Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political parties - Malawi

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers

Academic literature on the topic 'Political parties - Malawi'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 13 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Political parties - Malawi"

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Mpesi, Andrew Mabvuto. "Political Parties and their Manifestos: Inferring Party Policy Positions in Malawi since 1994." Forum for Development Studies 38, no. 1 (2011): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08039410.2011.560182.

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Magliveras, Konstantinos, and Gino Naldi. "The ICC Addresses Non-Cooperation By States Parties: The Malawi Decision." African Journal of Legal Studies 6, no. 1 (2013): 137–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342018.

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Abstract This article examines the decision, issued by the Pre-Trial Chamber I of the ICC on 12 December 2011, concerning the failure of the Republic of Malawi to comply with the requests of co-operation that the ICC has extended to contracting parties in relation to the arrest and surrender of the indicted Sudanese President al-Bashir. Faced with blatant defiance by African States Parties, as well as a hostile African Union, the ICC has of late no longer restricted its reaction simply to informing the UN Security Council and the Assembly of States Parties of instances of non co-operation, but has also, for the first time, justified why it has found specific states to have violated their Rome Statute obligations by hosting al-Bashir on official visits to their territories.
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Kennedy Hussein, Mustafa, and Gift Sambo. "The Key Drivers of Party Discipline and Democratic Political Culture in Malawi`s ruling parties." African Journal of Democracy and Election Research 1, no. 1 (2021): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2752-602x/2021/v1n1a3.

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Chakwera, Elias, Dafter Khembo, and Stephen G. Sireci. "High-Stakes Testing in the Warm Heart of Africa:The Challenges and Successes of the Malawi National Examinations Board." education policy analysis archives 12 (June 28, 2004): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.14507/epaa.v12n29.2004.

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In the United States, tests are held to high standards of quality. In developing countries such as Malawi, psychometricians must deal with these same high standards as well as several additional pressures such as widespread cheating, test administration difficulties due to challenging landscapes and poor resources, difficulties in reliably scoring performance assessments, and extreme scrutiny from political parties and the popular press. The purposes of this paper are to (a) familiarize the measurement community in the US about Malawi’s assessment programs, (b) discuss some of the unique challenges inherent in such a program, (c) compare testing conditions and test administration formats between Malawi and the US, and (d) provide suggestions for improving large-scale testing in countries such as the US and Malawi. By learning how a small country instituted and supports its current testing programs, a broader perspective on resolving current measurement problems throughout the world will emerge.
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Patel, Nandini, and Michael Wahman. "The Presidential, Parliamentary and Local Elections in Malawi, May 2014." Africa Spectrum 50, no. 1 (2015): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971505000106.

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On 20 May 2014, Malawi arranged tripartite elections for president, parliament and local councils. The elections were remarkable for several reasons, seen from both an African and a Malawian perspective. Despite an uneven electoral playing field, the elections were highly competitive, ultimately leading to the country's second turnover of power when opposition challenger Peter Mutharika defeated the incumbent president, Joyce Banda. The electoral results also show a return to regionalistic voting patterns and a continuing weakening of political parties, as independent candidates emerged as the largest group in parliament. Although the results were generally credible, the election remains controversial. Several stakeholders questioned the general integrity of the process, and significant logistical problems on election day might have harmed public trust in the electoral authorities.
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Kaspin, Deborah. "The Politics of Ethnicity in Malawi's Democratic Transition." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 4 (1995): 595–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021455.

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While the western media were directing their gaze towards South Africa's political restructuring, another democratic transition was taking place to the north that was no less remarkable and no more imaginable a few years ago. Since Malawi obtained independence in 1964, it had been governed by Dr Hastings Banda (as he was then known) and the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) under a system of absolute rule which the country's élites refused to reform or relinquish. In March 1992 the Catholic bishops issued a formal protest against President H. Kamuzu Banda's political high-handedness, initiating a popular movement for democratic reform and anti-régime demonstrations by university students and staff, as well as factory workers.1 When additional pressure was exerted by the international community, holding foreign aid hostage to democratisation, the Government finally yielded, holding a referendum for multi-party democracy in June 1993 that led to presidential and parliamentary elections in May 1994. Banda and the MCP were ousted, Bakili Muluzi and the United Democratic Front (UDF) were elected, and Malawians of all parties revelled in the freedom to be openly, aggressively political.
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Svåsand, Lars. "Regulation of political parties and party functions in Malawi: Incentive structures and the selective application of the rules." International Political Science Review 35, no. 3 (2014): 275–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512114524243.

