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Journal articles on the topic 'Political parties – Slovakia'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 6 February 2022

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1

Ostapets, Y., and A. Klyuchkovych. "Peculiarities of the Party System of Slovakia in the Context of Parliamentary Electrical Cycles of 2016–2020." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 3 (2021): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-3-81-91.

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The article considers the structural changes in the party system of the Slovak Republic, taking place in 2016– 2020 due to the strengthening of parties of anti-systemic populist orientation. The author researches the causes and factors of evolution of the party landscape in the EU countries towards institutionalisation of antisystem policy. The development of the Slovak party system reflects the key trends in the political development of the EU countries with the weakening position of the systemic party establishment and the strengthening role of populist parties. The complexity of the phenome

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2

Rossi, Michael. "Slovakia after Fico: Systemic Change or More of the Same?" Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (2020): 235–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-3-235.

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The February 2020 parliamentary election marked a significant moment for Slovakia after years of public dissatisfaction with endemic corruption, political mismanagement, and unaccountable leadership associated with the political hegemony of Smer-SD and its leader Robert Fico. The resounding victory of the Ordinary People and Independent Personalities Party offers the country an opportunity to not only address the problems with Slovakia’s political culture of corruption and oligarchism, but also to strengthen democracy, the rule of law, and good governance. However, contrary to international ex

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3

Leška, Dušan. "The Europeanisation of Slovak Political Parties." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 15, no. 1 (2015): 31–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2015-0003.

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Abstract The aim of the study is to analyse the Europeanisation of Slovak political parties in the various stages of the transition and transformation of the political system of Slovakia before and after the entry into the European Union. Methodologically, the paper is based on the concept of Ladrech, who divided five areas of research to suit the study of the impact of the Europeanisation on political parties and their politics. Visible can be changes in political programmes, organisational changes, a formula of party competition, relations between parties and government, relations beyond the

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Nemčok, Miroslav, and Peter Spáč. "Referendum as a Party Tool: The Case of Slovakia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, no. 3 (2019): 755–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418800551.

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This article is part of the special cluster titled Political Parties and Direct Democracy in Eastern Europe, guest-edited by Sergiu Gherghina. Referendums are widely regarded as a way of enhancing democracy as they provide a further arena for citizens to affect public policy outcomes. In this regard, Slovakia represents a deviant case that contradicts such an expectation. Since its emergence in 1993, the country implemented mechanisms of direct democracy into its political system. This article analyses referendums in Slovakia and it shows how political parties use the employment of this tool s

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5

Wightman, Gordon, and Soňa Szomolänyi. "Parties and Society in Slovakia." Party Politics 1, no. 4 (1995): 609–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068895001004012.

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6

Gyárfášová, Oľga. "The Fourth Generation: From Anti-Establishment to Anti-System Parties in Slovakia1." New Perspectives 26, no. 1 (2018): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2336825x1802600111.

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The party systems in many democracies are in flux due to the emergence and electoral successes of new, alternative political parties. This phenomenon has a particular dynamic and, drawing on a case study from Slovakia, it is argued that compared to their predecessors the most recent political newcomers may have a more radical, even anti-system character. The paper deals with theories of new political parties and the conceptual definitions of anti-system parties in general while the empirical part focuses on the developments, characteristics and profiles of two political parties in Slovakia, na

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Lysek, Jakub, Ľubomír Zvada, and Michal Škop. "Mapping the 2020 Slovak Parliamentary Election. Analysis of Spatial Support and Voter Transition." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (2020): 278–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-3-278.

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This contribution is a complex analysis of the geographic voting patterns in the 2020 Slovak parliamentary election using methods such as Geographically Weighted Regression, Hierarchical Regression Models, and Ecological Inference. It is focused on the winner of the 2020 parliamentary election, the populist OĽaNO, and on the loser, the traditional left-wing SMER-SD – within the context of electoral support and voter transition in comparison to the 2016 parliamentary election, and in part to the 2019 presidential election. The article contributes to the underdeveloped discourse relating to the

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Mihálik, Jaroslav, and Matúš Jankoľa. "European Migration Crisis: Positions, Polarization and Conflict Management of Slovak Political Parties." Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 9, no. 1 (2016): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjlp-2016-0001.

