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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political parties - Singapore

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Academic literature on the topic 'Political parties - Singapore'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Political parties - Singapore"

1

Gomez, James. "Restricting Free Speech: The Impact on Opposition Parties in Singapore." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 23, no. 1 (March 10, 2006): 105–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v23i1.694.

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Although there has been a great deal of publicity surrounding the restriction of free speech with regard to opposition parties in Singapore, in real terms, the value of free speech for such parties is limited. First, defamation laws in Singapore require the opposition parties to exercise extreme caution to ensure political comments do not result in costly defamation suits or even imprisonment. Second, free speech in itself is of limited use politically for opposition parties if the content of this speech is not disseminated widely by the local media. As a result, both the fear of legal suits and the limited dissemination of content continue to restrict the potential of free speech for opposition parties in Singapore. This means the contribution of free speech activities to inter-party debate is low in Singapore, thereby undermining the fundamental role of democracy premised on fair inter-party competition.

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Sun, Tsai-Wei. "Governing Singapore." Asian Education and Development Studies 4, no. 3 (July 13, 2015): 282–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/aeds-11-2014-0057.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of the Group Representation Constituency (GRC) system on the governance of Singapore, particularly in terms of equity and inclusiveness, accountability, and participation. Design/methodology/approach – Historical review and election data from Singapore government web site are used. Findings – The GRC system seems to be friendlier and fairer toward ethnic minorities than the traditional system. The GRC system also encourages political parties to be ethnically more inclusive. On the other hand, however, the GRC system has negative effects on opposition parties. A government cannot be called “accountable” if it lacks fair competition and sufficient popular participation. Originality/value – The Singapore experience shows that, in practice, ethnic equality/inclusiveness and even political stability on the one hand, and participation and accountability on the other hand, can present conflicts. Which value should receive priority thus requires serious consideration.

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3

Victoria, Ong Argo. "A MALAYSIA OF CITIZENS: ETHNICITY, MEMBERSHIP AND POLITICS OF MERGER." International Journal of Law Reconstruction 2, no. 2 (August 23, 2018): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.26532/ijlr.v2i2.3152.

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This paper examines the political history of the relationship between Malaysia and Singapore, focusing on the notion of citizenship and its ethnic, civic and political dimensions. It analyses the extent to which the merger of Singapore with Malaysia redefined the citizenship boundaries of the Malaysian national political identity. The incorporation of Singaporean citizens into the Malaysian political community was controversial, as it was closely related to electoral stakes. The ruling People’s Action Party and the Alliance Party attempted to delineate the political sphere of the population of each political unit through the demarcation between ‘citizenship’ and ‘nationality’. However, the citizenship crisis continued to trouble the relationship of these states to the point that both parties breached the perceived agreement not to interfere with the other’s political sphere of influence. This sphere of influence was delineated on the basis of race, thus cutting across political territory rather than territorial attributes. The ideological clashes over the meaning of citizenship that arose during the political merger of Singapore and Malaya, show that a truly Malaysian citizenship could not be developed-only a Malaysia of citizens.

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Ong, Elvin, and Mou Hui Tim. "Singapore’s 2011 General Elections and Beyond." Asian Survey 54, no. 4 (July 2014): 749–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.4.749.

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We introduce the concept of a “credibility gap” to explain why the Workers’ Party has been more successful than other opposition political parties in recent elections in Singapore. We argue that opposition parties need to overcome a credible commitment problem with the electorate in order to win against hegemonic parties.

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5

Astafieva, E. M. "Singapore: general election campaign 2020." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 1(46) (2020): 407–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-1-1-46-407-412.

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The article analyzes the alignment of political forces on the eve of the general parliamentary elections in Singapore. The author dwells on main political parties of the country, cites data on the results of the last parliamentary elections held in Singapore in 2015. Particular attention is paid to changing the procedure for conducting both the election campaign and the elections themselves in the context of the COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic. In conclusion, the author makes a forecast about the results of the elections, which will be held on 10 July 2020.

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6

Oliver, Steven, and Kai Ostwald. "EXPLAINING ELECTIONS IN SINGAPORE: DOMINANT PARTY RESILIENCE AND VALENCE POLITICS." Journal of East Asian Studies 18, no. 2 (July 2018): 129–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2018.15.

