Academic literature on the topic 'Political parties Kosovo (Republic) Kosovo (Republic)'
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Journal articles on the topic "Political parties Kosovo (Republic) Kosovo (Republic)"
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Gërguri, Dren. "Campaigning on Facebook: Posts and online social networking as campaign tools in the 2017 general elections in the Republic of Kosovo." Central European Journal of Communication 12, no. 1 (May 13, 2019): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.12.1(22).6.
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The 2017 general elections in Kosovo are the first to be considered for the high use of Facebook by political parties. Kosovo has nearly 1 million Facebook users, and this is one reason that has pushed all political parties, without distinction, to include Facebook in their electoral strategies. The paper analyses the use of Facebook by political parties in the 2017 general election and deals with the adaptation of Kosovar political parties with this new form of political communication and their popularity on Facebook. Data were collected during the campaign using the software R. In the fourth age of political communication, the web 2.0 has changed political campaigns and the flow of information now is more dynamic than in the past. The paper presents the flow of information/messages through Facebook, with politicians connecting directly with citizens, bypassing traditional media. Through a quantitative content analysis of the seven parties’ Facebook pages, it is analysed how they used Facebook as a campaigning tool and based on the findings, the mobilisation function was the dominant one.
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Susuri, Driola, and Kadri Kryeziu. "Changing the manner of electing the President of the Republic of Kosovo." Technium Social Sciences Journal 23 (September 9, 2021): 354–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v23i1.4348.
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The Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo in its basic provisions has constituted the principle of separation and control of the balance between state powers as a fundamental principle of democracy, by designating representative bodies belonging to state powers such as Parliament, Government, and Judiciary. In addition, the Constitution sanctions other state bodies that have a constitutional character and together create the form of governance in the Republic of Kosovo. Among them also the President functions as a constitutional body exercising the executive duty and having ceremonial competencies. The President in Kosovo is a neutral authority because he/she is a representative of the people’s unity. The authorities in Kosovo create a "check and balance" among themselves for the normal functioning of the state. Kosovo is considered a parliamentary Republic, not sanctioned by the constitution but implied based on the decision of the Parliament of the Republic of Kosovo.In addition to electing the Government, the Parliament also elects the President of the Republic, so in this study, we will address the function of the President, the exercise of his duties, his competencies, and his relationship with other state bodies. We will also analyze the system of governance and the principle of separation and balance of powers, with special emphasis on the constitutional position of the President in the Republic of Kosovo. Among other things, we will address in particular the complexity of the procedures for the election of the President of the Republic of Kosovo. Considering the ongoing problems that have accompanied the presidential elections in the Republic of Kosovo and that continue to be so, it is necessary to clarify whether “the constitutional reform initiative for the President of the Republic of Kosovo to be voted by the people is considered the most current and best way of overcoming the present parliamentary stalemate in the election of the candidate for the President of the Republic, as well as whether the implementation of this reform is conditioned by the will of the political parties and the people”. In general, from the stated scientific elaboration of the topic, we can conclude that the intention of this paper consists in determining the constitutional regulation of the institution of the President of the Republic of Kosovo applied in the parliamentary system, empirical elaboration of problems that accompanied the election of presidents in the Republic of Kosovo as well as the immediate need to change the manner of electing the President of the Republic of Kosovo.
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Dalipi, Dr Sc Samet, and MSc Nehat Demiri. "Rational Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia - Way Toward Reconciliation." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i1.67.
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Within a decade, Kosovo has compromised twice: accepting the process of decentralization in order to achieve independence and international recognition, through the President Martti Ahtisaari’s Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (2 February 2007), and finally, by approving to offer autonomy for Kosovo Serbs for the sovereignty, but still within the limits of the Ahtisaari Plan.Coincidentally, the same Serbian political parties which had fought three wars, resulting in dissolution of the state (Former Yugoslavia) at that time (the Socialist Party and the Serbian Radical Party), now are in power in the Republic of Serbia, and have the possibility to finally solve the Kosovo case, and to open the perspective for this part, Europe’s black hole, to be engaged in global integration. Statements by senior Serbian politicians are positively shifting, compared to the radicalization of the relations between Albanians and Serbs three decades ago and it is believed that the developments will evolve towards rational choice and acceptance by the parties. Being under pressure by difficult socio-economic situation and need for integration processes, both sides undertake risky and unpopular steps by signing unclear political and verbal agreements on normalization of relations, which may produce difficult solving externalities in the future. The risk lies in the possibility of further damaging the Kosovo’s “piece of the cake”, after every refusal step by the Serbian side, which will damage the interest of Kosovo side according to the “zero sum” game. Analyses of the dialogue process between Kosovo and Serbia reflect the mixed benefits to the parties, resulting in not very soon European integration, and with hope on difficult but necessary reconciliation between Albanians and Serbs in the region. The broken, after the war established, status quo is better than entering into a protracted conflict in the middle of Europe.