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Abstract This paper studies the different positions and the polarization among Slovak political elites due to the European migration crisis and the Union´s migration policy. The inability of collective action at the supranational level is first grounded at the national level. From this basis, the authors differentiate the various standpoints of the selected political leaders and parties towards the current migration wave. Based on this cleavage, we seek to demonstrate the patterns of modern day political party leadership in Slovakia and, secondly, to compare the political response and agendas

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Zvada, Ľubomír. "Securitization of the Migration Crisis and Islamophobic Rhetoric: The 2016 Slovak Parliamentary Elections as a Case Study." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 12, no. 2 (2018): 216–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2018-0010.

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Abstract This paper focuses on the migration crisis from the perspective of Slovakia while examining the impact of the crisis on the last parliamentary elections in 2016. The migration/refugee crisis that started in 2015 played a significant role during the pre-electoral discourse and political campaigns. This paper has two main goals. The primarily goal is to apply the theory of securitization as proposed by the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute on the case study of Slovakia, and the secondary goal is to analyze the 2016 Slovak general elections. In here, I describe the securitization proce

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Havlík, Vlastimil, Miroslav Nemčok, Peter Spáč, and Jozef Zagrapan. "The 2020 Parliamentary Elections in Slovakia Steadily Turbulent Change of Direction." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (2020): 221–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-3-221.

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In recent years Slovakia witnessed a dynamic development with crucial consequences for its domestic politics. Vast civic mobilization, the emergence of new parties and decline of a long-term hegemon – all these features culminated in the 2020 general election. We first introduce the results and discuss them from a longitudinal perspective of Slovak politics. Most importantly, despite a considerably large portion of correctly casted ballots for parties which failed to pass the institutional thresholds, the outcomes do not suggest that the representativity or proportionality of the Slovak politi

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Leff, Carol Skalnik, and Susan B. Mikula. "Institutionalizing Party Systems in Multiethnic States: Integration and Ethnic Segmentation in Czechoslovakia, 1918-1992." Slavic Review 61, no. 2 (2002): 292–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697119.

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A country’s multinational diversity does not by itself predict the way this diversity will be reflected in the party system. The pattern of party politics also depends on the context: electoral and institutional rules, differential political assets, and different incentives to cooperate or dissent. To demonstrate variations in the dynamics of ethnic politics, this article examines the divergent ways in which Slovak political parties were organized within the larger political system in two periods—the interwar unitary Czechoslovak state and the postcommunist federal state. Differences in politi

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Bacik, Radovan, Beata Gavurova, and Jaroslava Gburova. "Political marketing: impact of public relations on the change in voter behaviour of consumers (voters)." Marketing and Management of Innovations 5, no. 2 (2021): 40–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/mmi.2021.2-03.

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Companies use marketing public relations to support the marketing department or product promotion and image-making. The discipline of public relations usually used to be of secondary importance in marketing communication activities for ages. Marketing public relations could affect public awareness at a fraction of the cost of advertising and is often much more credible. Public relations are intended to positively influence development in society by aligning one's own interests with those of the public. Public relations objectives in politics focus on building image, securing market share, or i

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13

Кресина, Ирина, and Irina Kresina. "LEGAL INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE NEW EU MEMBERS." Comparative Research In Law and Politics 1, no. 1 (2013): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/1006.

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The models of legal institutionalization of political parties in the new EU members (Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, and Estonia) are considered. The special attention is given to the registration procedure, reasons to ban, financing and control over political parties activities.

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14

Żarna, Krzysztof. "Selected aspects of historical policy towards the Slovak National Uprising in the Slovak Republic." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 2 (2020): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.2.8.

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The Slovak Republic is a state that was formed as a result of the disintegration of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic in 1993. Slovaks do not have rich traditions of their own statehood. For nearly a thousand years, the Slovak lands were within the sphere of influence of Hungary and they formed a common state with the Czechs, although the latter had a dominant position. The only period of owning one’s own statehood was during 1939- 1945, i.e. the functioning of the Slovak State / Slovak Republic. However, it was a country under the influence of the Third Reich. The article concerns sele

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15

Janebová, Pavlína. "Sociálně demokratické strany v ČR, Maďarsku a na Slovensku a jejich pozice k zavedení Evropského stabilizačního mechanismu." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 18, no. 2-3 (2016): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2016.23.171.

