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1
Gërguri, Dren. "Campaigning on Facebook: Posts and online social networking as campaign tools in the 2017 general elections in the Republic of Kosovo." Central European Journal of Communication 12, no. 1 (May 13, 2019): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.12.1(22).6.
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The 2017 general elections in Kosovo are the first to be considered for the high use of Facebook by political parties. Kosovo has nearly 1 million Facebook users, and this is one reason that has pushed all political parties, without distinction, to include Facebook in their electoral strategies. The paper analyses the use of Facebook by political parties in the 2017 general election and deals with the adaptation of Kosovar political parties with this new form of political communication and their popularity on Facebook. Data were collected during the campaign using the software R. In the fourth age of political communication, the web 2.0 has changed political campaigns and the flow of information now is more dynamic than in the past. The paper presents the flow of information/messages through Facebook, with politicians connecting directly with citizens, bypassing traditional media. Through a quantitative content analysis of the seven parties’ Facebook pages, it is analysed how they used Facebook as a campaigning tool and based on the findings, the mobilisation function was the dominant one.
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Susuri, Driola, and Kadri Kryeziu. "Changing the manner of electing the President of the Republic of Kosovo." Technium Social Sciences Journal 23 (September 9, 2021): 354–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.47577/tssj.v23i1.4348.
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The Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo in its basic provisions has constituted the principle of separation and control of the balance between state powers as a fundamental principle of democracy, by designating representative bodies belonging to state powers such as Parliament, Government, and Judiciary. In addition, the Constitution sanctions other state bodies that have a constitutional character and together create the form of governance in the Republic of Kosovo. Among them also the President functions as a constitutional body exercising the executive duty and having ceremonial competencies. The President in Kosovo is a neutral authority because he/she is a representative of the people’s unity. The authorities in Kosovo create a "check and balance" among themselves for the normal functioning of the state. Kosovo is considered a parliamentary Republic, not sanctioned by the constitution but implied based on the decision of the Parliament of the Republic of Kosovo.In addition to electing the Government, the Parliament also elects the President of the Republic, so in this study, we will address the function of the President, the exercise of his duties, his competencies, and his relationship with other state bodies. We will also analyze the system of governance and the principle of separation and balance of powers, with special emphasis on the constitutional position of the President in the Republic of Kosovo. Among other things, we will address in particular the complexity of the procedures for the election of the President of the Republic of Kosovo. Considering the ongoing problems that have accompanied the presidential elections in the Republic of Kosovo and that continue to be so, it is necessary to clarify whether “the constitutional reform initiative for the President of the Republic of Kosovo to be voted by the people is considered the most current and best way of overcoming the present parliamentary stalemate in the election of the candidate for the President of the Republic, as well as whether the implementation of this reform is conditioned by the will of the political parties and the people”. In general, from the stated scientific elaboration of the topic, we can conclude that the intention of this paper consists in determining the constitutional regulation of the institution of the President of the Republic of Kosovo applied in the parliamentary system, empirical elaboration of problems that accompanied the election of presidents in the Republic of Kosovo as well as the immediate need to change the manner of electing the President of the Republic of Kosovo.
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Dalipi, Dr Sc Samet, and MSc Nehat Demiri. "Rational Dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia - Way Toward Reconciliation." ILIRIA International Review 4, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v4i1.67.
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Within a decade, Kosovo has compromised twice: accepting the process of decentralization in order to achieve independence and international recognition, through the President Martti Ahtisaari’s Comprehensive Proposal for the Kosovo Status Settlement (2 February 2007), and finally, by approving to offer autonomy for Kosovo Serbs for the sovereignty, but still within the limits of the Ahtisaari Plan.Coincidentally, the same Serbian political parties which had fought three wars, resulting in dissolution of the state (Former Yugoslavia) at that time (the Socialist Party and the Serbian Radical Party), now are in power in the Republic of Serbia, and have the possibility to finally solve the Kosovo case, and to open the perspective for this part, Europe’s black hole, to be engaged in global integration. Statements by senior Serbian politicians are positively shifting, compared to the radicalization of the relations between Albanians and Serbs three decades ago and it is believed that the developments will evolve towards rational choice and acceptance by the parties. Being under pressure by difficult socio-economic situation and need for integration processes, both sides undertake risky and unpopular steps by signing unclear political and verbal agreements on normalization of relations, which may produce difficult solving externalities in the future. The risk lies in the possibility of further damaging the Kosovo’s “piece of the cake”, after every refusal step by the Serbian side, which will damage the interest of Kosovo side according to the “zero sum” game. Analyses of the dialogue process between Kosovo and Serbia reflect the mixed benefits to the parties, resulting in not very soon European integration, and with hope on difficult but necessary reconciliation between Albanians and Serbs in the region. The broken, after the war established, status quo is better than entering into a protracted conflict in the middle of Europe.
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Imreová, Ivana. "Podmienky legitímnej štátnosti v SR: Téma Kosova v parlamentnej rozprave." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 16, no. 4 (December 1, 2014): 288–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2014.4.288.
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This article has two main objectives. The first is to reveal, on the basis of parliamentary debate on Kosovo, how political elites in Slovakia perceive conditions for legitimate statehood. The second is to describe and explain the perception and impact of the “Kosovo issue” on the Slovak political scene. Discourse analysis of parliamentary debate on Kosovo´s future is used as the primary analytical tool to accomplish both objectives. The following three characteristics of legitimate statehood are identified in the arguments of six parliamentary political parties: accordance of the creation of a new state with international law, the willingness and capability of a new state to ensure the protection of people´s rights within its territory, and a further group of conditions for legitimate statehood which are closely tied to the identity of both the new and parent states. In Slovakia, the perception of the Kosovo issue has always been emotive, and this fact can help us to see ethnicity as one of the main factors influencing the outcome of the parliamentary discourse, as well as the overall attitude of the Slovak Republic towards Kosovo. Ethnicity explains the Slovak approach better than the Slavic reciprocity principle, the existence of which was not proven in this study.
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Miketić, Uroš. "Programs of parties in Serbia on Kosovo and Metohija on the basis of their internet presentations." ПОЛИТЕИА 10, no. 19 (2020): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/politeia0-27147.
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This paper, using the operational method of content analysis, gives an overview of the programmatic attitudes of the parties in Serbia about the province of Kosovo and Metohija. We have used internet presentations of the parties in our case, but in some cases this meant that these were outdated programs from the period of diametrically opposed political circumstances in the country and the world, or general presentations without stating when and where the program was adopted. In any case, the Kosovo and Metohija issue is recognized by most parties, especially those with the most numerous membership and a long tradition, as an issue of first-class state importance. The parties are almost unanimous when it comes to protecting the rights of Serbs, their cultural heritage, and the economic interests of Serbia in the province. However, the positioning of the parties with regard to the final status of the province has brought major differences. Some parties stand firmly on the position of Resolution 1244 and the 2006 Constitution of the Republic of Serbia in relation to this matter, while on the opposite side are those political factors advocating for a permanent solution based on compromise. The statements of contemporary political actors in Serbia about the province of Kosovo and Metohija are not the subject of this paper, but we are exclusively focused on programs as a permanent testimony to the attitude of political circles in Serbia towards the aforementioned issue to this day.