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AbstractThe People's Action Party (PAP) of Singapore is one of the world's longest ruling dominant parties, having won every general election since the country's independence in 1965. Why do Singaporeans consistently vote for the PAP, contrary to the expectations of democratization theories? We argue that valence considerations—specifically, perceptions of party credibility—are the main factor in the voting behavior of Singapore's electorate, and are critical to explaining the PAP's resilience. Furthermore, we argue that the primacy of valence politics arose in part by design, as the PAP has used its control of Singapore's high-capacity state to reshape society and thereby reshape voter preferences towards its comparative advantages. We use a multi-methods approach to substantiate this argument, including a comprehensive quantitative analysis of recent elections. Ultimately, our findings suggest that a focus on valence politics can increase the resilience of dominant parties, but that such a strategy also faces natural limits.

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7

Fionna, Ulla. "POLITICAL PARTIES IN SINGAPORE, MALAYSIA, AND THE PHILIPPINES: REFLECTION OF DEMOCRATIC TENDENCIES." Makara Human Behavior Studies in Asia 12, no. 2 (December 1, 2008): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.7454/mssh.v12i2.149.

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8

Abdullah, Walid Jumblatt. "Bringing Ideology in: Differing Oppositional Challenges to Hegemony in Singapore and Malaysia." Government and Opposition 52, no. 3 (December 4, 2015): 483–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.30.

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This article explores the nature of the main opposition parties to the incumbent hegemonic regimes in Malaysia and Singapore. I argue that the differing characters of these opposition parties should be considered. In Singapore, where there is no ideological challenge to the ruling party, I contend that even if the opposition takes over it will be the end of a hegemonic party but not hegemony. In Malaysia, the opposite is true. This article contributes to the literature on transition theory in two ways: (1) it recognizes the diversity of authoritarian regimes and enhances analyses of various authoritarian regimes by focusing on one type – hegemonic parties; and (2) it brings ideology into the reckoning by focusing on the nature of the opposition parties most likely to take over.

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9

Ortmann, Stephan. "The Significance of By-elections for Political Change in Singapore’s Authoritarian Regime." Asian Survey 54, no. 4 (July 2014): 725–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2014.54.4.725.

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By-elections in Singapore have played a different role depending on whether the country can be characterized as a hegemonic or competitive authoritarian regime. During the former, the ruling party was able to instrumentalize by-elections for leadership renewal and enhance its power. Conversely, they aided opposition parties as well, providing them a training ground.

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10

Ortmann, Stephan. "Hussin Mutalib, Parties and Politics: A Study of Opposition Parties and the PAP in Singapore." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 23, no. 1 (March 10, 2006): 137–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v23i1.697.

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Books on the topic "Political parties - Singapore"

1

Parties and politics: A study of opposition parties and PAP in Singapore. Singapore: Eastern Universities Press, 2003.

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2

Parties and politics: A study of opposition parties and the PAP in Singapore. 2nd ed. Singapore: Marshall Cavendish Academic, 2004.

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3

Mutalib, Hussin. Parties and politics: A study of opposition parties and the PAP in Singapore. Singapore: Eastern Universities Press, 2003.

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4

The Workers' Party 50th anniversary commemorative book, 1957-2007 =: Gong ren dang 50 zhou nian ji nian te kan = Buku ulangtahun ke-50 Parti Pekerja = [Paattali katchi 50-amm Aandu Ninaivu Malar]. Singapore: Workers' Party of Singapore, 2007.

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5

Let the people have him: Chiam See Tong : the early years. Singapore: Epigram Books, 2014.

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6

1949-, Lim Richard, and Leong Weng Kam 1954-, eds. Men in white: The untold story of Singapore's ruling political party. Singapore: Singapore Press Holdings, 2009.

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7

Yap, Sonny. Men in white: The untold story of Singapore's ruling political party. Singapore: Singapore Press Holdings, 2009.

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8

(Singapore), Workers' Party. You have a choice: Manifesto 2006. [Singapore]: Workers' Party, 2006.

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9

Institute of Policy Studies (Singapore) and Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, eds. Breakthrough: Roadmap for Singapore's political future. Singapore: Straits Times Press Reference, 2012.

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10

Mutalib, Hussin. Parties And Politics: A Study Of Opposition Parties And The Pap In Singapore. 2nd ed. Times Academic Press,Singapore, 2005.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political parties - Singapore"

1

Tremewan, Christopher. "Parliament, Elections and Parties." In The Political Economy of Social Control in Singapore, 152–86. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23510-0_7.

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2

Tremewan, Christopher. "Parliament, Elections and Parties." In The Political Economy of Social Control in Singapore, 152–86. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24624-3_7.