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The article examines the positions of the Czech, Hungarian and Slovak social democratic political parties on the introduction of the permanent European Stability Mechanism as a means of addressing the economic and debt crisis in the EU. Using the categories of frames used by political parties in relation to the EU (utilitarian and cultural) introduced by Helbling et al., the political parties’ representatives’ speeches and written statements are analyzed. The analysis showed that all three of the parties use similar arguments and they tend to frame their opinions in both utilitarian and cultur

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16

Just, Petr. "Slovakia’s Oversized Cabinet after the 2020 Parliamentary Elections: Barrier against Extremism Vol. II, or Protection of Its Own Stability?" Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (2020): 388–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-3-388.

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This article deals with one of the major political consequences of parliamentary elections in every parliamentary regime – the process of government formation. It focuses on the formation of the coalition government following the 2020 parliamentary elections in Slovakia, in the context of both pre-election developments as well as the main challenges and appeals of contemporary politics in general – the rise of far-right political parties. Its aim is to identify the coalition strategies presented before the elections of political parties and movements that had a theoretical chance of being elec

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17

Sekerák, Marián. "Towards conservatism? Party politics in Slovakia at the end of the 2010s." European View 18, no. 2 (2019): 233–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685819883965.

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The Slovak political system has changed rapidly since the Republic’s formation in 1993. Today the number of ideologically conservative political parties is rapidly rising. This article clarifies some aspects of recent party-political developments in Slovakia. To provide an overview, only the most important social milestones have been taken into account. Specifically, the 2015 referendum on the protection of the ‘traditional family’, the mass civic protests that erupted in 2012 and 2018, and the business–mafia–political connections that have been exposed will be discussed.

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18

Everett, Ju, and E. Redžić. "Seeking Representation: The Development of Hungarian Minority Parties in Serbia and Slovakia." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 101, no. 2 (2021): 163–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2021-101-2-163-182.

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Ever since the 1920 Treaty of Trianon there have been sizable Hungarian minorities found in countries neighbouring the modern Hungarian state. Since the fall of authoritarian communist regimes and the rise of political plurality these minorities have sought representation, often through minority parties. This lens of political parties is applied in this article, in order to examine the seeking of representation by the Hungarian ethnic minority in Serbia and Slovakia. The overall development of parties is outlined, the stages of their development is illustrated and each stage is analysed in det

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19

Mihálik, Jaroslav, and Viera Zúborová. "THE POLITICAL COMPETITION OF MINORITY PARTIES IN SLOVAKIA: THE DECLINE OF POLITICAL INFLUENCE OF PARTIES REPRESENTING THE HUNGARIAN MINORITY." Innovative Issues and Approaches in Social Sciences 9, no. 1 (2016): 181–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.12959/issn.1855-0541.iiass-2016-no1-art10.

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20

Syrný, Marek. "The Slovak National Uprising 1944." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-1-24-29.

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The article describes the Slovak National Uprising and its role in defeat of nazi Germany. It is shown that after the so-called Munich Treaty and creation of (First) Slovak Republic the majority of population was satisfied with state of affairs. The bombings of Bratislava by US Air Force in June 1944 caused increasing of local Resistance groups. This situation triggered off the decision of the Germans to occupy Slovakia. It is spoken in detail about course of the uprising. Author proposes the division of uprising into three phases depends on activities from both sides. Attention is given to th

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21

Linek, Lukáš, and Oľga Gyárfášová. "The Role of Incumbency, Ethnicity, and New Parties in Electoral Volatility in Slovakia." Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (2020): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-3-303.

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This paper analyzes electoral volatility in the 2020 Slovak elections at the level of individual voters using exit poll surveys. The availability of exit polls from the previous elections of 2012 and 2016 allows us to put the 2020 election in context and analyze the patterns (and deviances from them) observed across the three elections. Furthermore, the paper summarizes the aggregate volatility since 1992, demonstrating a high level of net volatility with peaks of over 30 percent. As for the individual level, the analysis concentrates on three important issues in volatility research: (1) vote

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22

Gyárfášová, Olga. "Euroscepticism: A Mobilising Appeal? Not for Everyone!" Politics in Central Europe 11, no. 1 (2015): 31–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pce-2015-0004.

