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Maciel, Elda Maria Freire. "Caminhos e Descaminhos de um Pensar Plural: o pensamento polÃtico do partido dos trabalhadores." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2009. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=3050.
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FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgicoRESUMO Este trabalho analisa a formaÃÃo e o desenvolvimento do pensamento polÃtico do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) no perÃodo compreendido entre sua fundaÃÃo em 1980 à realizaÃÃo de seu 1Â. Congresso Nacional em 1991. A escolha desse tema se deu ao refletir sobre como o PT construiu o seu corpo simbÃlico ou o seu capital polÃtico no decurso de sua trajetÃria de lutas e como se capacitou para efetivÃ-lo atravÃs do conjunto partidÃrio. Tal dÃvida se manifestou quando analisava documentos (resoluÃÃes de encontros, congressos, reuniÃes etc.) dessa organizaÃÃo, inclusive de suas vÃrias tendÃncias e percebia como enfatizavam o fato do PT ter incorporado ânovas teoriasâ, ânovas prÃticasâ, ânovos rumosâ durante sua trajetÃria e por isso, ser um ânovo partidoâ ou um partido diferente do projeto originÃrio. A inquietaÃÃo com tal leitura me levou a refletir sobre uma premissa que considero fundamental para a vida das organizaÃÃes sociais como um todo, qual seja, que toda organizaÃÃo polÃtica necessita de uma referÃncia teÃrica sÃlida para formar-se e desenvolver-se. E claro isso advÃm de um processo de produÃÃo e de re-significaÃÃo de idÃias e prÃticas que de forma alguma sÃo absolutamente ânovasâ, mas que se articula com experiÃncias vividas por outras organizaÃÃes polÃticas em meio a novas realidades, a novos contextos sociais e tambÃm, a determinados tempos histÃricos. Os dados da pesquisa foram coletados nas resoluÃÃes partidÃrias aprovadas desde o surgimento do Movimento prÃ-PT, passando pelos 07 encontros nacionais e um extraordinÃrio e pelo 1Â. Congresso Nacional. Contudo, foram consultados tambÃm artigos de militantes petistas, boletins, folhetos de propaganda eleitoral, programa de governo do PT e outros materiais. Ao todo foram analisados 53 documentos partidÃrios. Como procedimento teÃrico-metodolÃgico optei pela anÃlise das categorias bÃsicas do pensamento petista, dos fenÃmenos sociais privilegiados por ele, da ontologia de suas idÃias, de sua pretensÃo crÃtica, das escolas de pensamento e Ideologia ao qual o PT se identificava. Para analisar o material coletado me orientei pela perspectiva teÃrico-metodolÃgica de Antonio Gramsci sobre sua concepÃÃo de partido polÃtico. Mas tambÃm a instrumentaÃÃo fornecida pela AnÃlise de Discurso (AD) foi fundamental. A conclusÃo deste estudo fornece indicaÃÃes sobre a construÃÃo do pensamento polÃtico petista em meio à conturbada dÃcada de 80, percebendo-o como uma sÃntese de rupturas, de superaÃÃo e ao mesmo tempo de continuidade com o pensamento dos partidos de esquerda que o precederam demonstrando assim, caracteres ambÃguos, conflituosos e contraditÃrios que concretamente incidiram para a prÃtica petista.
RESUMO Este trabalho analisa a formaÃÃo e o desenvolvimento do pensamento polÃtico do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) no perÃodo compreendido entre sua fundaÃÃo em 1980 à realizaÃÃo de seu 1Â. Congresso Nacional em 1991. A escolha desse tema se deu ao refletir sobre como o PT construiu o seu corpo simbÃlico ou o seu capital polÃtico no decurso de sua trajetÃria de lutas e como se capacitou para efetivÃ-lo atravÃs do conjunto partidÃrio. Tal dÃvida se manifestou quando analisava documentos (resoluÃÃes de encontros, congressos, reuniÃes etc.) dessa organizaÃÃo, inclusive de suas vÃrias tendÃncias e percebia como enfatizavam o fato do PT ter incorporado ânovas teoriasâ, ânovas prÃticasâ, ânovos rumosâ durante sua trajetÃria e por isso, ser um ânovo partidoâ ou um partido diferente do projeto originÃrio. A inquietaÃÃo com tal leitura me levou a refletir sobre uma premissa que considero fundamental para a vida das organizaÃÃes sociais como um todo, qual seja, que toda organizaÃÃo polÃtica necessita de uma referÃncia teÃrica sÃlida para formar-se e desenvolver-se. E claro isso advÃm de um processo de produÃÃo e de re-significaÃÃo de idÃias e prÃticas que de forma alguma sÃo absolutamente ânovasâ, mas que se articula com experiÃncias vividas por outras organizaÃÃes polÃticas em meio a novas realidades, a novos contextos sociais e tambÃm, a determinados tempos histÃricos. Os dados da pesquisa foram coletados nas resoluÃÃes partidÃrias aprovadas desde o surgimento do Movimento prÃ-PT, passando pelos 07 encontros nacionais e um extraordinÃrio e pelo 1Â. Congresso Nacional. Contudo, foram consultados tambÃm artigos de militantes petistas, boletins, folhetos de propaganda eleitoral, programa de governo do PT e outros materiais. Ao todo foram analisados 53 documentos partidÃrios. Como procedimento teÃrico-metodolÃgico optei pela anÃlise das categorias bÃsicas do pensamento petista, dos fenÃmenos sociais privilegiados por ele, da ontologia de suas idÃias, de sua pretensÃo crÃtica, das escolas de pensamento e Ideologia ao qual o PT se identificava. Para analisar o material coletado me orientei pela perspectiva teÃrico-metodolÃgica de Antonio Gramsci sobre sua concepÃÃo de partido polÃtico. Mas tambÃm a instrumentaÃÃo fornecida pela AnÃlise de Discurso (AD) foi fundamental. A conclusÃo deste estudo fornece indicaÃÃes sobre a construÃÃo do pensamento polÃtico petista em meio à conturbada dÃcada de 80, percebendo-o como uma sÃntese de rupturas, de superaÃÃo e ao mesmo tempo de continuidade com o pensamento dos partidos de esquerda que o precederam demonstrando assim, caracteres ambÃguos, conflituosos e contraditÃrios que concretamente incidiram para a prÃtica petista.