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Henderson, Clara, and Lisa Gilman. "Women as Religious and Political Praise Singers within African Institutions: The Case of the CCAP Blantyre Synod and Political Parties in Malawi." Women and Music: A Journal of Gender and Culture 8, no. 1 (2004): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wam.2004.0007.

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Rakner, Lise, and Lars Svåsand. "In search of the impact of international support for political parties in new democracies: Malawi and Zambia compared." Democratization 17, no. 6 (2010): 1250–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2010.520555.

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Phillips, David P. "Interpreting and presenting marginalized voices through intersubjective accounts." Qualitative Research Journal 16, no. 1 (2016): 26–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/qrj-03-2015-0020.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to introduce a unique approach to accessing, interpreting, and presenting issues concerning the lives of social science research participants. It particularly focuses on accessing those considered to be economically, socially, or politically marginalized and where there is reliance upon intersubjective accounts in two languages. Design/methodology/approach – The conceptual and empirical material referred to in this paper is drawn from the author’s doctoral research of a Fair Trade case study in Malawi. The approach presented is influenced by concepts derived from postcolonial theory, grounded theory, and intersubjectivity. Findings – For the community empowerment research focus it was important to provide space to capture voices of all participants, accounting for the hierarchical socio-political context in which people were embedded. This required the use of interpreters, introducing challenges related to intersubjectivity such as recognizing and accounting for positionalities and impressions of multiple parties collaborating in the process of collecting and interpreting qualitative research material. Practical implications – Investing in trained and engaged interpreters, using pilot interviews, including participants’ data in the field research design process, and capturing marginalized voices helps a researcher to mitigate challenges related to bias and power relations. Originality/value – Recognizing inherent shortcomings related to interpreter-facilitated research and power relations, the framework presented provides a reflective and practical methodological approach for qualitative researchers.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political parties - Malawi"

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Lembani, Samson Brown. "The influence of institutional arrangements on intra-party democracy in Malawi." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_9358_1182234535.

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<p>This research study seeks to investigate how institutional arrangements impact on intra-party democracy in Malawi. Intra-party democracy is essential as it promotes party unity through reduced fragmentation and factionalism, encourages a culture of democratic debate and deliberation of critical issues within the party and therefore collective ownership of decisions. Further, it creates legitimate internal conflict management systems and finally, reduces opportunistic and arbitrary use of delegated authority. These are fundamental tenets of any functioning democratic entity. These elements of intra-party democracy are attainable if they are formerly stipulated and governed by the party&rsquo<br>s constitutional rules. Where such rules either do not exist or are not effectively enforced, major operational problems arise. These may include: non-inclusive candidate selection procedures, centralised coalition negotiation processes, unprocedural conflict management mechanisms and unconstitutional or illegitimate party conventions. Consequently, the resulting outcomes include party instability and factionalism stimulated by resignations and expulsions, declining electoral support and weak coalitions. These factors undermine the party&rsquo<br>s contribution to democracy. The next section gives the context and historical evolution of parties in Malawi.</p>
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PARIGI, GIOVANNI. "STATO E TRIBU' NEL MEDIO ORIENTE CONTEMPORANEO: DINAMICHE DI POTERE NELL'IRAQ DI OGGI." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1873.

