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Journal articles on the topic 'Political parties Patronage'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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1

Kristinsson, Gunnar Helgi. "Parties, states and patronage." West European Politics 19, no. 3 (1996): 433–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402389608425145.

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Vinzant, Janet C. "THE SUPREME COURT, POLITICAL PARTIES, AND PATRONAGE." Southeastern Political Review 22, no. 2 (2008): 243–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1994.tb00330.x.

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Warner, Carolyn M. "Political Parties and the Opportunity Costs of Patronage." Party Politics 3, no. 4 (1997): 533–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068897003004005.

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Blau, Judith R., and Cheryl Elman. "The Institutionalization of U.S. Political Parties: Patronage Newspapers." Sociological Inquiry 72, no. 4 (2002): 576–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-682x.00035.

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O'Dwyer, Conor. "Runaway State Building: How Political Parties Shape States in Postcommunist Eastern Europe." World Politics 56, no. 4 (2004): 520–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2005.0007.

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Why has the rate of expansion of postcommunist state administrations varied so widely among countries that are at comparable stages of economic transition, have similar formal institutions, and have been equally exposed to the dynamics of EU integration? Based on a close comparison of Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia, the author argues that the critical factor in postcommunist state building is the robustness of party competition. The legacy of communism creates strong pressures for patronage politics, which swells the administration, but it is party competition that determines whether

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Haughton, Tim. "Parties, Patronage and the Post-Communist State." Comparative European Politics 6, no. 4 (2008): 486–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cep.2008.5.

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Hagopian, Frances, Carlos Gervasoni, and Juan Andres Moraes. "From Patronage to Program." Comparative Political Studies 42, no. 3 (2008): 360–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414008325572.

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This article explains the unanticipated emergence of party-oriented legislators and rising party discipline in Brazil since the early 1990s. The authors contend that deputies in Brazil became increasingly party oriented because the utilities of party-programmatic and patronage-based electoral strategies shifted with market reforms that created a programmatic cleavage in Brazilian politics and diminished the resource base for state patronage. The study introduces new measures of partisan campaigns, party polarization, and values that legislators attached to party programs and voter loyalty base

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Ogbuji, Chinedu N., and Princewill Ogbobula. "Social Media Advertising and Electorates’ Patronage of Political Parties in Nigeria." Researchers World:Journal of Arts, Science and Commerce 9, no. 1 (2018): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.18843/rwjasc/v9i1/14.

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Di Mascio, Fabrizio. "Changing political parties, persistent patronage: The Italian case in comparative perspective." Comparative European Politics 10, no. 4 (2011): 377–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/cep.2011.4.

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KHAN, ADEEBA AZIZ. "Power, Patronage, and the Candidate-nomination Process: Observations from Bangladesh." Modern Asian Studies 54, no. 1 (2019): 314–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x18000239.

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AbstractIn this article, by studying the candidate-nomination process of the two major political parties, I show how power is distributed within the political party in Bangladesh. I show that the general acceptance by scholars that political power lies in the hands of the innermost circle of the political-party leadership in Bangladesh is too simplistic. A more nuanced observation of power and influence within the party structure shows that, in the context of Bangladesh's clientelistic political system, which is based on reciprocity between patrons and clients and relies on the ability of midd

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Kopecký, Petr, and Gerardo Scherlis. "Party Patronage in Contemporary Europe." European Review 16, no. 3 (2008): 355–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798708000306.

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Party patronage is generally associated with social, economic and political underdevelopment, and is hence seen as largely irrelevant in the context of contemporary European politics. In this article, we argue to the contrary, proposing that patronage reappears on the stage of European politics as a critical organizational and governmental resource employed by political parties to enhance their standing as semi-state agencies of government. In order to illustrate our main contention, we first define party patronage, disentangling it from other notions of political particularism that are often

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Verge, Tània, and Sílvia Claveria. "Gendered political resources." Party Politics 24, no. 5 (2016): 536–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816663040.