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Bourgeois, David Y. "The Politics and Values of Individualists and Collectivists: A Cross-Cultural Comparison." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2002. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/BourgeoisDY2002.pdf.
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Wilson, Kenneth. "Russia's political parties : party-system development and the 2001 law 'On political parties'." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.423333.
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Blew, Dennis Jan. "The Europeanization of Political Parties: A Study of Political Parties in Poland 2009-2014." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2567.
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On May 1st 2004, Poland entered the European Union (EU), introducing new variables into the domestic politics of the Polish Republic. Since gaining its independence from Soviet control in 1989, Poland’s political landscape can be described as a dynamic and ever changing force towards democratic maturation. With the accession of Poland to the EU, questions of European integration and Europeanization have arisen, most specifically with how these two processes effect and shape the behaviors of domestic political actors.
With Poland entering its second decade of EU membership, this study attempts to explain how, and if, further European integration has had any effect on the Europeanization of political parties in Poland. Building upon the work of various scholars, most notably Aleks Szczerbiak, this study examines the years 2009-2014, and examines Poland’s political parties through Robert Ladrech’s framework of Europeanization.
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Grosse, Ingrid. "Political parties and welfare associations." Doctoral thesis, Umeå : Department of Sociology, Umeå University, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1466.
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Kim, Jongcheol. "Constitutionalising political parties in Britain." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1998. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1510/.
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Although Britain has developed a reasonably successful model of party democracy, there is little legal recognition of political parties in the constitutional order. My hypothesis is that the legal status of political parties relates to deep-seated political and social theories subsisting in British society. Britain's self-regulating political parties still adhere to the liberal theory of parliamentary democracy. However, there is increasing dissatisfaction with this status quo, which tends to ignore the pluralist reality. Therefore, demands are now being made for the creation of a new theory of democracy and for a range of constitutional reforms which such a theory requires. I propose to adopt a model of double democratisation which implies a refocusing of the liberal distinction between state and society. This model develops an equilibrium between state and society within a constitutional framework which can be called 'constitutionalised democratic autonomy'. I seek to argue that all agencies of power should be regulated within a constitutional framework which allows public scrutiny of the political system as a whole while affording, on the one hand, the greatest measure of freedom to civil society and, on the other, parity of autonomy to the state. The fact that political parties now play a powerful role within the state adds additional urgency to the task of reformulating the democratic agenda. In connecting a new perspective on political parties to the reformulated theory of democracy, the dual relationship of political parties to the state and civil society, i.e., their character both as a social sphere and as a political sphere, will be stressed. Based on these theoretical arguments, this dissertation critically analyses British law relating to political parties and maintains that there is a need for the legal institutionalisation of political parties. It discusses various possibilities for the constitutionalisation of political parties, which are envisaged to encourage in a balanced way inter- and intra-party democracy. This constitutionalisation will require, inter alia, (a) intra-party democracy, (b) electoral reform and (c) the juridification of the financial affairs of political parties. This dissertation concludes that the constitutionalisation of political parties is part and parcel of the modernisation of the British political system in the direction of correcting a divergence between the pluralist reality and the liberal constitutional ideal.
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Teorell, Jan. "Demokrati eller fåtalsvälde om beslutsfattande i partiorganisationer /." Uppsala : Distributor, Universitetsbiblioteket, 1998. http://books.google.com/books?id=qbSIAAAAMAAJ.
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Lees-Marshment, Jennifer. "Political parties and political marketing in Britain since 1979." Thesis, Keele University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302275.
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Freij, Martin, and Andreas Gartnell. "Political Parties in Social Media : A case study of political parties’ crisis management in social media." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för marknadsföring (MF), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-35242.
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Title: Political Parties’ in Social Media - A case study of political parties’ crisis management in social media Introduction: The emergence of social media platforms has transformed how organizations communicate with stakeholders. The concept of social media is top of agenda for many business executives today. While some argue social media to provide unique opportunities for organizations, others argue the opposite. The rise of social media enables crises to escalate, implying that organizations need to have well-established crisis management strategies. In the Swedish election of 2014, social media is predicted to have enormous influence on the end result for the political parties. Prior to this thesis, no previous research has looked deeper into the context of crisis management in social media for political parties in Sweden. It is in the political context where this study contributes to the research area. Purpose: The aim of this paper is to investigate political parties’ crisis management in social media, using strategies developed for commercial organizations, and thereby contribute to the research of non-commercial organizations. Methodology: A triangulation method was used of semi structured interviews and archival analysis on four crises of political parties. Eight parties in the Swedish parliament where deliberately selected. However, only four of the parties, Socialdemokraterna (S), Sverigedemokraterna (SD), Vänsterpartiet (V) and Centerpartiet (C), had the possibility to participate in the study. Conclusion: (S), (V) and (C) all used both Facebook and Twitter as a crisis communication channel especially due to its speed and spread. However, (SD) did not use social media as crisis communication channel. The crisis management in social media of each party could improve immensely, however limited resources of employees and finance was found to be the main reasons holding the progress back. Conclusively, dialogue strategies and to some extent response strategies used by commercial organizations are indeed frequently used by political parties as well.
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Franco-Guillén, Núria. "Minority nations, political parties and immigration." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/326738.