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Imreová, Ivana. "Podmienky legitímnej štátnosti v SR: Téma Kosova v parlamentnej rozprave." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 16, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 288–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2014.4.288.
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This article has two main objectives. The first is to reveal, on the basis of parliamentary debate on Kosovo, how political elites in Slovakia perceive conditions for legitimate statehood. The second is to describe and explain the perception and impact of the “Kosovo issue” on the Slovak political scene. Discourse analysis of parliamentary debate on Kosovo´s future is used as the primary analytical tool to accomplish both objectives. The following three characteristics of legitimate statehood are identified in the arguments of six parliamentary political parties: accordance of the creation of a new state with international law, the willingness and capability of a new state to ensure the protection of people´s rights within its territory, and a further group of conditions for legitimate statehood which are closely tied to the identity of both the new and parent states. In Slovakia, the perception of the Kosovo issue has always been emotive, and this fact can help us to see ethnicity as one of the main factors influencing the outcome of the parliamentary discourse, as well as the overall attitude of the Slovak Republic towards Kosovo. Ethnicity explains the Slovak approach better than the Slavic reciprocity principle, the existence of which was not proven in this study.
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Miketić, Uroš. "Programs of parties in Serbia on Kosovo and Metohija on the basis of their internet presentations." ПОЛИТЕИА 10, no. 19 (2020): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-27147.
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This paper, using the operational method of content analysis, gives an overview of the programmatic attitudes of the parties in Serbia about the province of Kosovo and Metohija. We have used internet presentations of the parties in our case, but in some cases this meant that these were outdated programs from the period of diametrically opposed political circumstances in the country and the world, or general presentations without stating when and where the program was adopted. In any case, the Kosovo and Metohija issue is recognized by most parties, especially those with the most numerous membership and a long tradition, as an issue of first-class state importance. The parties are almost unanimous when it comes to protecting the rights of Serbs, their cultural heritage, and the economic interests of Serbia in the province. However, the positioning of the parties with regard to the final status of the province has brought major differences. Some parties stand firmly on the position of Resolution 1244 and the 2006 Constitution of the Republic of Serbia in relation to this matter, while on the opposite side are those political factors advocating for a permanent solution based on compromise. The statements of contemporary political actors in Serbia about the province of Kosovo and Metohija are not the subject of this paper, but we are exclusively focused on programs as a permanent testimony to the attitude of political circles in Serbia towards the aforementioned issue to this day.
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Djukanovic, Dragan. "The present political situation and ethnic relations in Macedonia." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 3-4 (2003): 395–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0304395d.
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Since it declared its independence in 1991, the Republic of Macedonia has faced several problems of key importance. Apart from the economic underdevelopment, this country has been characterised by bad ethnic relations between the two most numerous communities in the country - the Macedonian and Albanian ones. The Albanian community, which makes approximately one fourth of the total population in Macedonia, has tended to define itself as a "constitutive nation" within the newly formed and independent Macedonia. The outstanding ethnic tensions present in 1990s turned into open armed conflicts in the February-August 2001 period. More than 200 people were killed, while 100,000 people were displaced from their homes in the conflicts between the Albanian militia and regular Macedonian police and armed forces. After the USA and EU had made pressures on the conflicting parties, they adopted the Framework Agreement on 13 August 2001 in Ohrid. It proposed the amendments to the 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia. The amendments have brought out changes in the constitutional and political system of Macedonia - "double majority" in the Parliament, increased number of members of ethnic communities in the police and administration, Albanian language as an official, strengthening of the local self-rule, etc. Apart from the Macedonian people as a holder of sovereignty, the preamble of the Constitution of Macedonia includes the Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, Serbs, Romans and members of other peoples who live in Macedonia. In September 2002, parliamentary elections took place in Macedonia. The coalition For Macedonia Together headed by the Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia won half of the seats in the Macedonian parliament. Then were defeated the nationalistic parties VMRO-DPMNE and Democratic Party of Albanians that had been in power during the ethnic conflicts. The Democratic Union for Integration (established in 2002) won almost 70 per cent of the Albanian votes while the Party for Democratic Prosperity and People's Democratic Party were defeated at the elections. After the September elections, the new government was forded and it embraced the members of the coalition For Macedonia Together and Democratic Union for Integration - with five Albanian ministers. The Ohrid Agreement is a step forward in settling the ethnic relations in Macedonia. Apart from the fact that it was adopted under the pressure of the international community, it is a basis for constitutional and political reforms, improving the position of the Albanians as the most numerous non-Macedonian community. However, it should be said that even today there are two parallel "societies" - Macedonian and Albanian ones, with no common touch between them, living separately from each other. In spite of all obstacles, it is necessary to insist on building of confidence and reconciliation between the Albanians and Macedonians. This can be achieved by repatriation of refugees and displaced persons to their homes, by implementation of the law that includes the provisions on the positive discrimination of the Albanian community and by strengthening of security and stability in the region. As the author assesses, the bad economic situation in Macedonia could set new priorities to the government and it would include improvement of living conditions for its citizens. On the other hand, the greatest danger to the peaceful development of Macedonia is the Albanian National Army (ANA) whose substantial aim is to achieve unification of the "Albanian" territories in Western Macedonia with Kosovo and "Albanian parts" of Montenegro and southern Serbia.