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Il tribalismo costituisce una caratteristica intrinseca delle società mediorientali, concorrendo insieme a cultura araba e religione islamica a comporne l’identità. In Iraq, da sempre, il tribalismo ha costituito sia una struttura organizzativa ed una modalità di relazione sociale, che una dinamica di potere. Durante il Mandato britannico e la monarchia, la manipolazione politica di cultura e strutture tribali ha rafforzato la legittimazione del governo; nella fase repubblicana, con l’emergere delle forze armate quale principale attore politico e l’impatto con la modernità, il tribalismo si è trasformato pur rimanendo radicato nella società. Nella fase iniziale del regime ba’thista, la cultura tribale è stata combattuta essendo considerata un retaggio arcaico. Senonchè, con le difficoltà legate alla guerra con l’Iran, l’invasione del Kuwait e il successivo embargo, il regime di Saddam Hussein sfruttò proprio il tribalismo sia come dinamica di presa e controllo del potere che come collante propagandistico e sociale. Nel vuoto politico seguito al crollo del regime, le tribù riemersero come “campo di battaglia” tra insurgency e forze della Coalizione. Con il Surge americano e la nascita della Sahwa quale reazione allo stragismo jihadista, le tribù hanno impresso una svolta che ha salvato il paese dalla guerra settaria. Anche al Maliki ha saputo abilmente avvantaggiarsi del fenomeno tribale. Oggi le tribù continuano a rappresentare sia una constituency imprescindibile per ogni partito politico, che una diversificata e trasversale forza politica attiva.<br>Tribalism is an intrinsic character of Middle Eastern’s societies, as it contributes, together with Arab culture and Islamic religion, to shape their identity. In Iraq, since ever, tribalism constituted an organizational structure and a pattern of social relations, as well as dynamic of power’s exercise. Under the British Mandate and the Monarchy, politic manipulation of tribal’s culture and structures strengthened government’s legitimation; during the Republican period, as the Army emerged as main political driver and the influence of Modernity, tribalism transformed itself even if its presence into the society was still very strong. In the initial phase of Ba’thist’s regime, tribal culture was opposed, since it was considered as an obsolete heritage. But, facing the difficulties stemming from the war with Iran, the invasion of Kuwait and the embargo, the regime of Saddam Hussein exploited tribalism as a dynamic of power’s control, as well as propaganda and social bond. In the political void ensuing to the collapse of the regime, the tribes surfaced as “battlefield” between insurgency and Coalition’s Forces. American Surge and the tribes’ intervention in the Sahwa, as a reaction to jihadist’s bloodbath, avoided a sectarian civil war. Also al Maliki was able to exploit the tribal system. Nowadays, tribes are still an invaluable constituency for every political party, as well as diversified and a cross-parties political force.
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Maganga, Anne Grace. "An investigation of the political factors contributing to floor crossing in the Malawi National Assembly : 2003-2009." Diss., 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/4833.

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Floor crossing was an unknown phenomenon in Malawi until the re-emergence of multiparty politics in 1994. Since then the number of MPs crossing the floor in the Malawi National Assembly has steadily increased from around twelve in 1994 to more than sixty in 2005. This practice has continued even today. However, the biggest incident of floor crossing took place in 2005 when the State President, Dr Bingu wa Mutharika, under the United Democratic Front (UDF) decided to abandon the party that sponsored him into office to form his own, the Democratic Progressive Party in February, 2005. Following him were several opposition MPs, a move which sparked a lot of tension in the National Assembly. The purpose of this study was to investigate political factors contributing to this phenomenon, and it was established that, among other factors, institutional weaknesses of political parties and gaps in the Constitution contributed significantly to floor crossing.<br>Political Science<br>M.A. (African Politics)
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Maganga, Anne Grace. "An investigation of the political factors contribution to floor crossing in the Malawi National Assembly : 2003-2009." Diss., 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/4833.

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Floor crossing was an unknown phenomenon in Malawi until the re-emergence of multiparty politics in 1994. Since then the number of MPs crossing the floor in the Malawi National Assembly has steadily increased from around twelve in 1994 to more than sixty in 2005. This practice has continued even today. However, the biggest incident of floor crossing took place in 2005 when the State President, Dr Bingu wa Mutharika, under the United Democratic Front (UDF) decided to abandon the party that sponsored him into office to form his own, the Democratic Progressive Party in February, 2005. Following him were several opposition MPs, a move which sparked a lot of tension in the National Assembly. The purpose of this study was to investigate political factors contributing to this phenomenon, and it was established that, among other factors, institutional weaknesses of political parties and gaps in the Constitution contributed significantly to floor crossing.<br>Political Science<br>M.A. (African Politics)
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Books on the topic "Political parties - Malawi"

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author, Patel Nandini, Kayuni Happy author, Chingaipe Henry author, Lembani Samson author, and Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, eds. Malawi before the 2014 tripartite elections: Actors, issues, prospects & pitfalls : an analytical stocktaking. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2014.

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Othman, Zaheruddin. Politik kepartian: Analisis budaya politik Melayu. Penerbit Universiti Utara Malaysia, 2005.

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Mahyiddin, Moyd. Kaedah berjuang. Insular Publishing House, 1985.

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Yacob, Kamarazaman. Rumusan. Media Jaya, 1988.

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Women and party politics in Peninsular Malaysia. Oxford University Press, 1987.

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Jam, Tarmizi Mohd. Ketahanan PAS ancam masa depan UMNO: Menolak label fanatik, militan, jumud, radikal, taksub, sesat--. Rangkaian Minda Pub., 1995.