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The thesis is a compilation of three articles that explore the relationship between immigration and minority nations. It focuses on Stateless Nationalist and Regionalist Parties (SNRP) through the lens of the centre periphery cleavage. Overall, the articles make contributions towards the research question how do the main dimensions of the centre-periphery cleavage (identity, territory and economy) reflect on the SNRPs’ discourses on immigration? Each article explores one of the dimensions of the centre periphery cleavage. They analyse how identity, territorial distribution of powers and the economic context appear in the SNRPs’ official discourse on immigration. Paired comparisons of different SNRPs in different contexts (Catalonia, Quebec and Scotland) are carried out using qualitative content analysis of manifestos, parliamentary debates and other party documents. The thesis provides, among other contributions, a deeper understanding of SNRPs discourses on immigration and how centre-periphery relations interfere in its construction.La present tesi és una compilació de tres articles de recerca que exploren la relació entre la immigració i les nacions minoritàries, tot centrant-se en els Partits Nacionalistes sense Estat i Regionalistes (SNRP) des de la perspectiva del cleavage centre-perifèria. Orientats per la pregunta de recerca com apareixen reflectides les principals dimensions del cleavage centre perifèria en el discurs dels SNRP sobre immigració?, cadascun enfronta una de les dimensions amb l’objectiu de copsar com la identitat, la distribució territorial del poder, i el context econòmic apareixen en el discurs oficial dels SNRP. S’ha dut a terme comparacions aparellades de diferents SNRP de diversos contexts (Catalunya, Escòcia i Quebec) a través de l’anàlisi qualitativa del contingut de programes electorals, debats parlamentaris i altres documents. La tesi ofereix un major coneixement dels discursos dels SNRP en immigració i com les relacions centre-perifèria interfeixen en llurs construccions.
La presente tesis es una compilación de tres artículos de investigación que exploran la relación entre la inmigración y las naciones minoritarias, centrándose en los Partidos Nacionalistas sin Estado y Regionalistas (SNRP) desde la perspectiva del cleavage centro-periferia. Orientados por la pregunta de investigación cómo aparecen reflejadas las principales dimensiones del cleavage centro periferia en el discurso de los SNRP sobre inmigración?, cada uno enfrenta una de las dimensiones con el objetivo de ver cómo la identidad, la distribución territorial del poder, y el contexto económico aparecen en el discurso oficial de los SNRP. Para ello se han llevado a cabo comparaciones aparejadas de distintos SNRP procedentes de contextos diferentes (Cataluña, Escocia y Quebec) a través del análisis cualitativo del contenido de programas electorales, debates parlamentarios y otros documentos. La tesis ofrece un mayor conocimiento de los discursos de los SNRP en inmigración y cómo las relaciones centro-periferia interfieren en sus construcciones.
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Jerbi, Matthew J. "Political parties and democracy in Haiti." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA392100.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, June 2001.Thesis advisor(s): Giraldo, Jeanne. "June 2001." Includes bibliographical references (p. 123-132). Also Available in print.
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Karadag, Yelda. "Political Parties And Democratization In Georgia." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12614006/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
THE POLITICAL PARTIES IN GEORGIAN DEMOCRATIZATION
Karadag, Yelda
M.S., Department of Eurasian Studies
Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ayça Ergun Ö
zbolat December 2011,181 Pages This thesis analyzes the development of the multi-party system and the role of political parties in the process of democratization in Georgia during both pre-independence and post-independence periods. The conditions shaping both the multi-party system and democratization are analyzed in the light of findings obtained through in-depth interviews with the representatives of political parties, civil society organizations and academicians in Georgia. In accordance with the post-Soviet political system, the nature of the relationship between the ruling party and the opposition is crucial. The diversification among the elite groups and the lack of pact formation among the political elite is the main reason which hinders the process of democratization. Hence, despite the Georgian political party system has numerous political parties
it is shaped in accordance with the dominant political party system.
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Tiry, Zaahira. "Political parties in South African law." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1012414.
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This dissertation is a literature study of the legal regime of political parties in post-apartheid South Africa. A constitutional perspective is adopted throughout the study in order to confine the topic to the realm of South African law. Hence, the focus of the study is to identify legal rights contained in chapter two of the Constitution and to also identify other provisions of the Constitution that have a bearing on political parties. As mentioned in the conclusion, section 19 of the Constitution, set the scene for the development of this study. An analysis of the constitutional provisions highlighted in this study, case law and present legislation dealing with political parties reveals that there is a need for comparative research and the adoption of adequate legislation to regulate the functioning of political parties in South Africa. It is submitted that the regulation of parties by statute is required to ensure a just political order whereby the functioning of political parties is in line with the Constitution.
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Clark, John Andrew. "The institutionalization of local political parties /." The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487759914758009.
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Fernandes, Daniel Alves. "The economy and new political parties." Master's thesis, Universidade de Aveiro, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10773/23037.
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Mestrado em Ciência PolíticaDoes the economy affect the electoral success of new political parties? Despite the profound scholarly interest on this subject, previous studies have not found consistent empirical evidence linking economic conditions to new party success. We argue in this thesis that the lack of compelling evidence derives from incorrectly drawn expectations about this precise relationship. By and large, previous scholars claim that bad economic conjunctures drive voters to support new political parties. This seems not always to be the case, however, as voters can punish incumbents for poor economic performance by supporting opposition parties instead. As such, we argue that new parties only benefit from bad economic conditions if voters are discontented with the existing parties as a whole. We tested this hypothesis drawing on a unique dataset that comprises all elections to the national legislatures in west European countries of the European Union, from 1986 to 2015. Statistical evidence appears to corroborate the aforementioned claim. Unfavorable economic conjunctures benefit new entrants if there is a large pool of discontented individuals. On the other hand, poor economic performance appears to slightly hamper their electoral success if voters are fairly satisfied with the existing parties.