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Jashari, Murat. "Political Accountability in the Republic of Kosovo." International Journal of Social Science Studies 5, no. 11 (October 18, 2017): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v5i11.2712.
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Political accountability is the most specific type of social accountability for the fact that it lacks a normative legal aspect and that it derives mainly from the behavior, not from an opportunistic attitude or disclosure of specific subject in relation to the expectations of the body or institution or the relevant electoral body. Political accountability is the conditio sine quo non (indispensable condition) to a democratic system of government. Hence the Kosovo Government on the merits of the constitutional aspect has accepted this institute. It is precisely this institute of political accountability that will be the topic of this paper taking into account the responsibilities of the executive government in relation to the legislative, as well as the political accountability of those elected in relation to the voters. The accountability of the President will be treated in the framework of constitutional accountability, and that of the Government in the framework of parliamentary accountability.
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Muçaj, Florent, and Luz Balaj. "The process of dialogue between the Republic of Kosovo and the Republic of Serbia: A review from a constitutional perspective." SEER 22, no. 1 (2019): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-2869-2019-1-67.
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This article aims to present a clear picture of the attempts towards the normalisation of relations in the western Balkans between the Republic of Kosovo and the Republic of Serbia via the process of the dialogue, facilitated by the UN General Assembly and mediated by the EU, which began more than eight years ago. The dialogue has produced different results for both countries so far, including various consequences and implications which have a constitutional nature. Taking this into account, this article offers an analysis of the perspective and the constitutional dimensions of the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue, drawing on the legal and factual actions that have been undertaken by the parties in the process thus far. The article analyses this dialogue and draws conclusions regarding the ending of the process and, in practice, how the final normalisation of relations should look, including the drawing up of a final agreement of reconciliation between the Republic of Kosovo and the Republic of Serbia. The constitutional consequences which can be the product of such an agreement are also examined.
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Brovina, Ngadhnjim. "Public Diplomacy in the Integration Plan of the Republic of Kosovo." South East European University Review 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2013): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2013-0006.
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Abstract The Integrations plan is a process that requires work, time and institutional commitment. The mobilization of all bring the success of acceptance into the Euro-Atlantic, which is main intention of the Republic of Kosovo to be part of European Union, NATO, etc.. In the phase where the new republic is found in Europe, is initial stage, figuratively speaking "as a child in the first steps of walking." The commitment of the Government of the Republic of Kosovo, especially the Ministry of Integration and Foreign Ministry, is not missing, even though is required work and cooperation from the other ministries, also by the citizens themselves, diaspora, businesses, etc.. As the newest state without any political and diplomatic influence, the Republic of Kosovo should strengthen the sector of public diplomacy which mobilizes all institutional structures, non-governmental organizations, individual citizens, etc.. Public diplomacy is seen as a way of achieving the goals by smaller states which do not have influence on other forms. This diplomacy also sends to achievement of goals for integration, and my suggestion about the fulfillment of conditions for integration is to use public diplomacy, about forms and methods that should be used by the Republic of Kosovo, I have explore and explain in the continuing of the paper
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Pavlenko, Alexander. "The Development of Internal Political Processes in Kosovo (1999-2017)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.325.