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Djukanovic, Dragan. "The present political situation and ethnic relations in Macedonia." Medjunarodni problemi 55, no. 3-4 (2003): 395–412. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0304395d.
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Since it declared its independence in 1991, the Republic of Macedonia has faced several problems of key importance. Apart from the economic underdevelopment, this country has been characterised by bad ethnic relations between the two most numerous communities in the country - the Macedonian and Albanian ones. The Albanian community, which makes approximately one fourth of the total population in Macedonia, has tended to define itself as a "constitutive nation" within the newly formed and independent Macedonia. The outstanding ethnic tensions present in 1990s turned into open armed conflicts in the February-August 2001 period. More than 200 people were killed, while 100,000 people were displaced from their homes in the conflicts between the Albanian militia and regular Macedonian police and armed forces. After the USA and EU had made pressures on the conflicting parties, they adopted the Framework Agreement on 13 August 2001 in Ohrid. It proposed the amendments to the 1991 Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia. The amendments have brought out changes in the constitutional and political system of Macedonia - "double majority" in the Parliament, increased number of members of ethnic communities in the police and administration, Albanian language as an official, strengthening of the local self-rule, etc. Apart from the Macedonian people as a holder of sovereignty, the preamble of the Constitution of Macedonia includes the Albanians, Turks, Vlachs, Serbs, Romans and members of other peoples who live in Macedonia. In September 2002, parliamentary elections took place in Macedonia. The coalition For Macedonia Together headed by the Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia won half of the seats in the Macedonian parliament. Then were defeated the nationalistic parties VMRO-DPMNE and Democratic Party of Albanians that had been in power during the ethnic conflicts. The Democratic Union for Integration (established in 2002) won almost 70 per cent of the Albanian votes while the Party for Democratic Prosperity and People's Democratic Party were defeated at the elections. After the September elections, the new government was forded and it embraced the members of the coalition For Macedonia Together and Democratic Union for Integration - with five Albanian ministers. The Ohrid Agreement is a step forward in settling the ethnic relations in Macedonia. Apart from the fact that it was adopted under the pressure of the international community, it is a basis for constitutional and political reforms, improving the position of the Albanians as the most numerous non-Macedonian community. However, it should be said that even today there are two parallel "societies" - Macedonian and Albanian ones, with no common touch between them, living separately from each other. In spite of all obstacles, it is necessary to insist on building of confidence and reconciliation between the Albanians and Macedonians. This can be achieved by repatriation of refugees and displaced persons to their homes, by implementation of the law that includes the provisions on the positive discrimination of the Albanian community and by strengthening of security and stability in the region. As the author assesses, the bad economic situation in Macedonia could set new priorities to the government and it would include improvement of living conditions for its citizens. On the other hand, the greatest danger to the peaceful development of Macedonia is the Albanian National Army (ANA) whose substantial aim is to achieve unification of the "Albanian" territories in Western Macedonia with Kosovo and "Albanian parts" of Montenegro and southern Serbia.
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Jashari, Murat. "Political Accountability in the Republic of Kosovo." International Journal of Social Science Studies 5, no. 11 (October 18, 2017): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v5i11.2712.
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Political accountability is the most specific type of social accountability for the fact that it lacks a normative legal aspect and that it derives mainly from the behavior, not from an opportunistic attitude or disclosure of specific subject in relation to the expectations of the body or institution or the relevant electoral body. Political accountability is the conditio sine quo non (indispensable condition) to a democratic system of government. Hence the Kosovo Government on the merits of the constitutional aspect has accepted this institute. It is precisely this institute of political accountability that will be the topic of this paper taking into account the responsibilities of the executive government in relation to the legislative, as well as the political accountability of those elected in relation to the voters. The accountability of the President will be treated in the framework of constitutional accountability, and that of the Government in the framework of parliamentary accountability.
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Muçaj, Florent, and Luz Balaj. "The process of dialogue between the Republic of Kosovo and the Republic of Serbia: A review from a constitutional perspective." SEER 22, no. 1 (2019): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-2869-2019-1-67.
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This article aims to present a clear picture of the attempts towards the normalisation of relations in the western Balkans between the Republic of Kosovo and the Republic of Serbia via the process of the dialogue, facilitated by the UN General Assembly and mediated by the EU, which began more than eight years ago. The dialogue has produced different results for both countries so far, including various consequences and implications which have a constitutional nature. Taking this into account, this article offers an analysis of the perspective and the constitutional dimensions of the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue, drawing on the legal and factual actions that have been undertaken by the parties in the process thus far. The article analyses this dialogue and draws conclusions regarding the ending of the process and, in practice, how the final normalisation of relations should look, including the drawing up of a final agreement of reconciliation between the Republic of Kosovo and the Republic of Serbia. The constitutional consequences which can be the product of such an agreement are also examined.
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Brovina, Ngadhnjim. "Public Diplomacy in the Integration Plan of the Republic of Kosovo." South East European University Review 9, no. 1 (September 1, 2013): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2013-0006.
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Abstract The Integrations plan is a process that requires work, time and institutional commitment. The mobilization of all bring the success of acceptance into the Euro-Atlantic, which is main intention of the Republic of Kosovo to be part of European Union, NATO, etc.. In the phase where the new republic is found in Europe, is initial stage, figuratively speaking "as a child in the first steps of walking." The commitment of the Government of the Republic of Kosovo, especially the Ministry of Integration and Foreign Ministry, is not missing, even though is required work and cooperation from the other ministries, also by the citizens themselves, diaspora, businesses, etc.. As the newest state without any political and diplomatic influence, the Republic of Kosovo should strengthen the sector of public diplomacy which mobilizes all institutional structures, non-governmental organizations, individual citizens, etc.. Public diplomacy is seen as a way of achieving the goals by smaller states which do not have influence on other forms. This diplomacy also sends to achievement of goals for integration, and my suggestion about the fulfillment of conditions for integration is to use public diplomacy, about forms and methods that should be used by the Republic of Kosovo, I have explore and explain in the continuing of the paper
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Pavlenko, Alexander. "The Development of Internal Political Processes in Kosovo (1999-2017)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 325–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.325.
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Influence of Yugoslavia’s collapse, as well as of external factors on Kosovo’s separation from Serbia is explored in this article. Particular features of Kosovo’s internal policy development and problems with a full international recognition of its independence are also highlighted. The problem of Kosovo’s status within the diplomacy of “power poles” in modern international relations system in the context of NATO’s war against Yugoslavia in 1999 is underlined. Kosovo is a multi-party parliamentary representative democratic republic. The State is governed by legislative, executive and judicial institutions which derive from the Constitution adopted in June 2008, although until the Brussels Agreement, North Kosovo was largely controlled by institutions of the Republic of Serbia or parallel institutions, funded by Serbia. The legislative power in Kosovo is held by Parliament. The executive authority is vested in the Government, headed by Prime Minister. The President is Head of State and represents the unity of the people, elected every five years, indirectly by the National Assembly, in a secret ballot by a two thirds majority of all deputies of the Assembly. Key trends in Serbian policy towards Kosovo after the democratic transformation of its political system and in conditions of Serbia’s aspirations for European integration was examined. The process of Kosovo’s recognition has shown that Kosovo is an irreversible reality and an essential factor for peace and stability in the Balkan region. This could be best proved by the recognition of Kosovo among all neighboring countries (except Serbia), by the vast majority of the countries in the region and the Euro-Atlantic community.