As condições económicas afectam o sucesso de novos partidos? Embora esta questão seja basilar para a Ciência Política, os estudos existentes não dispõem de evidência empírica concreta que corrobore uma relação entre os dois fenómenos. Nesta tese argumentamos que as expectativas teóricas destes estudos podem explicar, pelo menos parcialmente, estes resultados inconsistentes. Os estudos anteriores consideram em grosso modo que as más conjunturas económicas incentivam os eleitores a votar em novos partidos políticos. Estes eleitores podem, contudo, punir os incumbentes pelo mau desempenho económico apoiando os partidos da oposição. Deste modo, consideramos que as novas formações partidárias só beneficiam das más condições económicas quando os eleitores estão descontentes com todas as alternativas partidárias existentes, inclusive partidos de oposição. Esta hipótese foi testada com base em testes estatísticos em 135 eleições para os parlamentos nacionais dos países da Europa ocidental membros da União Europeia entre 1986 e 2015. Os resultados corroboram a hipótese anterior. Os períodos económicos mais desfavoráveis são benéficos para as novas formações partidárias caso haja um grande número de eleitores descontentes com as opções partidárias existentes. Por outro lado, o mau desempenho económico constrange, ainda que a um grau mais limitado, o sucesso eleitoral dos novos partidos quando os eleitores estão relativamente satisfeitos com os partidos estabelecidos.
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Batlle, Margarita, and José Ricardo Puyana. "Political reforms and political parties in Colombia: when change is the rule." Politai, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92455.
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This article analyzes the different electoral reforms that have taken place since 1990 and the changes that have characterized the party system in Colombia, mainly in terms of fragmentation and volatility of preferences, with an emphasis on the competition that takes place at the national level and on the origin and dynamics of the new coalition government established by President Juan Manuel Santos in 2010. In addition, we observe the configuration created by the regional and local elections of October 2011 and we discuss on the relationship between electoral regulations and the post conflict scenary. In particular, we deal with questions about the future of Colombian representative institutions, especially rules that determine access to elected office and a possible political participation of demobilized guerrillas. In that sense, it is argued that while the objectives of previous reforms were to achieve higher levels of governance, this new context may put the discussion on the need to sacrifice governance for achieving greater representation back in the center of the debate.El presente artículo analiza las diferentes reformas electorales que han tenido lugar desde 1990, y los cambios que ha sufrido el sistema de partidos, fundamentalmente en términos de fragmentación y volatilidad de las preferencias, con un énfasis en la competencia que tiene lugar en el nivel nacional y en el origen y las dinámicas de la coalición de gobierno creada por el presidente Juan Manuel Santos en 2010. Además, se observa la configuración que puso en evidencia el proceso electoral regional y local de octubre de 2011 y se problematiza la relación entre reglas electorales y postconflicto, especialmente, las reglas que determinan el acceso a los cargos de elección popular y una posible participación de los guerrilleros desmovilizados. En ese sentido, se arguye que, aunque al observar los objetivos de las reformas anteriores la apuesta había sido por lograr mayores niveles de gobernabilidad, este nuevo contexto vuelve a poner en debate la necesidad de sacrificar gobernabilidad por el logro de mayor representatividad.
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Alcantara, Jose Carlos [UNESP]. "O dualismo partidário no período de 1966 a 1982 e sua representação local." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103178.
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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:32:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
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O presente trabalho estuda um período da história político-partidária e eleitoral (1966-1982) brasileira, percorrendo os níveis nacional, estadual e local, com ênfase neste último. Com a chegada dos militares ao poder em 1964 e a extinção dos partidos políticos em 1965, inicia-se um novo sistema denominado bipartidarismo, que se estende até 1982. Diante da dependência partidária e eleitoral da legislação federal, os Estados e municípios se adaptaram, porém conservando suas diferenças regionais. As lideranças políticas paranaenses se articularam diante do novo jogo político e fortaleceram o partido do governo, em contraste com uma oposição decepada e fragilizada. Em nível local, embora receba a interferência da política nacional e estadual, o quadro caracteriza-se acentuadamente por contornos próprios, revelando a disputa de pessoas e grupos de interesses pelo poder local. A baixa institucionalização partidária e a volatilidade são fatores que fortalecem o individualismo na política, e o eleitor, sem referências partidárias consolidadas, até por interesses pessoais e por estar próximo dos candidatos, valoriza o personalismo. O trabalho analisa o desempenho e evolução da ARENA/PDS e do MDB/PMDB, através dos resultados eleitorais, colocando em destaque a representação da política no município de Maringá.
An analysis, at the national, state and local levels, with special emphasis to the latter, on the 1966-1982 history of party and election politics in Brazil is provided. A new bi-party system was introduced in Brazil on the arrival to power of the armed forces in 1964 and on the extinction of political parties in 1965, through 1982. Although states and counties adapted themselves to the party and electoral dependence on federal laws, they preserved their regional differences. The political leaderships of the state of Paraná organized themselves in the wake of the new political rules and strengthened the government's party. This cannot be said of the opposition, which remained fragmented and split. Although the local situation was influenced by the national and state politics, its features had special nuances that revealed the struggle of individuals and groups for local political power. Low party institutions and volatility were the chief factors that gave rise to political individualism, while the voter rated personal cult excessively. This was due to the lack of consolidated party references, invested interests and close dealing with candidates. Research investigated the performance and evolution of ARENA/PDS and MDB/PMDB through their election results, whereas the political representation in the municipality of Maringá was enhanced.
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Paul, Sebastian. "Financing Political Parties in Germany – the Case of Political Foundations." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-206638.
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The thesis analyzes the current German political situation in terms of party financing. In particular, the special role that political foundations play in this connection and what influence they have on German political parties, decision makers and German politics in general, shall be examined. Political foundations are playing an important role in party financing and some of them are even operating internationally. Exactly what role they play is still not well known by the German public and many reports related to this topic do not exist. One of the main concerns of the thesis will consequently be on corruption and lobbying in the German political system.
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Hays, Bradley David. "Party with the court : political parties and the national judiciary in the creation, maintenance, and transformation of political orders /." College Park, Md. : University of Maryland, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/2884.