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Abstract This study examines the changing role of the EU agenda in Slovak politics. It identifies old and newly emerging faces of Euroscepticism and compares them with general theoretical concepts. Furthermore, it asks to what extent Eurosceptical appeals mobilised Slovak voters in the European Parliament (EP) elections of 2014 and whether Eurosceptical parties represent a meaningful electoral choice for voters. In the past, many analyses have provided evidence that the European agenda is not salient and the EU political arena is perceived as one where there is less at stake. Nevertheless, the

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Rybář, Marek, and Peter Spáč. "Social Origin Is No Destiny: Background, Institutionalization, and Electoral Performance of New Political Parties in Slovakia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 34, no. 3 (2019): 637–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325419891222.

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The existing research suggests that socially rooted new political parties are more likely to be reelected to parliaments than parties emerging without links to preexisting social groups. It is argued that the two groups face different prospects of institutionalization: Rooted parties are more viable because their links to preexisting societal groups contribute to a higher sustainability of their electoral support and stronger institutionalization. We assess the link between the origin of parties, their level of institutionalization, and their electoral performance in the context of Slovakia, a

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Walter, Aaron T. "The Good, Bad, and Ugly of Populism: A Comparative Analysis of the U.S. and Slovakia." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 17, no. 2 (2017): 166–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2017-0007.

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Abstract The dynamics of political campaigning is as unique as the people and party platforms that inhabit the campaign period. The progress of certain political personalities or of political parties themselves insure a positivity to the political process in contrast to statism. Not all change is welcome surely, but the fact that such activity occurs within pluralist democracy is a sign of vitality in both practice and principle. One such change in recent political campaigns has been the increased popularity of candidates and parties espousing populist platforms and rhetoric. While in the Unit

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Becker, Joachim. "Transformation, soziale Unsicherheit und der Aufstieg der Nationalkonservativen Kontrastfälle aus Zentralosteuropa." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 144 (2006): 397–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i144.548.

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In both Poland and Slovakia, national conservative parties have recently formed or at least have been included in government. In contrast, national conservatism does not play a significant role in the Czech Republic where political life is polarised between national liberalism and left-wing parties. Reasons for the different trajectories can be found in differing transformation strategies and the role of progressive parties in these strategies.

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Bakke, Elisabeth. "It’s My Generation, Baby! How Different Are (New) Parties in Slovakia in Terms of Descriptive Representation?" Politologický časopis - Czech Journal of Political Science 27, no. 3 (2020): 353–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/pc2020-3-353.

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Party systems all over Europe are becoming more unstable, as new parties win representation. Many of these parties have few members and little or no presence ‘on the ground’ and they tend to present themselves as an alternative to the old, corrupt, and/or incompetent elites. But are they really? In this article I investigate how the parliamentary elites of new parties differ from the elites of more established parties, using the 2020 election as a point of departure. Slovakia is a particularly interesting case, because since 1992, at least one new party has entered parliament in every election

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Jánošová, Denisa, and Renáta Bundzíková. "Marketing Communication of Selected Conservative and Liberal Parties in Slovak Region before Elections." Political Preferences, no. 26 (July 2, 2020): 27–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/polpre.2020.26.27-40.

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Through a democratically set system of state functioning, political parties are given space for their establishment and subsequent functioning. Nowadays, registering new parties is not an issue in Slovakia, but another issue arises - most political parties cannot attract voters, and as a result they lose general sympathy and also necessary votes in elections. For a political party to become known to its voters, it needs to address and subsequently implement techniques of political marketing. Reaching and gaining voters is essential for a political party to continue to exist. By using marketing

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Cíbik, Lukáš. "Implicit persuasion of voters in the 2012 Slovak republic parliamentary elections." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, no. 3 (2016): 221–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0011.

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Abstract The aim of the article is to see the degree of implicit position and value correlation between the voters of particular political parties in Slovakia (SMER-SD, SaS, and SDKÚ-DS). The free association method is supposed to reveal implicit purposes of individual political issues, beliefs and values in the eyes of their voters. Social representations, public discourse and implicit purposes objectified and anchored in civil society by the political elites are obtained by the discrete association method. The focus is held on the importance of political discourse for the voters to take note

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Imreová, Ivana. "Podmienky legitímnej štátnosti v SR: Téma Kosova v parlamentnej rozprave." Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 16, no. 4 (2014): 288–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2014.4.288.