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Hebda, Wiktor. "KOSOVO STATUS ACCORDING TO STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF ZAGREB AND THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE." Politika nacionalne bezbednosti 18, no. 1/2020 (May 25, 2020): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.22182/pnb.1812020.9.
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Kosovo independence still remains a key issue on a global scale. In simple terms, there are two contradictory stands on the sovereignty of Kosovo. According to the first one, Kosovo declaration of independence is illegal due to the breach of international law and the constitution of the Republic of Serbia of 2006. Meanwhile the second stand proves that unilateral Kosovo declaration of independence was legal since Kosovo Albanians are fully entitled to the right of self-determination. The following paper presents an opinion on Kosovo independence expressed by the students of the Faculty of Political Science at the University of Belgrade and the University of Zagreb – two most important universities in Serbia and Croatia. The results presented in the paper are based on the survey carried out by the author in 2013.
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Bujwid-Kurek, Ewa. "Państwa o proweniencji jugosłowiańskiej w procesie rozszerzania Unii Europejskiej – refleksja politologiczna." Politeja 15, no. 54 (February 10, 2019): 5–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.15.2018.54.01.
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Post‑Yugoslav States in the EU Enlargement Process – Political ReflectionThe main research goal of the article is the assessment of the degree of preparation Post‑Yugoslav state for accession to the European Union. The analysis included states such as the Republic of Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Serbia, Montenegro and the Republic of Kosovo (in the order of announcing independence). An in‑depth analysis confirms that the Republic of Macedonia, the Republic of Serbia and the Republic of Montenegro have the status of EU candidate states. The other two: Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Republic of Kosovo have the status of potential EU candidates. According to the European Commission, the Republic of Serbia and Montenegro have the highest chances of EU membership, probably in 2025. There are many problems that the Post‑Yugoslav states are struggling with. These states have to “learn” democracy. It should underline that there are still unregulated matters as like as rule of law (implementation in practice), corruption or crime (including organized crime) as well.
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Dimitrijevic, Dusko, Ivona Ladjevac, and Mihajlo Vucic. "The analysis of un activities in resolving the issue of Kosovo and Metohija." Medjunarodni problemi 64, no. 4 (2012): 442–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp1204442d.
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After the Security Council had established the international administration in Kosovo on grounds of the Resolution no. 1244 of 10 June 1999 for the construction and reconstruction of the legal and economic systems, the support and protection of human rights, the provision of humanitarian and other assistance, it adopted the conclusion that the achievement of a political settlement for the southern Serbian province would primarily depend on the development and consolidation of peace and security. Accordingly, in May 2001, the international administration adopted the Constitutional Framework for Provisional Self- Government in Kosovo, which defined the status of the Serbian southern province as a whole and indivisible territorial entity under the interim international administration. The Constitutional Framework is regulated as a substantial transfer of state responsibilities by the peoples of Kosovo and Metohija to the provisional institutions of self-government and it should ?enjoy substantial autonomy within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia?. This institutional development is aimed at establishing constructive cooperation among various ethnic communities in order to build a common democratic state. Since this solution is not quite legally balanced, it could not go without any negative consequences in terms of national sovereignty. The suspension of sovereignty of the Republic of Serbia in Kosovo and Metohija has eventually contributed to creating of the conditions for the socalled unilateral declaration of independence of the Republic of Kosovo. The analysis of the activities undertaken in the field of resolving the status issue after the unilateral declaration of independence of 17 February 2008 suggests that the solution for the Kosovo and Metohija should be primarily sought within the United Nations system.
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Gashi, Dr Sc Bejtush, and Dr Sc Dario Molnar. "The role of NATO in the demilitarization of Kosovo Liberation Army and in establishment of Kosovo Protection Corps and Kosovo Security Force." ILIRIA International Review 2, no. 2 (December 31, 2012): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v2i2.143.
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Kosovo Liberation Army was demilitarized and demobilized pursuant to Rambouillet accord articles and 1244 Resolution, under the control of military component of the international administration in Kosovo – Kosovo Forces (NATO). Establishment of Kosovo Protection Corps (KPC) followed this process, with the civil emergency organizational mission, which operated until the adoption of constitution of Republic of Kosovo, promulgated on June 15, 2008. The constitution foresaw KPC disbandment and creation of a new security formation in Kosovo – Kosovo Security Forces (KSF). The decree of USA president, Xhorxh W. Bush, dated 19.03.2008 indicates the political importance of KSF creation in promotion of Kosovo’s independence.The Security Sector reform will keep its special focus in periodical review programming of KSF positional development in adaptation to new situation in security environment, reflecting concrete examples through new events, missions, tasks and roles for KSF units, always compliant with the concrete needs of the country and with the Euro-Atlantic collective protection structure standards.
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Muçaj, Florent, and Avdylkader Mucaj. "Appointing a President that Represents the Unity of the People in Kosovo." International and Comparative Law Review 17, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2018-0008.
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SummaryThe article examines the constitutional position of the president of republic in the view of the appointment procedure established in Hamiti et al and Derguti et al. Both constitutional court decisions have construed a rhetorical interpretation of the expected role of the president of republic as representative of the unity of the people in a constitutional nutshell. The article questions both decisions’ structural rationality and legitimacy in what is likely a tough political controversy requiring two-third majority for the appointment of the president of republic in the first two rounds. To better designate the logic upon which the court relied when ruling in the two decisions, the article considers relevant comparative literature and case-law to channel the analysis. The article concludes that though the court demonstrated a rather activist tone in interpreting the procedure for the appointment of the president of republic, it also showed quite unprecedented willingness to constitutionally empower the position of the president of republic on basis of appointment-related preconditions.
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Baliqi, Dr Sc Bekim, MSc Ngadhnjim Brovina, and BSc Fjolla Nuhiu. "Kosovar Public Diplomacy." ILIRIA International Review 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2013): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v3i1.106.
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We are being witnesses that the XXI century is characterized by the rise and rapid advancement of public diplomacy, particularly in small countries that are under development, or countries that do not have classical influence through diplomacy and military influence, therefore into the category of states in which the development of public diplomacy is needed, we have included the Republic of Kosovo.The Republic of Kosovo as a new state, with without diplomatic experience and that has started from scratch, should necessarily develop the public diplomacy, because it is listed in the category of countries that we have specified above.But how should the Republic of Kosovo develop a public diplomacy?For building the basement of public diplomacy, the main tool that Kosovo should develop is communicationThrough the communication are held discussions, negotiations, becomes the announcement about the steps of development of the state, becomes lobbying, rises the positive image, and all these lead to the recognition of the new state and to the multilateral and bilateral cooperation agreements.In order to explain the performance and the form of the use of communication in public diplomacy, which the Republic of Kosovo has begun to use and implement in practice, and which already has brought tangible results that need improvement, we think that still has remained very long road with many political, economic, diplomatic and democratic challenges until we achieve a satisfactory level.A deeper analysis of what has been done so far, and what needs to be done in the future is required, therefore the whole problem along with the possible functional solutions is explained more specifically with theories and examples below.
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Filimonova, Anna Igorevna, and Kseniya Dmitrievna Kot. "The negotiation process and the Martti Ahtisaari Plan as a way to the unconditional state independence of the "Republic of Kosovo"." Uchenyy Sovet (Academic Council), no. 4 (March 18, 2021): 257 (322)—269 (333). http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/nik-02-2104-02.