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Party office is a crucial political resource for those seeking a political career. It provides advantageous access to the distribution of the patronage parties are entitled to in party government democracies. This article aims at measuring this comparative advantage while simultaneously investigating whether it benefits women and men equally in political recruitment processes. We concentrate on viable candidacy for parliamentary office, ministerial appointments, as well as post-ministerial offices in public and semi-public life that are also in the hands of political parties to distribute. Our

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FOLKE, OLLE, SHIGEO HIRANO, and JAMES M. SNYDER. "Patronage and Elections in U.S. States." American Political Science Review 105, no. 3 (2011): 567–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055411000256.

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Does control of patronage jobs significantly increase a political party's chances of winning elections in U.S. states? We employ a differences-in-differences design, exploiting the considerable variation in the dates that different states adopted civil service reforms. Our evidence suggests that political parties in U.S. states were able to use state-level patronage to increase the probability of maintaining control of state legislatures and statewide elective offices. We also find that an “entrenched” party, in power for a longer time, can use patronage more effectively. We consider several a

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Fionna, Ulla, and Dirk Tomsa. "Changing Patterns of Factionalism in Indonesia: From Principle to Patronage." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (2020): 39–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103419896904.

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Party politics in Indonesia’s current democratic regime takes place within the parameters of a heavily fragmented multi-party system. Factionalism exists in most parties, but the influence of factions on internal party dynamics is only weak to moderate. Where factions exist, they are usually driven by clientelism and patronage rather than the representation of social cleavages, ideological differences, or regional affiliations, although traces of programmatically infused factionalism do persist in some parties. The intensity of factional conflicts in Indonesia’s young democracy has varied sign

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Bustikova, Lenka, and Cristina Corduneanu-Huci. "Patronage, Trust, and State Capacity." World Politics 69, no. 2 (2017): 277–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887116000265.

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What explains different levels of clientelism across countries? Why do some politicians deliver clientelistic goods to their electoral constituencies, and why do some voters demand them? This article focuses on the historical origins of trust in states and shows that they have a lasting impact on contemporary patterns of patronage. The shift to programmatic politics reflects a historical transition from personalized trust in politicians to trust in impersonal bureaucracies tasked by political parties to implement policy. Past experience with public bureaucracy informs the expectations of voter

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Kellam, Marisa. "Why Pre-Electoral Coalitions in Presidential Systems?" British Journal of Political Science 47, no. 2 (2015): 391–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123415000198.

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Why do political parties join coalitions to support other parties’ presidential candidates if presidents, once elected, are not bound to their pre-electoral pledges? This article argues that policy agreements made publicly between coalition partners during the campaign help parties pursue policy goals. However, parties cannot use pre-electoral coalitions to secure access to patronage, pork and government benefits under the control of presidents because they cannot hold presidents accountable to these agreements. Quantitative analysis of Latin American electoral coalitions demonstrates that pol

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Kernell, Samuel. "Rural Free Delivery as a Critical Test of Alternative Models of American Political Development." Studies in American Political Development 15, no. 01 (2001): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x01010057.

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During roughly the half-century straddling the turn of the twentieth century, America’s national government underwent a dramatic transformation. It proceeded on two fronts, politics and administration. At the beginning of the era, politicians were deeply enmeshed in a system of patronage and graft reflecting their indebtedness to the local and state political parties without whose support their careers would have languished. Local party organizations recruited and sponsored candidates, ran election campaigns, and directed subsequent career moves among its cadre of politicians. In return, these

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Hasnan, Zahid. "The Politics of Service Delivery in Pakistan: Political Parties and the Incentives for Patronage, 1988-1999." Pakistan Development Review 47, no. 2 (2008): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v47i2pp.129-151.

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This paper examines the impact of the political party structure on the incentives for politicians to focus on patronage versus service delivery improvements in Pakistan. By analysing inter-provincial variations in the quality of service delivery in Pakistan, the paper argues that the more fragmented, factionalised, and polarised the party systems, the greater are the incentives for patronage, weakening service delivery improvements. Fragmentation and factionalism both exacerbate the information problems that voters have in assigning credit (blame) for service delivery improvements (deteriorati

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Olejnik, Maciej. "A New Model of Corporatism in States Governed by Populist Political Parties: The Cases of Poland and Hungary." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 2 (2020): 178–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-2-178.