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This article has two main objectives. The first is to reveal, on the basis of parliamentary debate on Kosovo, how political elites in Slovakia perceive conditions for legitimate statehood. The second is to describe and explain the perception and impact of the “Kosovo issue” on the Slovak political scene. Discourse analysis of parliamentary debate on Kosovo´s future is used as the primary analytical tool to accomplish both objectives. The following three characteristics of legitimate statehood are identified in the arguments of six parliamentary political parties: accordance of the creation of

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Řádek, Miroslav. "Voting Behavior in Parliamentary Elections in Slovakia." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, no. 4 (2016): 392–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0019.

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Abstract Department of Political Science at Alexander Dubcek University in Trencin prepared its own exit poll during election day on March 5, 2016. The survey asked seven questions that were aimed at determining the preferences of the respondents concerning not only the current but also past general elections. Interviewers surveyed the choice of political party or movement in parliamentary elections in 2016 as well as preferences in past elections. Followed by questions concerning motivation to vote - when did the respondents decide to go to vote and what or who inspired this decision. The sur

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Kim, Shin Kyu. "Institutionalization of political party system in Slovakia: focused on the electoral system and continuity of political parties." Journal of international area studies 13, no. 3 (2009): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18327/jias.2009.10.13.3.27.

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Grzymala-Busse, Ann. "Why there is (almost) no Christian Democracy in post-communist Europe." Party Politics 19, no. 2 (2011): 319–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068811407596.

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Compared to its West European counterparts, post-communist Christian Democracy is notable for its lack of success. Even in the most religious of post-communist democracies, no Christian Democratic (CD) party has claimed a plurality of the electorate. At the same time, there is a considerable range in average electoral support from 1990 to 2010, i.e. from 0.7 percent in Estonia to as high as 18.4 percent in Slovakia. The most successful CD parties have arisen in Slovakia, the Czech Republic, Slovenia and Lithuania, and (with qualifications) in Macedonia. The reasons for this success lie not in

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Žúborová, Viera, and Ingrid Borarosová. "The Myth of the Angry Voters: Parliamentary Election in Slovak Republic." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 17, no. 1 (2017): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2017-0002.

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Abstract The recent parliamentary elections which took place in The Slovak Republic in March 2016 opened for many national and international commentators the bottled of demons from the past history of Slovakia. For the first time a Far right extremist political party entered into parliament and held seats there. They gained more than some standard political parties and also were not dubbed as the “black” horse of this election. As they were not measured by public opinion. The main purpose of this article is to analyze the fundamental purpose of voters that had elected this political party and

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Bochsler, Daniel, and Edina Szöcsik. "Building inter-ethnic bridges or promoting ethno-territorial demarcation lines? Hungarian minority parties in competition." Nationalities Papers 41, no. 5 (2013): 761–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.801411.

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Parties of ethnic minorities are flourishing in a large number of ethnically divided democracies. While academic research has studied their emergence and success, we know little about intra-group party competition. This paper discusses the reasons for intra-group political plurality, with a focus on intra-party conflict and intra-group party competition: it explains the political orientation of ethnic minority parties and their intra-group challengers as a consequence of the inclusion of minority parties into government. The inclusion of minority parties into national governments produces an i

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Burzova, Petra. "Towards a new past: Some reflections on nationalism in post-socialist Slovakia." Nationalities Papers 40, no. 6 (2012): 879–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2012.742986.

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By analysing two commemorative events organized shortly before and after the 2010 parliamentary elections in Slovakia, this article demonstrates how the Prime Minister Robert Fico and his collaborators exploited these ceremonies to promote a more inclusive definition of political community than their right-wing counterparts. Although commentators have interpreted the continuous political success of the political party Smer-SD in terms of negatively connotated nationalism and national populism, Fico's discursive framework allows him to address those who have been stigmatized by post-1989 neolib

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O'Dwyer, Conor. "Runaway State Building: How Political Parties Shape States in Postcommunist Eastern Europe." World Politics 56, no. 4 (2004): 520–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/wp.2005.0007.