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The article presents an analysis of one of the most acute and urgent problems of our time — the acquisition of the de facto independence declared by Pristina on February 17, 2008 by the separatist forces of the Kosovo Albanians, represented mainly by the former leaders of the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, of the sabotage and punitive character of the fighting, and the Albanian politicians completely subordinate to them by that time. The authors focused on identifying the role of the UN (UN Security Council and the UN Civil Administration in Kosovo and Metohija — UNMIK), the United States, the EU, and Serbia since the beginning of the illegitimate process of negotiations, not on the implementation of the binding UN Security Council Resolution No. 1244, but on the completely contradictory negotiations on the status of Kosovo and Metohija, the failure of which, however, led, as planned, to the proclamation of the creation of the "Republic of Kosovo" and its subsequent strengthening on the basis of the principles underlying the preparation and conduct of these negotiations, as well as the Martti Ahtisaari Plan. The article covers the period from the end of the NATO military aggression against the FRY (June 1999) to February 17, 2008 – the starting point of the creation of the quasistate of Kosovo. The materials of the article can be used in the educational process within the "International Relations" and "Political Science" program tracks. English version of the article on pp. 322-333 at URL: https://panor.ru/articles/negotiation-and-martti-ahtisaariplan-as-a-path-to-the-unconditional-state-independence-of-the-republic-of-kosovo/65975.html
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Fejzullahu, Bajram. "Chosen Model of Privatization of Socially Owned Enterprise in Kosovo Over Kosovo Trust Agency." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 2 (August 30, 2015): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i2.p49-54.
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Unlike in the countries of Central and South-East Europe, where the transformation of property and political transition were smooth and peaceful, in the countries of former Yugoslavia (except Montenegro and Macedonia) these processes were accompanied by war; the effects are present even nowadays. After 1999, it was Kosovo’s turn to be part of these changes. Normally, in these processes, the political transition occurs prior to the transformation of property. This was not the case in Kosovo, where the order was reversed. It cannot be said that the privatisation method chosen by UNMIK was not the best. As of now, this method has failed to fulfil its duties of economic recovery and solve the unemployment problem. UNMIK has chosen the method of transforming the social property of Kosovo as a set up for the total transition of the political system, which later on would be one of the main elements and will serve to proclaim independence of Republic of Kosovo. It will remain an unanswered question whether the method that used is actually better, whether it is more productive economically, or not. As Kosovo’s case for many things is sui generis, and as far as the process of privatisation of the social property is concerned, it is a process which tried to adjust to the existing circumstances in Kosovo, circumstances which were earlier unknown in the other countries.
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Fejzullahu, Bajram. "Chosen Model of Privatization of Socially Owned Enterprise in Kosovo Over Kosovo Trust Agency." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (August 30, 2015): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i1.p49-54.
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Unlike in the countries of Central and South-East Europe, where the transformation of property and political transition were smooth and peaceful, in the countries of former Yugoslavia (except Montenegro and Macedonia) these processes were accompanied by war; the effects are present even nowadays. After 1999, it was Kosovo’s turn to be part of these changes. Normally, in these processes, the political transition occurs prior to the transformation of property. This was not the case in Kosovo, where the order was reversed. It cannot be said that the privatisation method chosen by UNMIK was not the best. As of now, this method has failed to fulfil its duties of economic recovery and solve the unemployment problem. UNMIK has chosen the method of transforming the social property of Kosovo as a set up for the total transition of the political system, which later on would be one of the main elements and will serve to proclaim independence of Republic of Kosovo. It will remain an unanswered question whether the method that used is actually better, whether it is more productive economically, or not. As Kosovo’s case for many things is sui generis, and as far as the process of privatisation of the social property is concerned, it is a process which tried to adjust to the existing circumstances in Kosovo, circumstances which were earlier unknown in the other countries.
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Nielsen, Christian Axboe. "Serbian Historiography after 1991." Contemporary European History 29, no. 1 (November 12, 2019): 90–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731900033x.
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Few countries in Europe have witnessed as much turbulence during the past quarter century as the seven states which emerged from socialist Yugoslavia after it dissolved amidst a catastrophic series of wars of succession. Although actual armed conflict only took place in Serbia (then still including Kosovo in the rump state Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) in 1998 and 1999, Serbia directly participated in the wars of Yugoslav succession beginning in 1991 in Slovenia, Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina, and then finally in Kosovo. For nearly a decade from 1992 until 2001 Serbia's economy languished under the combination of a kleptocratic regime, expensive and protracted military engagements and international sanctions. The long Serbian transition entered a new phase in October 2000, when Yugoslav President Slobodan Milošević was ousted by a very heterogeneous political coalition whose leaders shared only an intense antipathy for Milošević. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was transformed into the short-lived state union of Serbia and Montenegro, which disappeared when Montenegro declared its independence in 2006, followed by Kosovo in 2008.
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Kastrati, MA Shyhrete. "The Principle of Will Autonomy in the Obligatory Law." ILIRIA International Review 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v5i1.18.
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The principle of autonomy of will is legislated with the Article 2 of the Law no. 04/L–077 on Obligational Relationships1, thereby providing the legal grounds for the regulation of legal relations between parties in obligational relationship.This study aims to provide a contribution to the theory and practice, and also aims at providing a modest contribution to the obligational law doctrine in Kosovo. The purpose of the paper is to explore the gaps and weaknesses in practical implementation of the principle, which represents the main pillar of obligational law. In this paper, combined methods were used, including research and descriptive methods, analysis and synthesis, comparative and normative methods.The exploration method was used throughout the paper, and entails the collection of hard-copy and electronic materials. The descriptive method implies a description of concepts, important thoughts of legal science, and in this case, on the principle of autonomy of will, thereby using literature of various authors. The analytical and synthetic methodology is aimed at achieving the study objectives, the recognition of the principle of autonomy of will, practical implementation thereof, and conclusions.The comparative method was applied in comparing the implementation of the principle in the Law on Obligational Relationships of Kosovo and the Law on Obligational Relationships of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Kosovo, and the Civil Code of the Republic of Albania. The normative method was necessary, since the topic of the study is about legal norms.
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Strohmeyer, Hansjörg. "Collapse and Reconstruction of Ajudicial System: The United Nations Missions in Kosovo and East Timor." American Journal of International Law 95, no. 1 (January 2001): 46–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2642036.
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Within the span of only a few months in 1999, the United Nations was faced with one of the greatest challenges in its recent history: to serve as an interim government in Kosovo and East Timor.In Kosovo, in response to massive attacks on the Kosovar Albanian population, including orchestrated and wide-scale “ethnic cleansing,” the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) conducted an eleven-week air campaign against Yugoslav and Serbian security forces and paramilitary groups. The campaign resulted in the agreement of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to withdraw all Yugoslav and Serbian security forces from the territory. On June 10,1999, one day after the suspension of NATO’s air strikes, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1244 (1999), establishing the United Nations Interim Administration in Kosovo (UNMIK).
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Istrefi, Kushtrim. "Contestation of Kosovo’s Statehood from Within: EULEX Judges Adjudicating Privatization Matters through ‘Status Neutrality’." Review of Central and East European Law 45, no. 4 (December 16, 2020): 432–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-bja10036.
