider the distinctive features of the Ethiopian case, including both the benefits and costs of these strategies.
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Van der Beken, Christophe. "ETHIOPIA: FROM A CENTRALISED MONARCHY TO A FEDERAL REPUBLIC." Afrika Focus 20, no. 1-2 (2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v20i1-2.5067.
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Although the Ethiopian state traces its roots back to the empire of Axum in the first centuries AD, the modern Ethiopian state took shape in the second half of the 19th century. During that period the territory of the Ethiopian empire expanded considerably. Several ethnic groups were incorporated into the empire and the foundations for a strong, centralised state were laid. Centralisation of authority in the hands of the emperor and a strategy of nation building that denied the ethnic diversity of Ethiopian society characterised the rule of Emperor Haile Selassie. At the same time, these elements contributed to its decline. Haile Selassie was ultimately deposed by a military committee in 1974. This announced the end of the Ethiopian monarchy and the transformation of the Ethiopian state, following the Marxist model. In spite of Marxist-Leninist attention to the 'nationalities issue', Ethiopia remained a centralised state, dominated by one ethnic identity. This gave rise to increasing resistance from various regional and ethnic liberation movements. The combined effort of these movements caused the fall of military rule in May 1991. The new regime, which was dominated by ethnically organised parties, initiated a radical transformation of the Ethiopian state structure that leads to the establishment of a federation in 1995.Key Words: Ethiopia, Political Development, Constitutional Development, State Structure
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Aalen, Lovise. "Ethiopia: The Interplay Between Federalism and Dominant Party Rule and the Sidama’s Quest for Statehood." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights, May 24, 2021, 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-bja10035.
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Abstract Political parties are particularly important for the operation of federal systems. The way parties are organised might reinforce or corrode the federal division of power. Ethiopian federalism is a case in point: although the Constitution gives wide rights of autonomy for regional states, centralised party rule has undermined the regional states’ ability to determine their own affairs. In this paper, the Sidama’s quest for regional statehood is discussed. This quest has been suppressed until recently, when a split in the ruling party led to political liberalisation and a new party leadership. The change made it possible for the Sidama to conduct a referendum for a separate regional state in 2019, resulting in a new Sidama state in 2020. A new national centre-oriented Prosperity Party may however lead to a recentralisation, showing how federal structures are vulnerable to changes in national political power.
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"Evaluating the Roles of Regional Based Political Parties in Fostering Ethnic Unity in Benishangul Gumuz Regional State, Ethiopia (Since 1991)." Research on Humanities and Social Sciences, January 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7176/rhss/9-1-06.
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Urnov, Andrey. "The United States Policy in Relation to Ethiopia, Democratic Republic Of The Congo, Sudan, South Sudan, Angola, and Libya." Journal of the Institute for African Studies, September 15, 2020, 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2020-52-3-87-111.
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The political, economic and strategic significance of these six African countries have made them the object of intent attention and multivector activities by the United States of America. The article is focused on the events of 2019-2020. Despite an unprecedented internal political split and the coronavirus pandemic, the US African policy was sufficiently energetic, based on traditional “pillars” and conducted as part of the course for global hegemony. The US tries to derive maximum benefits from the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where due to their interference there took place a change of presidents. The task is set to reinforce positions in Sudan and South Sudan. The provisional state power bodies are pressurized to implement the agreements on peaceful “transit to democracy”. The attempts are made to draw the new leaders of Ethiopia and Angola in the sphere of American influence. In Libya, while claiming to be “a neutral mediator”, the US intends to control the process of political settlement and to cajole the parties of the conflict into a compromise which will make the United States the dominant foreign partner of the country’s post conflict leadership.
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Brems, Eva. "Ethiopia before the United Nations Treaty Monitoring Bodies." Afrika Focus 20, no. 1-2 (2007). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v20i1-2.5068.
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Among the many human rights conventions adopted by the UN, seven are known — together with their additional protocols — as the core international human rights instruments: - The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination;- The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights;- The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; - The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women;- The Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment; - The Convention on the Rights of the Child; - The International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of all Migrant Workers and Members of their Families. The main international control mechanism under these conventions is what may be considered the standard mechanism in international human rights protection: state reporting before an international committee. An initial report is due usually one year after joining the treaty and afterwards, reports are due periodically (every four or five years). The international committees examine the reports submitted by the state parties. In the course of this examination they include information from other sources, such as the press, other United Nations materials or NGO information. They also hold a meeting with representatives of the state submitting the report. At the end of this process the committee issues 'concluding observations' or 'concluding comments'. This paper focuses on the experience of one state — Ethiopia - with the seven core human rights treaties. This should allow the reader to gain insights both into the human rights situation in Ethiopia and in the functioning of the United Nations human rights protection system.Key Words: United Nations, Human Rights Conventions, State Reporting, Human Rights Situation in Ethiopia
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Berhanu Mengistu. "Mediating Political Space for Opposition Parties in the Ethiopian Political System: A Conceptual Framework." International Relations and Diplomacy 4, no. 12 (2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.17265/2328-2134/2016.12.004.
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Urnov, Andrey. "Russian-African relations and the US factor in 2015–2018." Journal of the Institute for African Studies, September 20, 2018, 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2018-43-2-3-22.
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This article is an attempt to trace the impact of the US factor on the Russian African relations during the last years of B. Obama’s administration rule and at the initial stage of D. Trump presidency (2015–2018). The comparative assessment of Moscow and Washington African policy is made. The author demonstrates distinctions and continuity in the activities of the two US administrations in Africa. D. Trump has not included Africa in the list of his foreign policy priorities. Washington however has no intention to withdraw from the Black continent. There, as everywhere, “the American leadership” remains the invariable aim. In the 21th century, the Russia Federation policy in Africa has become much more active. Guided by the concept of multipolar world and in view of its current potential, economic in particular, Moscow has no intention to compete with the USA and other foreign actors for the overwhelming influence in Africa. Its tasks are pragmatic and realistic. In Africa, as globally, the US policy towards Russia is hostile. However the author is of the opinion that Washington does not consider Russia as a serious threaten for its positions and plans in Africa. The new National security strategy of the United States of America approved in December 2018 is full of antirussian outbursts, but in a section, dealing with the US priorities in Africa, Russia is not mentioned. The main American enemies there are international terrorists and China. Hence, no tough confrontation between the two parties – so far. Therefore rivalry there is confined to competition. The article is focused on visits in March 2018 of the Russian foreign minister S. Lavrov to Angola, Namibia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Ethiopia and of then US Secretary of State R.Tillerson to Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Chad and Nigeria. The situation around some most sensitive US-Russia points of intersection in Africa – such as Egypt, Libya and South Africa Republic – is analyzed. The development of Cairo’s bilateral relations with Washington and Moscow is reviewed. It is noted that cooperation between Russia and Egypt is of mutual benefit and that the two countries need each other. But of this cooperation has its limits as the USA remains the main foreign partner of Egypt. The conclusion is that Russia has taken a course for a gradual restoration of its positions in Libya after the overthrow of M. Kaddafi. Moscow’s contribution to the settlement of the political crisis in the country is explored. Constructive contacts have been established with all major participants of this process. Special attention is paid to the National Libyan Army Commander, Field-Marshal H. Haftar. The United States preferences the head of the Government of national accord F. Sarraj. The attempts to interfere into Russia – South Africa using the resignation of president J. Zuma who firmly stood for friendship with Moscow have failed. The new president S. Ramaphosa has confirmed the policy of strong bilateral cooperation.