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Thesis (Ph. D.) -- University of Maryland, College Park, 2005.Thesis research directed by: Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
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Gardner, Mark J. "Restructuring social bargains : the politics of trade and labor policy in the US Democrats and British Labour /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10770.
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Crider, Jonathan B. "Printing Politics: The Emergence of Political Parties in Florida, 1821-1861." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/427023.
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HistoryPh.D.
This dissertation makes three key arguments regarding politics and print culture in antebellum Florida. First, Florida’s territorial status, historic geographical divisions, and local issues necessitated the use of political parties. Second, Florida’s political parties evolved from a focus on charismatic men and local geographic loyalties to loyalty to party regardless of who was running to national and regional loyalties above local issues and men. Lastly, the central and most consistent aspect of Florida’s political party development was the influence of newspapers and their editors. To understand Florida politics in the nineteenth century it is necessary to recognize how the personal, geographical, and political divisions in Florida’s territorial past remained a critical factor in the development and function of national political parties in Florida. The local divisions within Florida in the 1820s created factions and personal loyalties that would later help characterize national parties in the 1840s. Political leaders, with the help of editors and their newspapers, created factions based more on personal loyalties than on ideology. By the 1850s party loyalty became paramount over personal or regional loyalties. In the last years before the Civil War Democrats linked Southern loyalty to the Democratic party and accused their opposition of treason against the South leading Florida and the nation to Civil War. Yet, throughout these political changes, editors and their newspapers remained central to political success, becoming the voice of political parties and critical to attracting and maintaining potential voters. In addition to understanding how politics functioned in antebellum Florida, this dissertation contributes to our larger understanding of the Second Party System and the South. An underlying argument of this dissertation is that while the Democrats tended to be better organized and more ideologically coherent, the Whigs suffered from constant in-fighting and splintering. This led to the Democratic domination of politics and, in the South, the ability of secession supporters to control the public conversation during the Sectional Crisis of the 1850s and lead the nation to war. This dissertation also claims that there is not just one South but many and exposes the myth of a changeless and monolithic South.
Temple University--Theses
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Russell, Eric Duane. "Issue Co-optation: A Historical Account of the Agenda-Setting Role of Minor Parties in the American Two-Party System." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1218704282.
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Sánchez, Ibrahim Jesús. "Essays on Political Economy." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/672064.
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Aquesta tesi combina dades històriques amb teoria de jocs per a intentar entendre millor la relació entre els partits polítics i l'opinió publica. En primer lloc, estudi les dinàmiques de les qüestions socials. Demostro que les qüestions socials (per exemple, aquelles relacionades amb els drets de les dones i les minories, o les qüestions racials) tendeixen a seguir patrons de comportament, tant en termes de partits com d'opinió pública. Després, basant-me en aquests patrons, proposo una nova forma de modelar el comportament dels partits i del que ciutadans. A través de tres articles teòrics, aprofundeixo en la interacció dinàmica entre partits polítics i opinió pública al voltant d'una qüestió política específica. Els meus resultats llancen llum sobre què incentiva els partits a donar suport polítiques oposades. També ajuden a entendre millor diversos fenòmens que s'han observat en la realitat, com ara el fet que els partits polítics semblen estar més polaritzats que els propis ciutadans.Esta tesis combina datos históricos con teoría de juegos para intentar entender mejor la relación entre los partidos políticos y la opinión publica. En primer lugar, estudio las dinámicas de las cuestiones sociales. Demuestro que las cuestiones sociales (por ejemplo, aquellas relacionadas con los derechos de las mujeres y las minorías, o las cuestiones raciales) tienden a seguir patrones de comportamiento, tanto en términos de partidos como de opinión pública. Después, basándome en estos patrones, propongo una nueva forma de modelar el comportamiento de los partidos y de lo ciudadanos. A través de tres artículos teóricos, profundizo en la interacción dinámica entre partidos políticos y opinión pública alrededor de una cuestión política específica. Mis resultados arrojan luz sobre qué incentiva a los partidos a apoyar políticas opuestas. También ayudan a entender mejor diversos fenómenos que se han observado en la realidad, como por ejemplo el hecho de que los partidos políticos parecen estar más polarizados que los propios ciudadanos.
This thesis combines historical data with game theory to better understand the relationship between political parties and mass behaviour. First, I study the dynamics of social issues. I show that social issues (e.g, issues related to women's and minority rights, or racial issues) tend to follow behavioural patterns, both in terms of parties'and citizens' behaviour. Then, based on these patterns, I propose a new way of modelling parties' and citizens' behaviour. Through three theoretical papers, I deepen the dynamic interplay between political parties and the public opinion around a specific issue. My results shed light on what makes political parties be confronted with respect to an issue. They also help understanding some observed phenomena related to this interplay, like the sorting phenomenon or the question of why political parties seem to be more polarized than citizens.
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Barber, Stephen D. "How parties behave : the role of strategy in contemporary British political parties." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.426601.
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Vrânceanu, Alina. "Political parties' position and public opinion on immigration." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/666993.