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Abstract Kosovo’s statehood has been contested by foes as well as friends. Much is known about the former and less about the latter. This contribution explores the contestation of Kosovo’s independence by the judges of the European Union Rule of Law Mission in Kosovo (eulex) working on privatization matters before Kosovo courts. As put by the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Kosovo (kcc), eulex judges working on privatization matters, “simply continued to ignore the existence of Kosovo as an independent State and its legislation emanating from its Assembly”. The kcc stated this after eulex judges working on privatization matters had refused to respect Kosovo laws and institutions subsequent to the 2008 Kosovo Declaration of Independence. This paper explores the judicial dialogue on Kosovo’s independence between eulex judges and the kcc and identifies the limitations and risks of the ‘status neutral’ policy applied by international organizations to collaborate with Kosovar institutions without prejudging its political status. This submission suggests that ‘status neutrality’ leads to either acceptance or contestation of Kosovo’s statehood and thus brings more uncertainty than clarity to Kosovo’s position in international relations.
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Cogan, Jacob Katz. "The 2010 Judicial Activity of the International Court of Justice." American Journal of International Law 105, no. 3 (July 2011): 477–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.105.3.0477.
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The International Court of Justice rendered two final decisions on the merits in 2010: in Pulp Mills on the River Uruguay (Argentina v. Uruguay) and Ahmadou Sadio Diallo (Republic of Guinea v. Democratic Republic of the Congo). The Court also issued an advisory opinion in Accordance with International Law of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence in Respect of Kosovo and an order finding Italy’s counterclaim inadmissible in Jurisdictional Immunities of the State (Germany v. Italy).
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Suy, Eric. "NATO's Intervention in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." Leiden Journal of International Law 13, no. 1 (March 2000): 193–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500000133.
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At the outset of the conflict over Kosovo, the use of armed force by NATO member states has been justified to force the Government of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to accept and sign the Rambouillet agreement. Later on, the use of force was justified in order to prevent a major humanitarian catastrophe. But examination of the relevant Security Council resolutions and of the circumstances surrounding the Rambouillet negotiations shed a totally different light on the legal arguments advanced by proponents of NATO's intervention. Modern international law on the use of force by states, as enshrined in the UN Charter, is still at the core of inter-state relations.
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Stamova, Mariyana. "The Albanians in Yugoslavia from the late 1960s to the early 1980s." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.130.
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The paper focuses on the events after the Brioni plenum of the Central Committee of the LCY in 1966. The turning point for the development of the national relationships in the Yugoslav federation became namely the Brioni plenim. This plenum and its decisions led to a liberalization of the national relationships in Yugoslavia, thus to the outburst of the Albanian problem, which was severely suppressed to this moment. This is the first major victory for the Albanians in Yugoslavia. In this regard, a movement has begun among the Albanian population in the multinational federation with the main goal of achieving full national recognition, including republican status for Kosovo. This new policy towards the minorities in Yugoslavia was introduced after the middle of the 1960s. Its expression became the new constitutional definition of “Yugoslav peoples and ethnoses”, which had to substitute the term “national minorities”. That led to changes into the rights of Albanians in Yugoslavia, and as a result their socio-political activity drastically aroused. The Yugoslav party leadership started again to look for a solution of the Albanian issue. Significant Yugoslav financial aid and investments were directed towards Kosovo, aiming at a closer incorporation of the Albanians in the Yugoslav federation and an interruption of their connection with Albania. After the Brioni Plenum, the Albanian problem in the Yugoslav Federation entered a qualitatively new state. The events in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and the neighboring Republic of Macedonia at the end of 1968 played an important role in the further development of this problem and in the changes in the constitutional, legal and socio-political development of the Yugoslav Federation. So after the demonstrations of the Albanian population in Kosovo and Macedonia at the end of 1968, a “creeping Albanization” started in Kosovo. The Albanian political elite and intelligencia played the most important role in the imposition of the “Albanization” as a political line at the end of the 1960s. Albanians hold all important posts in administration, culture, education and political life of Kosovo. That led to an increasing mistrust between the Albanian population and the Serbian-Montenegrin minority, and the last was forced to leave its homes and to migrate in other republics and regions. The political leadership in Prishtina insisted the autonomous region to get equal rights with the republics as a federal unit. That is how at the beginning of the 1970s Kosovo issue transferred into a problem of the whole Yugoslav federation, not only a Serbian one. The Albanians in Prishtina were involved into the confrontation Zagreb-Belgrade and acquired a support from the Croatian side, as well as the Slovenian one in the efforts to take their problem out of Serbia and to put it on a federal level at the League Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). The processes in the political life of the autonomous region Kosovo were not isolated and were connected with the events in the Yugoslav federation as a whole, and precisely in Croatia at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 70s, which culmination was so-called “Zagreb Spring” in 1971. The Croatian crisis had an important influence on the national relationships in the federation and led to an inflammation of the national disputes. That had a direct impact on the political life of Kosovo. Searching for allies against Serbian hegemony and unitarism, which were the main danger for the Croatian republic, Zagreb’s political leadership supported Kosovo pretensions for the extension of the autonomous rights and the freedoms of the Albanians. The amendments to the federal system of Yugoslavia (1968-1971) and the new Yugoslav constitution from 1974 are reflected in Kosovo, which makes the Albanian problem not only a problem of Serbia, but also a common Yugoslav problem.
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CHESTERMAN, SIMON. "International Territorial Administration and the Limits of Law." Leiden Journal of International Law 23, no. 2 (April 27, 2010): 437–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156510000130.
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The year 2009 was one of many anniversaries for the state-building project. It marked ten years since the United Nations began its bold experiments of state-building in East Timor and Kosovo, now the independent state of Timor-Leste and the embryonic Republic of Kosovo respectively. It was twenty years since Namibia held elections in the course of becoming independent, heralding a new post-Cold War activism. It was also ninety years since the League of Nations established the mandate system, which – even though it applied only to the colonies of enemy states defeated in the Great War – marked the beginning of the end of colonialism.
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Farquet, Romaine. "Demonstrating for a Kosovo Republic in Switzerland: emotions, national identity and performance." Nations and Nationalism 20, no. 2 (February 24, 2014): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/nana.12053.
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Trubeta, Sevasti. "Balkan Egyptians and Gypsy/Roma Discourse." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 1 (March 2005): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500053788.
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Since the 1990s, yet another entity has emerged among the wide range of groups and minorities in the Balkans attracting the attention of politicians, scholars and the public. Known as “Egypcani” in Macedonia and Kosovo, or as “Jevgs/Jevgits” in Albania, these Albanophone Muslims are usually identified as Albanianised “Gypsies” by the societies in which they live, although they consider themselves to be descendents of Egyptian immigrants to the Balkans. Today, Balkan Egyptians are officially recognised as a distinct population group in the Republic of Macedonia, while they enjoy political influence through representative and cultural organisations in Kosovo and Albania.
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Kryeziu, Prof Ass Dr Kadri. "The Constitutional Legal Basis of Local Government in the Southeastern Countries of Europe." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 5, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejms.v5i1.p363-369.