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3

Preston, P. W. "Sitting on the Dock of the Bay: Partial Views of Change—Singapore, Tokyo and Hong Kong." In Political Cultural Developments in East Asia, 27–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-57221-9_2.

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"Political Parties — The Resilience of the One-Party Dominant State." In Understanding Singapore Politics, 31–40. World Scientific, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789813209244_0004.

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5

"Political Parties — The Resilience of the One-Party Dominant State." In Understanding Singapore Politics, 37–47. 2nd ed. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789811243394_0004.

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6

Weiss, Meredith L. "Hegemonic Electoral Authoritarianism in Singapore." In The Roots of Resilience, 154–99. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750045.003.0006.

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This chapter illustrates how Singapore has transformed dramatically since the 1960s with politics that still rested on foundations which Lee Kuan Yew laid. It talks about Lee Kuan Yew's consolidated leadership that regrouped Singapore quickly after 1965. Lee and his People's Action Party (PAP) claimed the added legitimacy of being founding parents, charting Singapore's independent path. The chapter also describes how Singapore throws into sharp relief the patterns seen in Malaysia, as opposition parties have had far less chance to make their mark. Not only has the PAP changed over time but it has changed Singapore's political culture, including how voters understand politics, assess politicians, and approach the regime.

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7

Tan, Kenneth Paul. "The People's Action Party and Political Liberalization in Singapore." In Political Parties, Party Systems and Democratization in East Asia, 107–31. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789814327954_0005.

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Weiss, Meredith L. "The Convoluted Political Path to Malaysia." In The Roots of Resilience, 48–76. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501750045.003.0003.

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This chapter analyzes the institutional framework, initial plans, and justifications for local electoral politics and modes of governance that compels members of the public to oriented themselves toward the emerging formal politics. It considers the structures of parties and political networks that take shape with identities and objectives that they organized themselves in order to structure the polity. The chapter also investigates how early patterns laid the ground for the electoral authoritarianism that took hold institutionally and political-culturally through the lenses of national policies, local governance, and individual-level linkages. It describes the Federated and Unfederated Malay States and two territories of the former Straits Settlements that formed the Malayan Union from 1946 to 1948, as the Federation of Malaya in 1948, then as a unified, independent state, Malaysia, in 1957. Singapore, Sarawak, and British North Borneo joined in 1963, only to have Singapore leave Malaysia two years later.

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9

Aitken, Ian. "The People’s Action Party Government of Singapore and Berita Singapura." In The Colonial Documentary Film in South and South-East Asia. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474407205.003.0002.

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In his chapter on the Singaporean official newsreel series Berita Singapura (1963-1969), Ian Aitken explores how this film series embodied and propagated the ideas of the Singapore People’s Action Party (PAP), and those of the Party’s leader, Lee Kuan Yew. Aitken provides an outline of the political context involving Britain, Malaya and Singapore which led to the ascendancy of the PAP, and also relates the films of Berita Singapura to particular key PAP policies, such as housing and education. Aitken also shows how the films presented the authoritarian capitalist agenda of the PAP within a visual rhetoric of ‘modernisation’, and describes tensions which arose between the film producers, who were European expatriates, and the authoritarian and interventionist PAP leadership.

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Tew, Yvonne. "Introduction Building Constitutionalism in Fragile Democracies." In Constitutional Statecraft in Asian Courts, 1–18. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198716839.003.0001.

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What role do courts play in developing constitutional democracy in Asia? Constitutional Statecraft in Asian Courts explores the role of judicial review and constitutionalism in safeguarding democratic governance and facilitating constitutional governance. It offers an in-depth look at contemporary Malaysia and Singapore, helping us understand how courts engage in constitutional state-building even as they confront dominant political parties and negotiate democratic transitions. The book considers how the judiciary can negotiate institutional power to consolidate its position vis-à-vis the dominant political branches of government. It also examines the facilitative role courts can play in crafting the foundational principles of an evolving constitutional order. The judicial strategies evident in Malaysia and Singapore suit the challenges of many other emerging Asian democracies, providing both guidance and caution as these states negotiate their emerging constitutionalism. At the heart of this book is an account of how judicial strategies of constitutionalism can sculpt the contours of state-building. It is, in brief, about how courts engage in constitutional statecraft.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political parties - Singapore"

1

Tarn, How Tan, Hui Tng Ying, and Andrew Yeo. "Normalization versus Equalization Effects of the Internet for Political Parties: Singapore's General Election 2015 as a Case Study." In 2016 6th International Conference for E-Democracy and Open Government (CeDEM). IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cedem.2016.40.

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