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Between 1945 and 2010 three main types of corporatism were discussed in the political science literature: the ‘classic’ and ‘lean’ corporatism that existed in the West European countries and the ‘illusory’ corporatism that dominated in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. The aim of the paper is to examine whether a new version of corporatism, which I call ‘patronage’ corporatism, emerged in Hungary and Poland during the first term of the governments formed by populist political parties (in Hungary between 2010 and 2014 and in Poland between 2015 and 2019). In patronage corporatism the autho

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Matakos, Konstantinos, and Dimitrios Xefteris. "Citizens or Clients? Evidence on Opportunistic Voting from a Natural Experiment in Greece." Political Science Research and Methods 4, no. 3 (2015): 493–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2015.50.

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We exploit the act of the conservative Greek government (2004–2009) to fiddle the books as a natural experiment in order to document a causal link between government spending and electoral fragmentation and identify the mechanism via which it operates. The retrospective revision of Greece’s deficit figures just before the 2010 regional elections constituted an information shock, which generated expectations for reduced pork-barrel spending. We decompose the resulting effect and uncover the main mechanism taking place: rent-seeking voting and patronage (client-voters abandoning the dominant par

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Lee, Frances E. "Patronage, Logrolls, and “Polarization”: Congressional Parties of the Gilded Age, 1876–1896." Studies in American Political Development 30, no. 2 (2016): 116–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x16000079.

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According to the quantitative indicators scholars use to measure political polarization, the Gilded Age stands out for some of the most party-polarized Congresses of all time. By contrast, historians of the era depict the two major parties as presenting few programmatic alternatives to one another. I argue that a large share of the party-line votes in the Congress of this period are poorly suited to the standard conceptualization as “polarization,” meaning wide divergence on an ideological continuum structuring alternative views on national policy. Specifically, the era's continuous battles ov

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Ockey, James. "Change and Continuity in the Thai Political Party System." Asian Survey 43, no. 4 (2003): 663–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.4.663.

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In 2001, elections for the Thai parliament were held under a new constitution. Scholarly attention has focused on changes to the political system. This article argues that it is also important to examine continuities. Focusing on the relationship between parties and their factions, we find that change has come in policy platforms, coalition-building, and patronage; important continuities exist in electoral networks and vote-buying.

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Lee, Alexander. "Incumbency, Parties, and Legislatures: Theory and Evidence from India." Comparative Politics 52, no. 2 (2020): 311–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041520x15679432647751.

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Incumbent legislators in some developing countries are often thought to face an electoral disadvantage relative to challengers. This article traces this effect to high levels of centralization within the political parties and governments of these countries. In political systems dominated by party leaders, legislators face substantial formal and informal constraints on their ability to influence policy, stake positions, and control patronage, which in turn reduce their ability to build up personal votes. This theory is tested on a dataset of Indian national elections since 1977, using a regress

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', Wazni. "REKRUTMEN CALON ANGGOTA LEGISLATIF PEREMPUAN OLEH PARTAI POLITIK DI KOTA PEKANBARU PADA PEMILU 2009; Kasus Partai Demokrat, Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan dan Partai Keadilan Sejahtera." Nakhoda: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 10, no. 2 (2013): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.35967/jipn.v10i2.1605.

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This study describes that how women legislative candidates were recruited by political parties atPekanbaru City in General Election 2009. The Democratic Party, The Indonesian Democratic Party –Struggle and The Prosperous Justice Party become cases study. Firstly, The Democratic Party usedinternal mechanism by local patronage type. On other hand, The Indonesia Democratic Party – Struggleused internal mechanism by central patronage type. However, both are an ascriptive style recruitment. Inaddition, The Prosperous Justice Party used internal mechanism by local bureaucratic. But, this style isan

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Li, Yiwen. "Integrating Faith and Profit: The Religio-Commercial Network Spanning China and Japan, 1100-1270." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 64, no. 3 (2021): 191–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341535.

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Abstract By reinterpreting a set of correspondence between Chinese and Japanese monks, this article gives a “thick description” of a lumber transaction between a prestigious monastery in Hangzhou, China, and a newly established monastery in Hakata, Japan. Examining the network connecting the two monasteries shows that in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Hakata-based Chinese merchants sought patronage and connections from powerful religious establishments in both China and Japan, whose political patronage conferred economic privileges. The quest for gaining trade profits, spreading Buddhis

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Ufen, Andreas. "Clientelist and Programmatic Factionalism Within Malaysian Political Parties." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (2020): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420916047.