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In the most general sense, the mission of the local administration or local government is to "ensure governance at the level closest to citizens". Knowing that local government has an important role in the functioning of the state and of law, the local governance in the political system in most countries is primarily seen in its relations with the central government.If the historic point of view is taken into account, the development of local government in Kosovo has a tradition of two centuries. If the Constitution of the Ottoman Empire of 1876 is reviewed, it shows the pyramid of organization of local government in Kosovo, which was in fact inspired from the local government in the West. Speaking about local governance means slotting or reviewing a range of significant phenomena directly related to the destiny of the state. The local government, according to the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo, represents the public power. It sanctions municipalities as basic administrative and political units.
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Johanson, Märta. "Kosovo: Boundaries and the Liberal Dilemma." Nordic Journal of International Law 73, no. 4 (2004): 535–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1571810043083342.
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AbstractA common position adopted by international lawyers on State borders is that they should be changed as little as possible, as allowing too much scope for changes to borders risks opening up a Pandora's box of unending claims. The liberal position on international boundaries posits that the location of a State's external boundaries matters little anyway, as the liberal State can function within any borders. The article attempts to provide a critique of these positions, and argues that another approach to borders, and particularly to boundaries at the dissolution of States, is needed. The liberal assumption does not adequately respond to boundary changes in non-liberal States. Differences between borders, and the importance attached to these differences in different contexts, have attracted little attention by international lawyers. Because the same solution often tends to lead to different results in different contexts, attempting to apply Public International Law rules, such as a modern version of uti possidetis, to boundaries in all cases of State dissolutions and new State formations, forms not only an insuf ficient response, but might in fact risk contravening obligations under the UN Charter to maintain international peace and security. The con flicts over the republican boundaries of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) in the early 1990s exemplify that an automatic conversion of federal boundaries into international ones risks undermining long-term peaceful solutions. The final status of Kosovo, and the issue of its borders, remains a challenge for the international community. In light of the recent tensions in Kosovo existing territorial and political assumptions need to be reexamined, in order that the solution adopted for the territory accord with international obligations set out under the UN Charter.
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Kudryashova, I. V., and E. Yu Meleshkina. "Kosovo: Secession as a Nation-building Project." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 1 (January 28, 2021): 228–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-1-12.
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The article focuses on stateаnd nation-building in the partially recognized Republic of Kosovo. The main research question is whether it is possible to build effective state institutions within non-consolidated borders after a “remedial secession” relying on the support of international actors. The article identifies the factors that determine this possibility. They are tradition of independent political being and power organization; peculiarities of sociocultural and ethnic composition; goals and strategies of the external actors and their compliance with needs of the internal actors and the population; level of new institutions’ applicability. The authors conclude that the tradition of power organization, non-consolidated borders (including socio-cultural borders), contradictions between different international organizations and between them and internal actors hamper the process of state-building in Kosovo to a great extent. The evidence is the lack of visible improvements reflected by indicators of the economic and institutional development. Furthermore, weak integration of Serbian minority, especially in the North Kosovo, remains a major challenge to nation-building within existing borders.
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Arastey Sahún, Ma Lourdes, and Pilar Rivas Vallejo. "The legal construction of the social security system of the Republic of Kosovo." International Social Security Review 62, no. 1 (January 2009): 65–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-246x.2008.01324.x.
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Podolak, Małgorzata. "Instytucja parlamentu w państwach byłej Jugosławii." Przegląd europejski 1 (October 5, 2019): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5178.
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Parliament is the body of legislative power and, along with the government and the head of state, it plays the most important role in the state. The article concerns the analysis of the parliamentary institutions in the countries of the former Yugoslavia, i.e. Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Republic of Croatia, the Republic of Montenegro, the Republic of Kosovo, the Republic of Serbia, the Republic of Slovenia and the Republic of Macedonia. The method used in the study was a system analysis and a comparative method, thanks to which we can see the similarities and differences in the functioning of the parliaments. In the analyzed countries, parliaments are subjects that influence political processes and the creation of law. The creators of the constitution had to take into account the traditions of parliamentarism as well as the complicated nationality situation in the countries.
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Martynov, V. "Regional Features of Modern Serbia." World Economy and International Relations, no. 12 (2012): 58–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2012-12-58-63.
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The article deals with the changes in the regional division of modern Serbia in the first decade of the 2000s. The author analyzes demographic problems of the country, the dynamics of population according to the census of 2002 and 2011. Particular attention is paid to the issue of relations between Serbia and the Republic of Kosovo.
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Weller, Marc. "The International Response to the Dissolution of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." American Journal of International Law 86, no. 3 (July 1992): 569–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203972.
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The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia consisted of six republics (Slovenia, Croatia, Serbia, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Montenegro and Macedonia) and two autonomous regions (Kosovo and Vojvodina). Its overall population was recently estimated as 23.69 million. There were 8.14 million Serbs, 4.43 million Croats, 1.75 million Slovenes, 1.73 million Albanians, 1.34 million Macedonians and 1.22 million “Yugoslavs,” as well as a variety of other minorities.Slovenia has a population of 1.94 million, 90 percent of whom are ethnic Slovenes. There are small minorities of ethnic Serbs, Croats and Hungarians.
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Hoti, Afrim, and Fitore Bekteshi. "Economic Sustainability of a New Born State." European Journal of Economics and Business Studies 1, no. 1 (April 30, 2015): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejes.v1i1.p68-75.
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Sustainable development is the concept of a relationship between economic growth and the environment and especially when it comes to a new born country, such as Kosovo. It is naturally important for Kosovo as country, which used to be for a long time with no adequate attention in terms of the economic development under the Yugoslavian political, legal and economic development. Republic of Kosovo is among the richest countries in Europe and wider, seen on the perspective of natural and human resources as well as for geographical position. Nevertheless, the country never had the opportunity to develop itself, using its own resources. Internationally, based on Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights as well as the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, when speaking for self-determination, apart from politics, these documents include the exclusive rights of nations to develop research as well as to orient its country economic resources and economic agenda. Therefore paper aims to present facts on the implication of domestic and international politics in relation to the economic development of a new born country. The analysis will be focused on the policies of Kosovo, as well as activities undertaken in the direction of building an attracting environment in Kosovo for Foreign Direct and Indirect Investments as well as to incite local and international initiatives for business, aiming the general economic growth and the economical sustainability of the state.
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Salihu, MA Arben. "The Potential of Economic Diplomacy for Kosovo’s Economic Growth." ILIRIA International Review 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v5i1.21.
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Historically, the wise use of country’s economic potential brought conducive political gains. In contemporary times, where the business competition has reached its peak, the creative diplomacy that caters economic concerns, generally called the economic diplomacy is gaining pace. The term of Economic Diplomacy is fairly new, but apparently the research and evaluation of this concept is rapidly increasing, primarily to assess its impact on economic growth. Despite gaining popularity and acknowledgment, many countries are not taking full advantage of economic diplomacy, the Republic of Kosovo is case in point. The aim of this work is to explore the importance of economic diplomacy for Kosovo, a developing country, but with vast potential for growth. The study begins with a brief analysis on Kosovo economic history and the first signs of economic diplomacy. In addition, it discusses the role, importance and the future of economic diplomacy for Kosovo, vis a vis challenges and opportunities. It analysis the level of the use of economic diplomacy in the region, as well as presents data concerning Kosovo trade with world during the period 2004-2014. Finally it offers a number of recommendations for economic development in relations to economic diplomacy and concludes that success of the economic diplomacy largely depends on active, creative and proactive leadership as well as shrewd decison making.