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Othman, Ahmad Lutfi. Siapa dalang?: Cerita di sebalik tabir. Penerbitan Pemuda, 1994.

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Jam, Tarmizi Mohd. Mengapa pemimpin UMNO melatah?: Kontroversi YB. Mohd. Sabu. An-Nahli, 1995.

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Sulong, Zulkifli. Operasi tawan Terengganu. Penerbitan Pemuda, 1994.

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Statuts. Mouvement patriotique pour le renouveau, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political parties - Malawi"

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Tenthani, Kizito, and Blessings Chinsinga. "Political parties, political settlement and development." In Political Transition and Inclusive Development in Malawi. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315683898-3.

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Dulani, Boniface. "Political parties, campaign financing and political corruption in Malawi." In Political Corruption in Africa. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781788972529.00013.

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Hamer, Sam, and Jeremy Seekings. "Social Assistance, Electoral Competition, and Political Branding in Malawi." In The Politics of Social Protection in Eastern and Southern Africa. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198850342.003.0009.

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Whilst partisan competition has fuelled the expansion of social assistance across much of Africa, social assistance has generally been a valence issue. In Malawi, unusually, the competing presidential candidates and their parties in the 2014 election staked out starkly contrasting positions on social assistance as part of their attempted supra-regional and supra-ethnic political ‘branding’. The incumbent president, Joyce Banda, championed social assistance for women, children, and the poor, whilst her rivals denounced ‘handouts’ and emphasized instead economic growth and support for peasant farmers. Banda’s defeat suggests that there are limits to the efficacy of social assistance for political branding. Nonetheless, the fact that she used this brand at all suggests that social assistance has grown in political significance as an expression of pro-poor priorities.
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VonDoepp, Peter. "The Politics of Presidential Term Limits in Malawi." In The Politics of Presidential Term Limits. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198837404.003.0015.

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Malawi witnessed the institution of a “life-presidency” shortly after gaining independence in 1964. With the transition to democracy in the mid-1990s, term limits became a central component of the country’s constitutional order. While they have survived intact, they have been targeted for revision or removal on two occasions. In particular, President Bakili Mulizi (1994–2004) and his allies attempted (and failed) to amend the constitution to allow himself to stand for a third term. Prior to the 2009 elections, he also was associated with a court case arguing that the constitutional stipulation did not prevent him from running again. The successful preservation of Malawi’s term limits has reflected the operation of several important accountability mechanisms that undermined projects to remove them. These included checks on powerful political actors that emerged from “formal” institutions, such as parties, legislatures, and the judiciary. It also involved resistance from civil society and the donor community.
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Arriola, Leonardo R., Martha C. Johnson, and Melanie L. Phillips. "Individuals and Institutions." In Women and Power in Africa. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192898074.003.0001.

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Chapter 1 provides a theoretical framework for understanding African women’s experiences within the broader scholarship on women in politics. The chapter discusses, in three stages, the choices African women must make as they aspire to candidacy, campaign in elections, and govern in office. For each stage, the authors review central theories in the literature on women’s representation and discuss how related hypotheses are upheld or contradicted by emerging evidence from African countries. These overviews highlight common empirical findings as well as specific contradictions across the eight countries examined in the book—Benin, Burkina Faso, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Namibia, Uganda, and Zambia. The chapter also provides a concise description of each empirical chapter’s core findings with an emphasis on how individual attributes (e.g., professional background, financial autonomy, organizational ties) and institutional structures (e.g., political parties, electoral systems, media organizations, patronage politics) interact to impinge on African women’s political trajectories.
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Weiss, Meredith L. "The Convoluted Political Path to Malaysia." In The Roots of Resilience. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750045.003.0003.

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This chapter analyzes the institutional framework, initial plans, and justifications for local electoral politics and modes of governance that compels members of the public to oriented themselves toward the emerging formal politics. It considers the structures of parties and political networks that take shape with identities and objectives that they organized themselves in order to structure the polity. The chapter also investigates how early patterns laid the ground for the electoral authoritarianism that took hold institutionally and political-culturally through the lenses of national policies, local governance, and individual-level linkages. It describes the Federated and Unfederated Malay States and two territories of the former Straits Settlements that formed the Malayan Union from 1946 to 1948, as the Federation of Malaya in 1948, then as a unified, independent state, Malaysia, in 1957. Singapore, Sarawak, and British North Borneo joined in 1963, only to have Singapore leave Malaysia two years later.
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Weiss, Meredith L. "Edging toward Sovereign Singapore." In The Roots of Resilience. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750045.003.0004.