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This article analyses factionalism within ruling and opposition parties in Malaysia, with a focus on party splits and/or the toppling or near-toppling of dominant factions at the national level. Political parties are either composed of clientelist or programmatic factions or represent hybrids that combine clientelist and programmatic factionalism. The strength and the type of factionalism depend upon policy space and the intensity of control over party groups. Programmatic factionalism is more probable if policy space is wide. Policy space is an effect of the positioning (relatively dependent

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Laumaea, Susuve. "PNG: Threats to media freedom and FOI." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 16, no. 2 (2010): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v16i2.1030.

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Commentary: In PNG, the threats to media freedom and freedom of information include political and economic threats against the media and patronage of journalists. Journalists become silenced or ‘tamed’ when they accept payment from powerful individuals, corporations, political parties and corrupt institutions to see nothing, hear nothing and say or write nothing about the illegal and corrupt excesses of powerful political and economic players.

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Makhasin, Luthfi. "Islamic Organisation and Electoral Politics: Nahdlatul Ulama and Islamic Mobilisation in Indonesia's Local Election." PCD Journal 5, no. 2 (2017): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/pcd.29318.

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This paper deals with patronage and piety politics in local election by comparing two cases of the 2017 local election in Central Java Province. It focuses on the role of and dilemma faced by Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the largest Indonesia’s Muslim organization, in electoral competition in Indonesia. This article confirms previous scholarly works on the widespread of patronage distribution in and the impact of rising religious conservatism to electoral competition. However, this paper shows both piety and patronage politics are neither necessarily negative for maintaining oligarchic rule nor bad f

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Nakrošis, Vitalis, and Liutauras Gudžinskas. "Party Patronage and State Politicisation in The Post- Communist Countries of Central and Eastern Europe: A Game Theory Approach." NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 5, no. 2 (2012): 89–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10110-012-0007-y.

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Abstract This article aims at offering a framework for analysing party patronage and state politicisation based on game-theoretic reasoning. It is argued that in order to reveal the main causal mechanisms behind these phenomena, one can focus on the cooperation between political parties analysis based on the model of prisoner’s dilemma. The article identifies four sets of obstacles to party cooperation in Central and Eastern Europe: unstable and polarised party systems; “the rules of the game” legitimising party patronage; dense party networks and their building through patronage; and insuffic

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Westbrook, Raymond. "Patronage in the Ancient Near East." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 48, no. 2 (2005): 210–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568520054127121.

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AbstractPatronage is generally assumed by scholars to have been a universal feature of ancient Near Eastern societies, but has been neglected as a topic of serious investigation. The purpose of this study is to offer, without prior assumptions, textual evidence that establishes the existence of the concept of patronage. The approach is to present case studies from various parts of the region which are best explained by the presence of patronage. For these purposes patronage is narrowly de fined on the basis of ancient Roman and contemporary anthropological models. Les historiens du Proche-Orie

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Drucza, Kristie. "The politics behind social protection in Nepal." Asian Journal of Comparative Politics 3, no. 4 (2017): 311–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057891117734652.

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This article is a qualitative case study on the political dimensions of social protection reforms in post-conflict Nepal. The article examines vertical versus horizontal party structures and the political economy of support for different parties, and how this relates to their social protection policies to help unpack gaps in the literature and provide a deeper understanding of both the constraints and opportunities for reform. Drawing on key informant interviews conducted in Nepal between 2012 and 2014, the article describes the attitudes of members of the main Nepalese political parties towar

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Ley, Aaron J., and Cornell W. Clayton. "Constitutional Choices: Political Parties, Groups, and Prohibition Politics in the United States." Journal of Policy History 30, no. 4 (2018): 609–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030618000234.

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Abstract:Traditional accounts of the Eighteenth and Twenty-first Amendments to the U.S. Constitution largely ignore the role of the major political parties. We argue that partisan politics was an integral part of the constitutional politics of this period. The need to manage divisions within both parties’ electoral coalitions during the transition from the third to the fourth-party systems led to the enactment of the Eighteenth Amendment without support from either national party. While most accounts trace prohibition’s demise to widespread noncompliance and the graft it generated, we argue th

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Hankla, Charles R. "Parties and Patronage: An Analysis of Trade and Industrial Policy in India." Comparative Politics 41, no. 1 (2008): 41–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041508x12911362383633.