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This PhD dissertation is interested in the mass-elite linkages in the context of the immigration issue. It examines, on the one hand, factors likely to influence party responsiveness to public opinion (bottom-up connection) and, on the other hand, the impact of party stances and policies on public preferences in this policy area (top-down connection). Two chapters are dedicated to analysing the bottom-up process. Here, I examine to what extent party characteristics and party system features influence the responsiveness of parties to public opinion on immigration. The third chapter analyses the degree to which individual attitudes toward immigration are influenced by party positions and by immigration policies and policy outcomes (top-down process). The results indicate that parties do not track changes over time in the preferences of their party supporters. There is weak evidence that mainstream parties and parties with low distinctiveness in their immigration-emphasis profile are more sensitive to temporal changes in the mean voter's preferences. In addition, mainstream parties tend to be more responsive to changes in public opinion and in the objective migration context when they face a strong radical right party. Finally, there is evidence of weak but predictable impacts of party positions and immigration policies on individual attitudes toward immigration.Esta tesis doctoral se centra en la conexión entre ciudadanos y elites en el tema de la inmigración. Esa cxamina, por un lado, factorcs que pueden influir en la reccptividad dc los partidos políticos hacia la opinión pública sobre el terna dc la inmigración (conexión bottom-up) y, por otro lado, el impacto dc los posicionamientos de Ios partidos políticos y de las políticas en materia de inmigración sobre las prefercncias de los ciudadanos en esta área (conexión top-down). Dos capítulos de la tesis se dedican al análisis del proceso bottom-up. Aquí, examino la medida en que las características de los partidos y de los sistemas de partidos influyen en la receptividad de los partidos políticos hacia la opinión pública sobre la inmigración. El tercer capítulo analiza la medida en que las actitudes individuales hacia la inmigración están influenciadas por los posicionamientos de los partidos políticos y por las políticas en temas de inmigración y sus resultados. Los resultados de los análisis empíricos sugieren que los partidos no son receptivos hacia los cambios a lo largo del tiempo en las preferencias de sus simpatizantes. Hay alguna evidencia, aunque débil, que los partidos 'mainstream' y los que tienen baja especificidad en términos de énfasis sobre temas de inmigración son más sensibles a los cambios temporales en las preferencias del votante mediano. Asimismo, los partidos 'mainstream' son más receptivos hacia los cambios en la opinión pública y en el contexto migratorio cuando compiten en contra de un partido fuerte de derecha radical. Finalmente, hay evidencia de impactos débiles pero predictibles de los posicionamientos de los partidos políticos y de las políticas en temas de inmigración sobre las actitudes de los ciudadanos hacia la inmigración.
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Prato, Giuliana Beatrice. "Political representation and new forms of political action in Italy : the case of the Brindisi." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365862.
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Teichgräber, Martin H. (Martin Hubert). "Political Parties in Central America: A Reassessment." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1994. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500670/.
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Studies of political parties in Latin America have often been descriptive and not directed to link a theoretical foundation about political parties with qualitative or quantitative empiricism. This was in part because parties in the region were usually perceived as rather unimportant in the political arena. This study attempts to correct this often unjustified proposition by focusing on the development of political parties in five Central American countries: Costa Rica, Nicaragua, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. The analysis focuses particularly on the relationship between party fragmentation, party polarization, the level of democracy, and socio-economic modernization. The quantitative analysis uses a cross-national longitudinal research design and tries to overcome shortcomings in prior descriptive approaches based on case studies. The overall findings show that party fragmentation and party polarization are positively related to the level of democracy in Central America.
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Zucco, Cesar. "The political economy of ordinary politics in Latin America." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467893851&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Combs, Matthew J. "Centrifugal force?, political parties and Canadian federalism." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0005/MQ45365.pdf.
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Fisher, Justin T. "The institutional funding of British political parties." Thesis, Brunel University, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385180.
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Adwan, A. I. "The Palestinian Arab political parties : 1934-1939." Thesis, University of Salford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.376850.
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Dare, Emmanuel. "Political parties and democratic linkage in Nigeria." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2013. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=205388.
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Maršavelski, Aleksandar [Verfasser], Hans-Jörg [Akademischer Betreuer] Albrecht, and Davor [Akademischer Betreuer] Derenčinović. "Responsibility of political parties for criminal offences." Freiburg : Universität, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1224808665/34.
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Cavallaro, Matteo. "Towards a political economy of radical parties." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCD048/document.
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Cette thèse porte sur les impacts réels et potentiels des partis de droite radicale (PDR) sur l'économie et évalue ces impacts - quantitativement et qualitativement - en considérant la politique économique et les performances économiques de 27 pays européens.Nous commençons par discuter les définitions de pdr (chapitre 1) et leur position sur les questions économiques (chapitre 2). Nous en déduisons une taxonomie des positions de ces partis sur les questions économiques et confirmons l'hétérogénéité entre les PDR sur ces questions. Le chapitre 3 résume la littérature sur les déterminants politiques de l'économie, dont nous tirons nos hypothèses. Le chapitre 4 teste ces hypothèses à l’aide d’économétrie sur des données de panel. Nous montrons que la présence de PDR semble avoir des effets sur l’économie mais différent en europe de l’est et de l’ouest. En europe de l'est, les scores électoraux des PDR, ainsi que leur inclusion dans une coalition au pouvoir sont significativement liés à l'augmentation des importations et de la diminution des exportations. En europe de l’ouest, leur inclusion dans une coalition au pouvoir est lié à l’accroissement de l'écart entre les taux de chômage de la main-d'oeuvre autochtone et étrangère.Afin de comprendre les mécanismes qui sous-tendent nos résultats, le chapitre 5 propose une contribution originale à l'approche néo-réaliste d'amable et palombarini (2005). Nous soutenons que la politique économique est le résultat de la régulation politique des conflits sociaux et illustrons notre point de vue avec l'étude de cas de la ligue du nord italienneThis PhD Thesis discusses the actual and potential impacts of Radical Right Parties (RRPs) on the economy and assesses these impacts – quantitatively and qualitatively – by considering the economic policy and performances of 27 European countries.We start discussing the different definitions of RRPs (Chapter 1) and their position on economic issues (Chapter 2 We derive an original taxonomy of RRPs’ positions on economic matters confirming the heterogeneity between RRPs. In Chapter 3, we critically review the literature on the political determinants of the economy and identify three conceptualisations of the ‘political’ in neo-classical economics: opportunistic, partisan, and institutional models. Chapter 4 tests our main hypotheses by using a dynamic panel data model. Results show no significant and robust evidence in support of an impact on authoritarian (e.g. security) and populist (e.g. deficits) indicators. We find evidence in support of a nativist impact, different in Eastern and Western European countries. In Eastern Europe, RRPs’ electoral scores, as well as their inclusion in a ruling coalition, are a significant predictor of increased imports and decreased exports. In Western Europe, RRPs’ strength and presence in a ruling coalition are a significant predictor of increasing gap in unemployment rates between native and foreign workforce.In order to understand the mechanisms behind our results, Chapter 5 proposes an original contribution to Amable and Palombarini (2005)’s neo-realist approach. We argue that economic policy is the result of the political regulation of social conflict and illustrate our framework with the case study of the Italian Lega Nord
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GOMEZ, RIBAS CARLOS. "DYNAMICS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN POLITICAL PARTIES AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/575150.