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Influence of Yugoslavia’s collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo’s separation from Serbia is explored in this article. Particular features of Kosovo’s internal policy development and problems with a full international recognition of its independence are also highlighted. The problem of Kosovo’s status within the diplomacy of “power poles” in modern international relations system in the context of NATO’s war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. Kosovo is a multi-party parliamentary representative democratic republic. The State is governed by legislative, executive and judicial institutions which derive from the Constitution adopted in June 2008, although until the Brussels Agreement, North Kosovo was largely controlled by institutions of the Republic of Serbia or parallel institutions, funded by Serbia. The legislative power in Kosovo is held by Parliament. The executive authority is vested in the Government, headed by Prime Minister. The President is Head of State and represents the unity of the people, elected every five years, indirectly by the National Assembly, in a secret ballot by a two thirds majority of all deputies of the Assembly. Key trends in Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of its political system and in conditions of Serbia’s aspirations for European integration was examined. The process of Kosovo’s recognition has shown that Kosovo is an irreversible reality and an essential factor for peace and stability in the Balkan region. This could be best proved by the recognition of Kosovo among all neighboring countries (except Serbia), by the vast majority of the countries in the region and the Euro-Atlantic community.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political parties Kosovo (Republic) Kosovo (Republic)"
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Luci, Besa. "Kosovo's developing free press how do newspapers in a transitioning society behave under international supervision and what role do they play in local elections? /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/5741.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2008.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on August 12, 2009) Includes bibliographical references.
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Fisher, Lyndsey. "How Kosovar citizens engage in the political process : the role of interest groups and the uses of technology /." Link to online version, 2006. https://ritdml.rit.edu/dspace/handle/1850/2070.
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Blackford, William R. "The Responsibility to Protect and International Law: Moral, Legal and Practical Perspectives on Kosovo, Libya, and Syria." PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2532.
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Humanitarian intervention has long been a secondary or tertiary concern in a security driven international system. Since NATO's intervention during the Kosovo crisis in 1999 there have been significant developments in both the language and form of humanitarian intervention as a matter of international law. The events in Kosovo sparked debate about how to handle humanitarian crisis in the future and thus humanitarian intervention evolved into a redefinition of sovereignty as responsibility and the Responsibility to Protect. The Responsibility to Protect has had a number of opportunities to continue to evolve and assert itself in an international legal context throughout the ensuing years since the Kosovo intervention.
The purpose of this research is to explore the moral, legal and practical implications of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine. Classical and contemporary theories of international relations and moral philosophy are applied in the context of the Responsibility to Protect and its effect upon the international system and specific states to cultivate a sense of the development of the norm and different actors' attitudes towards it. A literature review is conducted to show the practical and conceptual issues inherent in the framework of the Responsibility to Protect. The norm is then applied to the cases of Kosovo, Libya, and Syria to assess its effect in practice and determine its origins. The analysis of these case studies leads to a number of conclusions regarding its effectiveness and future application.
The case studies chosen for this research are Kosovo, Libya, and Syria. The case of Kosovo helps to establish a humanitarian intervention framework, the need for redefinition, and the beginning of the Responsibility to Protect. Libya shows the first strong case for the positive application of the Responsibility to Protect in a practical sense. The non-intervention in Syria shows the difficult political issues involved in intervention and presents uncertainty as to the positive develop of the norm. These cases clearly show the myriad of practical challenges to RtoP that are borne out the theoretical, moral issues embedded in its philosophy.
The conclusion drawn from the literature review and subsequent case studies is that the current efforts to assert the Responsibility to Protect are aimed at the wrong areas of international law and states, and that the norm is not developing positively in a linear pattern. To successfully promote its acceptance the Responsibility to Protect must build institutional linkages to make intervention more cost effective, exercise the regional options available to promote and ensure the legitimacy of intervention, and assure the acceptance of RtoP by the major powers in the Security Council.
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Hadebe, Sakhile. "The impact of NATO interverntion in Kosovo and the changing rules of international humanitarian intervention." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/8959.
Full textBooks on the topic "Political parties Kosovo (Republic) Kosovo (Republic)"
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New Science of International Relations: Modernity, Complexity and the Kosovo Conflict. Taylor & Francis Group, 2010.
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Popolo, Damian. New Science of International Relations: Modernity Complexity and the Kosovo Conflict. Ashgate Publishing, Limited, 2011.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Political parties Kosovo (Republic) Kosovo (Republic)"
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Muharremi, Driton, and Samedin Mehmeti. "Policing in the Republic of Kosovo: Changes Along with Political and Social Developments." In Handbook on Policing in Central and Eastern Europe, 129–42. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-6720-5_9.
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Dimitrova, Radosveta, Pasquale Musso, Iva Polackova Solcova, Delia Stefenel, Fitim Uka, Skerdi Zahaj, Peter Tavel, Venzislav Jordanov, and Evgeni Jordanov. "Multiple Social Identities in Relation to Self-Esteem of Adolescents in Post-communist Albania, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Kosovo, and Romania." In Societies and Political Orders in Transition, 225–41. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72616-8_13.
Full textReports on the topic "Political parties Kosovo (Republic) Kosovo (Republic)"
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Werthan, Benjamin. Collective Intervention: An Analysis of the political Issues regarding Secession, Self-Determination, and Sovereignty in the Republic of Kosovo. Portland State University Library, January 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/honors.216.
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