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Çarkoğlu, Ali, and Ilgaz Ergen. "The Rise of Right-of-Center Parties and the Nationalization of Electoral Forces in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 26 (2002): 95–137. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003721.

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Two frequently discussed issues in Turkish electoral studies concern the instability and geographical cleavages in electoral preferences. Turkish voters are not strongly identified with political parties and frequently vote for different parties due primarily to patronage distribution. Their vote is also strongly influenced by parochial ties. Despite various regulations in electoral laws, such as a minimum 10 percent nationwide support for representation in the Parliament, which makes representation of smaller parties in the legislature difficult, fractionalization of electoral support continu

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Hankla, Charles Robert. "Party Linkages and Economic Policy: An Examination of Indira Gandhi's India." Business and Politics 8, no. 3 (2006): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1469-3569.1162.

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We know from observation that some democracies intervene deeply in their domestic economies while others adopt a more laissez faire approach. Can we explain these differences solely with ideology, or are other political influences also at work? I argue in this paper that elected leaders sometimes opt for hefty economic regulation purely to generate sources of patronage that can be used to maintain their political positions. Leaders are most tempted to take this approach, I contend, when their political parties are not stably linked to sources of electoral support. Unstably linked governing par

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Hendrawan, Adrianus, Ward Berenschot, and Edward Aspinall. "Parties as pay-off seekers: Pre-electoral coalitions in a patronage democracy." Electoral Studies 69 (February 2021): 102238. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2020.102238.

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Tadić, Katarina, and Arolda Elbasani. "State-building and patronage networks: how political parties embezzled the bureaucracy in post-war Kosovo." Southeast European and Black Sea Studies 18, no. 2 (2018): 185–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2018.1474551.

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Pushkar. "Book Review: Why Ethnic Parties Succeed: Patronage and Ethnic Head Counts in India." Comparative Political Studies 38, no. 4 (2005): 443–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004273206.

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Jaffrelot, Christophe. "Book Review: Why ethnic parties succeed. Patronage and Ethnic Head Counts in India." Party Politics 12, no. 1 (2006): 159–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/135406880601200109.

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Chandra, Kanchan. "Why voters in patronage democracies split their tickets: Strategic voting for ethnic parties." Electoral Studies 28, no. 1 (2009): 21–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2008.06.006.

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Hicken, Allen, and Netina Tan. "Factionalism in Southeast Asia: Types, Causes, and Effects." Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs 39, no. 1 (2020): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1868103420925928.

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In this article we present an overview of the arguments contained in the articles of this special issue. We first catalogue the varieties or types of factionalism present across Southeast Asia—namely, programmatic, clientelistic, and personalist/charismatic. We then explore the question of why the degree and type of factionalism varies across countries, across time, and across parties. We first focus on differences between factionalism in governing and opposition parties, arguing that factionalism across dominant and opposition parties differs in terms of the origin, type, and effect. We find

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THACHIL, TARIQ. "Elite Parties and Poor Voters: Theory and Evidence from India." American Political Science Review 108, no. 2 (2014): 454–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000069.

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Why do poor people often vote against their material interests? This article extends the study of this global paradox to the non-Western world by considering how it manifests within India, the world's biggest democracy. Arguments derived from studies of advanced democracies (such as values voting) or of poor polities (such as patronage and ethnic appeals) fail to explain this important phenomenon. Instead, I outline a novel strategy predicated on an electoral division of labor enabling elite parties to recruit the poor while retaining the rich. Recruitment is outsourced to nonparty affiliates

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Hankla, Charles R. "Party Strength and International Trade." Comparative Political Studies 39, no. 9 (2006): 1133–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414005281936.

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What explains the variation of trade protection across countries and years? The author argues that other things equal, democracies with strong parties will choose freer trade policies. He focuses on two aspects of party strength—organizational centralization and stable party linkages to large groups of the electorate. He contends that legislative logrolls leading to high protection are significantly less likely when parties are centralized. Furthermore, because parties with stable connections to the electorate have longer time horizons, the author argues that they will generally support more o

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Morstein-Marx, Robert. "Publicity, Popularity and Patronage in the "Commentariolum Petitionis"." Classical Antiquity 17, no. 2 (1998): 259–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011085.