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Why has the rate of expansion of postcommunist state administrations varied so widely among countries that are at comparable stages of economic transition, have similar formal institutions, and have been equally exposed to the dynamics of EU integration? Based on a close comparison of Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia, the author argues that the critical factor in postcommunist state building is the robustness of party competition. The legacy of communism creates strong pressures for patronage politics, which swells the administration, but it is party competition that determines whether

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Bustikova, Lenka, David S. Siroky, Saud Alashri, and Sultan Alzahrani. "Predicting Partisan Responsiveness: A Probabilistic Text Mining Time-Series Approach." Political Analysis 28, no. 1 (2019): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pan.2019.18.

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When do parties respond to their political rivals and when do they ignore them? This article presents a new computational framework to detect, analyze and predict partisan responsiveness by showing when parties on opposite poles of the political spectrum react to each other’s agendas and thereby contribute to polarization. Once spikes in responsiveness are detected and categorized using latent Dirichlet allocation, we utilize the terms that comprise the topics, together with a gradient descent solver, to assess the classifier’s predictive accuracy. Using 10,597 documents from the official webs

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Kovář, Jan. "Moving Forward or Turning Back? Slovak Parties and the Future of the EU." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 53, no. 3 (2020): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/cpcs.2020.53.3.43.

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This article explores which metaphors relevant political parties in Slovakia use when they speak about the EU's “finalité politique” by focusing on an analysis of their electoral manifestos prepared for the European Parliament elections in the period 2004–19. Based on the conceptual metaphor theory and a mixture of quantitative and qualitative methods of metaphor analysis combining insights from European studies and cognitive linguistics, the analysis subsequently aims to estimate the positions of selected parties on the EU's finality. I show that while there are differences between the partie

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von dem Berge, Benjamin, and Peter Obert. "Intraparty democracy in Central and Eastern Europe." Party Politics 24, no. 6 (2017): 652–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816688364.

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In the postcommunist period, political parties in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) had to convincingly demonstrate that they are a vital part of a functioning democratic society. Well-developed intraparty democracy (IPD) is one way of accomplishing this. By asking what factors are relevant to an explanation of IPD formation, we present an analytical framework in which the formation of IPD can be investigated and explore the patterns of IPD and their determinants. We draw on a newly constructed data set based on standardized content analysis, including 129 party statutes from 14 major political

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Kluknavská, Alena, and Josef Smolík. "We hate them all? Issue adaptation of extreme right parties in Slovakia 1993–2016." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 4 (2016): 335–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.09.002.

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This article presents electoral developments and mobilization issues of the extreme right political parties between 1993 and 2016. It analyzes the changes in the extreme right discourses and framing strategies in relation to their electoral results. We argue that during the transition to democracy in the 1990s and partially later in the 2000s, the extreme right parties were predominantly focusing on the issues related to national sovereignty and were successful mostly in the context of hostility against groups that could potentially threaten this independence, while their electoral achievement

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Mareš, Miroslav, and Vratislav Havlík. "Jobbik's successes. An analysis of its success in the comparative context of the V4 countries." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 49, no. 4 (2016): 323–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2016.08.003.

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The success of Jobbik, an extreme-right party in Hungary, is unique in its success compared with other extreme right parties in the Visegrad 4 countries of Central Europe. In contrast to parties in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Poland, Jobbik has managed to make substantial electoral gains and is a major player in the National Assembly in Hungary. This paper discusses five factors that show how the rise of Jobbik was possible. They are: a tradition of extreme right political movements, a party cleavage structure shaped by morals rather than socioeconomics, a specific national electoral geo

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GrzymañA-Busse, Anna. "Political Competition and the Politicization of the State in East Central Europe." Comparative Political Studies 36, no. 10 (2003): 1123–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414003257610.

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The expansion and politicization of the postcommunist state, even among the reform leaders of Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia, has confounded early expectations that the state would shrink and grow autonomous once the communist regime collapsed. The variation in these patterns is a function of the distribution of party power in parliament, both over time (turnover) and among parties (fragmentation and effective opposition). Where several strong opposing parties competed for governance, the resulting electoral uncertainty led them to constrain each other through formal regulations

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Korovitsyna, N. "Quarter-Century after “Velvet Revolution”: How Are You, Slovaks?" World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2015): 77–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-2-77-84.