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This chapter talks about how the political institutionalization in Singapore, like in Malaya, proceeded on parallel local and national tracks against a backdrop of postwar reconstruction, anticommunism, ethnic tension, and uncertainty with the benefits and disadvantages of independence and uniting with Malaya. It describes Singapore's different environment from Malaysia, such as more solid Chinese settlers, smaller land area, a population less inclined toward Indonesia or pan-Malayism, and a fully separate administrative structure. The chapter also outlines Singapore's regime that reflected a different ethnic and ideological legacy from Malaya's. The regime's premises for accountability and legitimacy fast solidified, with party machines and substantially clientelistic linkages. It discusses Singapore's postwar economy that left ample room for intervention and shaped the People's Action Party's (PAP) approach to governance, which amplified the government's role in economic development.
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Aitken, Ian. "The People’s Action Party Government of Singapore and Berita Singapura." In The Colonial Documentary Film in South and South-East Asia. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474407205.003.0002.

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In his chapter on the Singaporean official newsreel series Berita Singapura (1963-1969), Ian Aitken explores how this film series embodied and propagated the ideas of the Singapore People’s Action Party (PAP), and those of the Party’s leader, Lee Kuan Yew. Aitken provides an outline of the political context involving Britain, Malaya and Singapore which led to the ascendancy of the PAP, and also relates the films of Berita Singapura to particular key PAP policies, such as housing and education. Aitken also shows how the films presented the authoritarian capitalist agenda of the PAP within a visual rhetoric of ‘modernisation’, and describes tensions which arose between the film producers, who were European expatriates, and the authoritarian and interventionist PAP leadership.
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Aljunied, Khairudin. "Repertoires of Muslim Resistance." In Islam in Malaysia. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190925192.003.0007.

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Chapter 6 is centered on various forms of resistance against colonial rule. It begins with the outbreaks of rebellions, which were stirred by a sense of disenfranchisement, and Muslim perceptions that the colonial powers were working against Islam. Although largely failed campaigns, these violent episodes awakened the Malay Muslims regarding the need to reform themselves. It examines, among others, the reform efforts of To’ Kenali and his modernized pondok (traditional Islamic schools) as well as the growth of Islamic modernist ideas championed by the Al-Imam group in Singapore and students returning from the Al-Azhar University in Cairo. Revivalists in the Arab World, Turkey, and South Asia influenced these local reformists. At the same time, they promulgated new ideas that laid bare the problems of taqlid (blind obedience) in Malaysia. Islamic modernism developed in conjunction with the revival of traditionalism, both of which had their own unique visions of how Muslims ought to reform themselves. The rapid growth of political movements and parties demonstrate the effervescence of anti-colonial Islamization in Malaysia that eventually led to the country’s independence.
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Joffé, George. "Algeria: Algeria’s response to violent extremism." In Non-Western responses to terrorism. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526105813.003.0011.

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Since the 1980s Algeria has had to respond to political extremism. In the wake of the ‘Berber Spring’ in 1980, it had to react to the Bou Yali rebellion. Then, in October 1988, countrywide discontent and an organised Islamist movement challenged the single official political party’s claim to embody the legitimacy of the Algerian revolution by leading the struggle for national independence. In late 1991, the Algerian army, fearing that the Islamist movements might win legislative elections, took control. Within a year it faced a complex insurrection in which some groups sought to restore the electoral process and others attempted to replace the state with a caliphate. Algeria’s strategy and tactics in this struggle have evolved from counter insurgency during its 1990s civil war to suppression of ‘residual terrorism’ afterwards. Although this forced the groups concerned into the Sahara and the Sahel, it did not eliminate them, so Algeria has been forced to attempt to influence group behaviour in Northern Mali, despite pressure from the United States and, latterly, France for direct engagement. One approach has been to organise a regional response despite the tensions between Algeria and Morocco over the Western Sahara. However, the Libyan crisis has forced direct Algerian intervention and pushed the country into reluctant engagement with Western paradigms of confronting non-state terrorism and violence.
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Conference papers on the topic "Political parties - Malawi"

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Prianto, Budhy, and Dwi Suharnoko. "The Phenomenon of Declining of Political Parties in Malang Raya." In International Conference on Public Administration, Policy and Governance (ICPAPG 2019). Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.200305.207.

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