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The "Commentariolum Petitionis" has long served to demonstrate the validity of the theory that Republican electoral politics were founded on relationships of patronage that permeated the entire society, and that appeals to the voting citizenry were relatively unimportant for election. Yet the attention the author pays to the necessity of cultivating the popularis voluntas strongly implies that a successful canvasser cannot rely on the direct or indirect ties of patronage and amicitia but must win the electoral support of the anonymous mass of voters. A consular campaign emerges as to a great e

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Smith, Alastair, and Bruce Bueno De Mesquita. "Contingent Prize Allocation and Pivotal Voting." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 2 (2011): 371–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000342.

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Parties can elitcit widespread electoral support by making the distribution of prizes or rewards to groups of voters contingent upon electoral support. In addition to altering which party wins, a voter's choice also influences the distribution of prizes. This latter factor, referred to in this article as prize pivotalness, tends to be the dominant influence in vote choice. The desire to win prizes can induce voters to coalesce into a highly supportive group, even if they dislike the party's policies. Characterizing voting equilibria in this framework explains the rationale for the support of p

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Ennser-Jedenastik, Laurenz. "The Politics of Patronage and Coalition: How Parties Allocate Managerial Positions in State-Owned Enterprises." Political Studies 62, no. 2 (2013): 398–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12031.

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Chandra, Kanchan. "The Transformation of Ethnic Politics in India: The Decline of Congress and the Rise of the Bahujan Samaj Party in Hoshiarpur." Journal of Asian Studies 59, no. 1 (2000): 26–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2658583.

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The politics of ethnicity—caste, religion, and language—has been central to politics in twentieth-century India. However, as the dominant Indian National Congress declines in favor of a number of smaller parties, the manner in which ethnic identities are being invoked in the political arena is being transformed. The key aspect of this transformation is not, as it is usually understood, the replacement of a single multiethnic party with a collection of monoethnic parties. Many of the smaller parties are in themselves multiethnic, although the coalitions that they seek to build are usually narro

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Kasuya, Yuko, and Julio C. Teehankee. "Duterte Presidency and the 2019 Midterm Election: An Anarchy of Parties?" Philippine Political Science Journal 41, no. 1-2 (2020): 106–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2165025x-bja10007.

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Abstract In this article, we argue that a consequence of Duterte’s presidency is the further weakening of the party system in the Philippines, or the emergence of “anarchy of parties.” Traditionally, Philippine presidents used their power of patronage in a quid-pro-quo manner vis-à-vis the legislators to achieve presidents’ goals, and this executive-legislative transaction was coordinated mainly through the president’s party. However, evidence suggests that Duterte bypassed Congress to achieve his policies by riding on his popularity and did not have to use his power of pork to co-opt politici

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Mukhanov, V. "Change of Political Elites in Georgia and Patrimonialism." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 7 (2021): 116–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-7-116-125.

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The article examines the process of formation of the political elite in Georgia during the period of independence, starting from the cardinal de-Sovietization of management personnel in the 90s, and ending with the last significant appointments in the era of B. Ivanishvili. The stages of evolution and transformation of the elite are analyzed in detail – under E. Shevardnadze, M. Saakashvili, and B. Ivanishvili, the peculiarities of the personnel policy of this or that Georgian leader are highlighted. Both the very course of the change and rejuvenation of the elite and the change in its educati

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Blondel, J. "Governments and supporting parties: what relationship can one expect in the 21st Century." European Review 6, no. 2 (1998): 175–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700003215.

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In parliamentary systems, the link between governments and the parties supporting them is typically regarded as being so strong that the expression ‘party government’ has been coined to refer to this type of relationship. Yet, in practice, there are major variations between the two ‘sides’: these relate to possible reciprocal influence on three planes, those of appointments, of policy-making, and of patronage. Contrary to what is often believed, governments often play a key part and supporting parties are forced, more or less reluctantly, to follow. This has led to doubts about the extent to w

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