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The article considers changes in most important areas of Slovak society after 1989: dynamics of social stratification, family values, religiosity, leisure activities, voting behavior and preferences, democratic participation. The aim is to examine the contemporary position of Slovakia between the East and the West European civilization systems after two waves of social transformation in the middle and at the end of the 20th century, considering the accelerated change of the underdeveloped agrarian social structure into the industrial type under the "real socialism". However, at the beginning o

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MILTON, ANDREW K. "Bound But Not Gagged." Comparative Political Studies 34, no. 5 (2001): 493–526. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414001034005002.

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This article examines general patterns of the politics of media reform in Hungary, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Taiwan, all societies transitioning to democracy. Although the media are becoming more free and independent in each, there remain significant political constraints on journalism in all four countries. Using arguments from organizational analysis, the author contends that the persistence of institutional connection between the media and the government, state, and political parties has left the media in a politically dependent position. This dependence is manipulated by politician

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Guzman, Marco Antonio. "The Primacy of Economic Power: State-Led Privatization and the Dissolution of the Czech and Slovak Federative Republic, 1990–1992." East Central Europe 46, no. 2-3 (2019): 212–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-04602002.

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This historical and comparative analysis shows that neoliberal economic policy creating a domestic private sector triggered a series of events that culminated with the dissolution of post-communist Czechoslovakia in 1992. Placing primary emphasis on neoliberal economic reform, this research departs from existing accounts of the breakup positing ideological differences between Czech and Slovak elites or preexisting regional economic structures as the primary factors behind the dissolution. As neoliberal policies took place through the entire federation, an unexpected boom in tourism in Prague f

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Šipulová, Katarína, and Vít Hloušek. "Different Paths of Transitional Justice in the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland." World Political Science 9, no. 1 (2013): 31–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2013-0003.

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AbstractThis article deals with issues of transitional justice in selected Central European countries. The relationship between the mode of democratic transition and the mechanisms and pace of transitional justice processes is discussed. The main focus is on the analysis and comparison of transitional justice issues in three Central European countries – the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia. The authors conclude that the mode of democratic transition is not as important as other political factors, such as the presence or absence of leftist parties in the government.

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Andreiko, Vitaliy. "The Experience of Czech-Slovak Diplomatic Cooperation in the Context of the European Integration of Ukraine." Науковий вісник Чернівецького національного університету імені Юрія Федьковича. Історія 1, no. 47 (2018): 46–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/hj2018.47.46-52.

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The contemporary history of the Czech Republic’s and the Slovak Republic’s formation asindependent European states has a meaningful specificity, compared to other Central European countries and post-Soviet states. First, in the early 1990s, against the backdrop of the former socialist federations’ «balkanization», the Czech and Slovak peoples and their political elites demonstrated the possibility of a civilized, peaceful and evolutionary self-dissolution of the Czech-Slovak federative union and the declaration of independence by the Czech Republic and the Slovak Republic. Second, the cessatio

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Hlavac, Marek. "Performance of political parties in the 2016 parliamentary election in Slovakia: regional comparisons and district-level determinants." Regional & Federal Studies 26, no. 3 (2016): 433–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2016.1178114.

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Krajňák, Samuel, Katarína Staronova, and Heath Pickering. "Ministerial Advisers in Slovakia: Profiles and Career Paths, 2010 – 2020." NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 13, no. 2 (2020): 115–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2020-0017.

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AbstractThis study examines the transparency of the regulatory framework under which ministerial advisors exist within the politicized context of a Central and Eastern European perspective. We compare profiles and career paths of ministerial advisers under five different types of coalition governments and examine if variance across government types can be explained by type of party – established vs. new parties. Empirically, the article draws on a cohort of 162 ministerial advisers in Slovakia across five governments from 2010 to 2020. We arrive at multiple findings. Firstly, we suggest the li

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Kyrychenko, Yuriy, and Hanna Davlyetova. "Role of political parties in modern processes of state building in Ukraine." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 3, no. 3 (2020): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2020-3-7-12.

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The article examines the role of political parties in modern state-building processes in Ukraine. The place of political parties in the political and legal system of society is determined. The general directions of overcoming problematic situations of activity of political parties in Ukraine are offered. It is noted that political parties play an important role in the organization and exercise of political power, act as a kind of mediator between civil society and public authorities, influence the formation of public opinion and the position of citizens directly involved in elections to public

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