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I partiti politici e i movimenti sociali sono due degli attori più rilevanti della politica, nonostante ciò, le loro relazioni hanno attratto un moderato interesse tra gli studiosi. Così, in un momento in cui i partiti politici cercano nuovi modi di connettersi con i cittadini che non li affidano più, mentre i movimenti sociali stanno avvicinando alla politica istituzionale, il loro rapporto è ancora più importante che mai per comprendere i prossimi eventi politici e sociali. Pertanto, questa tesi esplora la relazione tra partiti politici e movimenti sociali. In particolare, si concentra sulle dinamiche degli elementi in grado di alterare il tipo di relazione esistente tra di loro. Usando il metodo conosciuto come “analytic narratives”, esamina la storia delle interazioni tra partiti politici e movimenti sociali nelle città di Milano e Barcellona. In primo luogo dà una forma coerente agli eventi accaduti nelle elezioni locali di entrambe città ed evidenzia gli attori chiavi e gli elementi cruciali per queste interazioni. In secondo luogo, attraverso gli strumenti di teoria dei giochi, analizza questi elementi per osservare il loro ruolo nella definizione del tipo di relazione che si stabilisce tra partiti politici e movimenti sociali.Political parties and social movements are two of the most relevant actors in politics, despite this, their relations have attracted a moderate interest among the scholars. Thus, in a time when political parties look for new ways to connect with the citizens that do not trust them anymore, while social movements are approaching to institutional politics, their relationship is even more relevant than ever to understand upcoming political and social events. Therefore, this thesis explores the relationship between political parties and social movements. In particular, it focuses in the dynamics of the elements capable of altering the type of relationship existing between them. Using the method known as “analytic narratives” it investigates the story of the interactions between political parties and social movements in the cities of Milan and Barcelona. First it gives a coherent form to the events occurred around the local elections of both cities, and highlights the key actors and some crucial elements for those interactions. Secondly, through game theory tools it analyses these elements to observe their role in shaping the type of relationship that is establish between political parties and social movements.
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Pais, Tiago Igrejas. "Existe alguma relação entre taxa de IMI e a cor política no poder?" Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Economia e Gestão, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/10718.
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Mestrado em Decisão Económica e EmpresarialExiste alguma relação entre a taxa de IMI e cor política no poder? A presente dissertação insere-se no estudo da influência das diferentes forças partidária sobre a taxa de IMI. Em particular é testado o impacto dos partidos que foram democraticamente eleitos para presidir câmaras municipais com as doutrinas e convicções que os diferenciam, sobre a taxa de IMI e se é possível chegar a alguns consensos estatisticamente significativos sobre a influência dessas doutrinas nas taxas de IMI. Pretende-se também, avaliar a ideia de que partidos de direita têm uma política de impostos menos elevados que os partidos de esquerda. Para tal são testados modelos econométricos que permitem aferir a influência da cor política na taxa de IMI, verificando a possível existência de diferenças na taxa de IMI caso o partido no poder autárquico seja de esquerda ou de direita, mantendo todos as outras variáveis constantes.
Is it any relation between property taxes and political parties in power? This dissertation fits the theme power of political party and is intended to study the relation with property taxes. Particularly its tests the impact of the parties that have been democratically elected to chair municipalities, with doctrines and beliefs that differentiate on the property taxes. It is also intended to analyze the idea that right-wing parties have a less tax policy than left parties. So econometric models will be tested that allow assess the influence of political color in property taxes, by checking the possible existence of differences rate of property taxes if the party in local government is left-wing party or right-wind party, keeping all other variables constant.
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Wolkenstein, Fabio. "Deliberative democracy within parties." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3365/.
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Political parties serve a number of vital functions in representative democracies. Connecting citizens to government is perhaps the most important one. This is how parties were traditionally conceived, and it continues to be the main standard according to which their legitimacy as representative institutions is evaluated. In recent times, observers have noted a growing disconnect between citizens and parties. Parties have gradually transformed from agents that mediate between state and civil society to agents of the state. This sits uncomfortably with the ideal of parties as connectors of citizens and government. How can their capacity to perform this function be restored? This thesis seeks to offer a new answer to this question. Its main argument is that to revitalise their capacity to connect citizens and government, parties need to become more internally democratic, and that they need to become more internally democratic in a particular way, namely more internally deliberative. By this is meant that parties need to strengthen channels of communication from the bottom up and avail themselves of their internal deliberative resources: of the partisans on the ground, who deliberate over the demands of their community in local party branches. The theoretical part of the thesis proposes a model—called a “deliberative model of intraparty democracy”—showing how these traditional sites of partisanship can be empowered. The empirical part of the thesis then asks whether such a model can be realised in real-world parties. The main focus is here on the deliberative capacity of organised party members, which is likely the first target of scepticism. I examine three questions, drawing on the findings of a small-scale study of deliberation in party branches in Social Democratic parties in Germany and Austria: (1) Do party branches provide favourable preconditions for deliberation? (2) Are the political discussions in the branches “deliberative”, in the sense that they are marked by respectful exchanges of reasons? (3) When does intra-party deliberation fail? Though mainly indicative, the analysis of the empirical material suggests that party members do possess the deliberative capacity required to realise a deliberative model of intra-party democracy, and that possible deliberative deficiencies can be countervailed using simple institutional fixes. In light of this, the thesis concludes that making parties more internally deliberative in order to reconnect citizens with government is well within reach.