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Qehaja, Rustem, and Armend Ahmeti. "The legal regulation of arbitration in Kosovo, with special emphasis on the insurance policy." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Splitu 55, no. 3 (October 3, 2018): 667–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.31141/zrpfs.2018.55.129.667.
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The subject around which this study is conducted relates to arbitration, as a method or alternative way of resolving disputes from the insurance policy. The topic discussed in this paper is of particular importance because industry respectively insurance activity represents a rather delicate activity, which wakes up considerably the interest of citizens, because through insurance they secure the most basic goods such as life, wealth, and so on. During the course of this study, I have focused on the provisions of various laws covering the insurance sector such as the Law no. 04/L-077 on Obligations, Law no. 05/L-045 on Insurance, etc., as well as in the legislation, which covers the field of arbitration, respectively in the Law no. 02/L-75 on Arbitration of the Republic of Kosovo. The settlement of disputes by the insurance policy between the parties through arbitration, gives this subject a specific character, because the use of arbitration in this field, is not studied and analyzed as much as is necessary. The purpose of this paper is to provide the reader with general knowledge on arbitration as an alternative way of resolving disputes between the parties to the insurance.
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Selimi, Behar. "The President's Role on National Security Policies - the Case of Kosovo." International Journal of Social Science Studies 5, no. 4 (March 27, 2017): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v5i4.2261.
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The institution of the President in the Republic of Kosovo represents a new political and constitutional institution, as is the Republic itself. As such, he is still untested against constitutional responsibilities with which he is charged by the country's constitutions. Moreover, the President has not yet been tested on the security crisis management, as in reality he still cannot exercise all of his powers as Head of State and Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, as these competencies for now are being exercised by the political and military structures of the North Atlantic Treaty (NATO). However, in a constitutional and legal sense, the President of Kosovo enjoys all the powers for the realization of his constitutional role as a "representative of the unity of the people and guarantor of the democratic functioning of the institutions of the country'' and also as Commander of the Armed Forces with executive powers. Once the competences of the President in the authority of foreign policy are added then he appears to be one of the most powerful presidents, as compared with the presidents of parliamentary republics. It is exactly the powers of the President on national security issues that will be the topic of treatment in this paper, through an analysis not only the issues that are completely of the defense and security character, but also authorities dealing with other issues that can be used on behalf or in the name of national security.
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Koloskov, Evgenii. "28 June in the Serbian calendar of 1985-1991." A day in the calendar. Celebrations and memorial days as an instrument of national consolidation in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe from the nineteenth to the twenty-first century, no. 1 (2019): 124–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2018.1.6.
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The article is devoted to the formation of the contemporary Vidovdan tradition in the Socialist Republic of Serbia in 1985-1991. Beings the key date in modern Serbian national history, 28 June was used to provide commemorative practices by various Serbian forces during the decomposition of centralised power in Yugoslavia in that period. The process of codifying of a new national mythology precipitated by the disintegration processes in the SFRY after the death of Tito, is examined on the background of the political discourse in Serbia. The research uses sources such as the public speeches and writings of leading political figures (above all Slobodan Milosevic), which are openly available, for example the Memorandum of the Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, and which were published in the three most popular newspapers in the Socialist Republic of Serbia: Борба (Struggle), Политика (Politics) and Вечерње новости (Evening News) and the two main newspapers of the Autonomous Province of Kosovo: Rilindja (Revival) and Jeдинство (Unity). The research concludes that it is obvious that the establishing of a tradition of celebrating the anniversary of the Kosovo Battle as an annual public holiday is directly related to the interests of the political forces in SR Serbia.
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Howse, Robert, and Ruti Teitel. "Delphic Dictum: How Has the ICJ Contributed to the Global Rule of Law by its Ruling on Kosovo?" German Law Journal 11, no. 7-8 (August 1, 2010): 841–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200018861.
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The most immediately striking aspect of the ICJ's recent ruling on Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence is the divergence between what the Court actually said and how its decision is being read in the media and by political actors. Typically the Court is said to have found secession by Kosovo to be “legal” or “lawful” under international law. According to Kosovo President Fatmir Sejdiu, “The decision finally removes all doubts that countries which still do not recognize the Republic of Kosovo could have.” The angry reaction to the decision by Serbian nationalists likewise supposed that the Court had endorsed a right to secession. In fact, what the Court did was to read literally—and some would say narrowly or pedantically—the question it was asked, and thus to avoid opining on the major legal (and related policy) issues raised by the act of secession, including whether there is a right to proceed with a unilateral act of secession, and to whom such a right may or may not belong. On the literal reading, the Court was not asked, and thus it did not rule on, whether international law requires that the final status of Kosovo protect the group and individual rights of minorities, whether Kosovar Serbs or Roma. Likewise, the Court did not rule on whether Serbia or, indeed, any other State in the world community is required to recognize Kosovo as an independent State. Nor did the Court's decision address the borders of an independent Kosovo, or whether and under what circumstances force could legally be used either to impose independence or to resist it.
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Kritsiotis, Dino. "The Kosovo Crisis and Nato's Application of Armed Force Against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 49, no. 2 (April 2000): 330–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300064186.
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In the fifth week of NATO's 78–day aerial intervention in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY), the FRY initiated proceedings in the International Court of Justice against ten of its member States which it accused of violating the principles of international law in relation to the jus ad bellum and the jus in bello.1 NATO's action, known as Operation Allied Force, had commenced on the night of 24 March 1999 when cruise missiles were directed on Serbian targets located in the Kosovan capital of Pristina and in the Republic's capital of Belgrade.2 This robust application of armed force came on the eve of the 50th anniversary of NATO, an organisation which was established after the Second World War for the collective defence of its member States, and constituted the first offensive launched against another sovereign State in the organisation's entire history.
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Podvorica, Armend. "Distinct Matters between the Phenomenon of Smuggling of Migrants and Trafficking in Human Beings as Types of Organized Crime in Kosovo." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 1, no. 3 (December 30, 2015): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v1i3.p215-220.
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Generally speaking, the organized crime is a very complex phenomenon and quite heterogenic that adapts to the various requirements of economy and political and social institutions of the countries where it emerges and operates. Subject to the criteria that are taken as basis for its classification, the criminal phenomena emerge and operate in various types of organized crime. Hence, the Republic of Kosovo has introduced punishments against the organized criminal groups and major types of crime that emerge and expand in the shape of organized crime, including smuggling of migrants and trafficking in human beings. The criminal phenomena in the form of organized crime in the modern world which appears to be very concerning and quite threatening for the whole society, is trafficking in human beings and smuggling of migrants. Therefore, it is very important to study and identify all matters which bring together and separate these two criminal phenomena, which have emerged and continue to be present in various places and countries throughout continents and that have caused fundamental political, social, economic, cultural changes, etc. The key matters to be treated are as follows: Legal Framework of Republic of Kosovo which treats and punishes the organized crime, smuggling of migrants and trafficking in human beings, including the distinct points between these two criminal offences.
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Podvorica, Armend. "Distinct Matters between the Phenomenon of Smuggling of Migrants and Trafficking in Human Beings as Types of Organized Crime in Kosovo." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3, no. 1 (December 30, 2015): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v3i1.p215-220.
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Generally speaking, the organized crime is a very complex phenomenon and quite heterogenic that adapts to the various requirements of economy and political and social institutions of the countries where it emerges and operates. Subject to the criteria that are taken as basis for its classification, the criminal phenomena emerge and operate in various types of organized crime. Hence, the Republic of Kosovo has introduced punishments against the organized criminal groups and major types of crime that emerge and expand in the shape of organized crime, including smuggling of migrants and trafficking in human beings. The criminal phenomena in the form of organized crime in the modern world which appears to be very concerning and quite threatening for the whole society, is trafficking in human beings and smuggling of migrants. Therefore, it is very important to study and identify all matters which bring together and separate these two criminal phenomena, which have emerged and continue to be present in various places and countries throughout continents and that have caused fundamental political, social, economic, cultural changes, etc. The key matters to be treated are as follows: Legal Framework of Republic of Kosovo which treats and punishes the organized crime, smuggling of migrants and trafficking in human beings, including the distinct points between these two criminal offences.
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Thaçi, Arsim, and Ismail Zejneli. "Extradition in the Light of Legal Solutions in the Republic of Kosovo - Experiences, Challenges." SEEU Review 15, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 56–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/seeur-2020-0017.
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Abstract Beheld in terms of international law, its subjects such as states, governments or international organizations always communicate with each other based on the spirit of the provisions of the field of international law. In the framework of the breaches, respectively the deliberate violation of these provisions, is the case of the so-called "Gulenists", where all the links of the system under which the extradition matter is built upon, are exempted. Our country will keep this stain for a long time, while in the archives of justice it will be treated as a case that should not have happened, always based on the commitment to the strict implementation of the provisions of the field of international law that our state has always had. At least they should have been held accountable, even criminally; hence, such cases to have never been repeated in our country. The lack of criminal accountability of the actors-senior state officials directly implicated in this case has left scars in our system, which at that moment is widely considered as a delayed system, while at an instant the whole commitment in this direction is shaken. This stain could have been avoided post festum - even in the circumstances when it happened, that is, even in the situation when all the political actors had been implicated in this case. In this regard, whilst analyzing the provisions we can assume that despite the deficiencies and continuously looking at the volume of legal provisions of this law, yet, we can consider that our system in this area has advanced and has ongoing initiatives to improve this system to the extent that could meet the requirements in relation to the dynamics of social and international relations.
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JAKOVLJEVIĆ, VLADIMIR, and MILOŠ TOMIĆ. "SUSPENSION CIVIL PROTECTION UNIT IN KOSOVO AND METOHIJA." Kultura polisa, no. 45 (July 3, 2021): 277–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.51738/kpolisa2021.18.2r.4.03.
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The gradual suspension of the institutions of the Republic of Serbia in the area of Kosovo and Metohija is the result of the dialogue that the representatives of the Albanian national minority are having with the Serbian political leadership. The first agreement, signed in 2013, formally and legally calls into question the survival and functioning of a number of institutions that function in accordance with the legislation of the RS and are of vital importance for the security of the local population. As an important part of the institutional arrangement and organization of the protection and rescue system, civil protection units were formed within four municipalities in the north of Kosmet, as well as in other parts south of the river Ibar. The main task of the trained and trained general purpose units was to protect people, material and cultural goods and the environment from natural disasters and technical-technological accidents. However, a section of the international community, along with Albanian political leaders, views the unit as a "paramilitary organization" (despite their humanitarian character), demanding their immediate disbandment and involvement in Kosovo's provisional institutions. The aim of this paper is a systematic description and analysis of the current security situation in the southern Serbian province as well as the role of civil protection units in maintaining a stable security situation. The paper uses the method of content analysis of a number of relevant documents describing the attempt to include members of civil protection units in the work of Kosovo's provisional institutions.
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Pavlović, Aleksandar. "The everyday life of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the undefined institutional status." Bastina, no. 51 (2020): 461–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26304.
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In this paper the author presents the results of the research of the everyday life of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the altered socio-political context after the war on Kosovo and Metohija in 1999. The main attention is paid to the status and the functioning of institutions. The aim of the paper is to offer a contribution based on the conceptualization of the ethnographic field work material in order to give the account of the everyday experience of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the undefined institutional relations caused by the withdrawal of Serbian authorities from Kosovo and Metohija, the introduction of an international protectorate and the unilateral declaration of Kosovo independence. The results presented in this paper were obtained from the field research conducted several times from 2011 to 2015 in a total duration of over eight months. The change of social-political context after the war in 1999 led to major structural disruptions in Kosovo and Metohija. These disruptions were felt especially in the institutional sphere, where they reflected in almost all aspects of the everyday life of Serbs in this area. The undefined status of institutions, in this regard, has shown to be one of the key issues in the context of the everyday life of the Serb population in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica. The survival of the Serbian institutions for the Serbs in this town represented a confirmation of the presence of the Republic of Serbia in the North of Kosovo and Metohija, which was an important symbol of identification of the local Serbs with the state they considered their own. These institutions, on the other hand, have been under intense international and Albanian pressure since the war in 1999, i. e. under the constant threat of abolition, which caused a continuous feeling of insecurity among the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica and the concerns regarding their own survival. In the conditions of contested legitimacy the Serbs did not accept the imposed instances of international and Kosovo administration, while the international regulatory bodies and Kosovo institutions did not recognize institutions of the Republic of Serbia, considering them "parallel", i. e. illegal. In Northern Kosovska Mitrovica this led to a social situation characterized by the absence of clearly defined authorities, especially in the domain of executive structures, in which the Serbs in this town led their everyday life in a gap between their needs for carrying out various daily practices on the one hand, and on the other the reality interwoven with intricate institutional relations. The Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica were forced to adapt to living in "parallel" realities, deprived of the "normalcy" of everyday life inherent in organized societies. Yet, even though they learned how to adapt to those circumstances and even how to take advantage of them, such a reality created a number of everyday problems which, in the conditions of general uncertainty, made their situation even more unfavorable.
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QERKINI, ARTAN. "Preclusion of the Right to Submit New Facts and Evidence According to the Law on Contested Procedure in Kosovo." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 10, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v10i1.p84-88.
Full textAbstract:
The market economy and changes within Republic of Kosovo’s legal system, which imposed the need of legal changes within the field of contested procedure also, have caused this procedure to become more efficient vis-à-vis legal provisions which were in force until October 6th 2008. Through the Law on Contested Procedure (hereinafter “LCP”), the legislator has aimed, inter alia, to make the contested procedure more concentrated, and thus, more efficient. In this regard, the Kosovar legislator has determined that it is mandatory for the parties to present any and all relevant evidence for resolving the dispute until the preparatory session, and in the event that one was not held, until the first main hearing session. As an exception, the parties may present relevant evidence even after this stage of proceedings, provided that their failure to present said evidence no later than at the preparatory session, respectively first main hearing session, was through no fault of their own. I consider that these legislative amendments are vital to ensuring practical implementation of the principle of efficience in the contested procedure.
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Krasniqi, Gëzim. "Contested States as Liminal Spaces of Citizenship: Comparing Kosovo and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus." Ethnopolitics 18, no. 3 (March 8, 2019): 298–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2019.1585092.
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