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Ortega, Frei Eugenio. "Historia de una alianza política : el Partido socialista de Chile y el Partido demócrata cristiano, 1973-1988 /." Santiago : Ed. Chile América : Centro de estudios del desarrollo, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37452664f.
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Datta, Prithviraj. "Overcoming Political Disenchantment: A New Appreciation of Campaign Finance and Political Parties." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11322.
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This dissertation offers a novel argument for the democratic importance of political parties and campaign finance. Taking issue with the United States Supreme Court's campaign finance and political party jurisprudence, which tends to value campaign spending and party activity for the role that they play in expanding voter choice, my account seeks, instead, to emphasize the role that these forms of political participation can play in countering the sense of political disenchantment which characterizes the political attitudes of a large number of American citizens today. I argue in this project that by subjecting their preferences to continuous contestation and challenge, parties and campaign finance can help instill an appreciation for compromise, as well as tolerance for political diversity and disagreement, among the disenchanted. This, in turn, has many beneficial implications for enabling good governance on the part of the American state. In the course of the dissertation, I also specify the many ways in which contemporary parties and campaign finance regimes need to be reformed in order for them to be able to perform this role. Questions of institutional design thus occupy an extremely prominent place in the project.Government
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Rankin, Aidan. "Breaking the duopoly : political parties and political realignment in Uruguay's new democracy." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.320171.
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Dasgupta, Koushiki. "Minor political parties and the language of politics in late colonial Bengal (1921-1947) : attitude, adjustment & reaction." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1216.
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Hicken, Allen Dee. "Party systems, political institutions and policy : policymaking in developing democracies /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3069221.
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Lee, Suhjin. "Essays on functions and organisations of political parties." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3383/.
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This thesis consists of the three papers that present new formal models of functions and organisations of political parties. The models begin with a particular function or organisational feature of political parties and integrate it with the related issues that the formal literature in political science has either discussed separately or has not paid sufficient attention to. The first paper analyses the strategic interactions between parties and their candidates in elections. It answers the question of why parties provide greater campaign support toward open-seat races than reelection races; to what extent campaign support of parties influences and incentivises valence investment of individual candidates. It also identifies and distinguishes party and personal attributes to an incumbency advantage and discovers a ‘multiplying’ effect that the sequential nature of reelection race has on the advantage. The second paper discusses intraparty competition between factions. It identifies a trade-off between collective and individual benefits in faction members’ choice between intraparty factions and provides a theoretical explanation for factional splits and merges observed in politics. It differentiates itself from the small literature of factions, which is often found to be insufficient to analyse the dynamics of intraparty factions, by incorporating a hierarchical structure of party organisations. The third paper integrates different types of organisational hierarchies, in power, as the second paper does, and in decision procedures and connects them to the longevity of political power. It analyses endogenous allocation of power that gives rise to a specific pattern of power hierarchy that best serves the two objectives of political power, the absolute size and longevity of power. It also shows that the optimal power hierarchy differs across the types of decision hierarchies, indicating the decision-making procedures adopted by a parties. It offers a theoretical explanation to why some parties have undergone more frequent leadership turnover.
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Rye, Daniel James. "Political parties and power : a multi-dimensional analysis." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2012. http://bbktheses.da.ulcc.ac.uk/40/.
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Political parties are ideal subjects for the study of power because they are specific sites in which it is produced and organised, fought over, captured and lost. However, the literature on political parties largely lacks an explicit and systematic theorisation of power as it is exercised and operates in them. As a result, the study of parties has not kept up with developments in theoretical approaches to power and power relations. For example, the failure to recognise how power works through constituting subjects who are empowered as effective agents with appropriate skills and capacities is a major lacuna in the literature. Parties are not only electoral machines or vehicles for personal ambition: they are organisations, complex relations of individuals, rules and rituals. An approach to power in parties should reflect this. To this end, I develop a five-dimensional framework of power which I use to account for political parties in all their complexity. My aim is to introduce some of the more nuanced and sophisticated insights of political theory to the analysis of political parties without dismissing the benefits of some of the more established ways of looking at power. Power is therefore approached as a rich, multi-dimensional concept, derived from diverse intellectual traditions, including behaviouralist, structuralist and Foucauldian accounts. My framework encapsulates individual agency, the strategic mobilisation of rules and norms, rationalisation and bureaucracy, the constitution of subjectivities and the micro-level discipline of bodies. Theory is employed in conjunction with original interview and archive research on the British Labour Party to construct an account of how power operates in party settings. This provides a unique and, I argue, much richer perspective on the exercise and operation of power in political parties than has been offered before.
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Yocelevzky, R. "Chile : political parties, democracy and dictatorship, 1970-1990." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/2321/.
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Mian, Takir. "The image of political parties and voting behaviour." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.488983.
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Traditional views on voting behaviour assume that decisions are based on party political issues and the state of the economy. Researchers are recognizing the role of the image of parties and politicians as being important but little research has been undertaken on what constitutes image in a political context and the extent to which this may influence voting behaviour. This research aims to increase our understanding of the role of image by testing the following hypotheses drawn from the marketing/reputation and political science literatures.
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Karlsson, Axel, and Alexander Kores. "Forging a narrative : Political narratives in Swedish parties." Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-9704.
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The following thesis is an analysis of the self-narratives of the parties in the Swedish Riksdag and how these are used to construct the identities of the parties. For this purpose, we studied narrative theory and theories about identity in order to build a framework which would allow us to investigate the narratives of these parties. To identify the core narratives of the parties, we chose to focus on their respective party programs. Based on the results of our quantitative investigation, we chose four parties (Socialdemokraterna, Liberalerna, Miljöpartiet, and Sverigedemokraterna) to study in a more in-depth manner. Having selected these four parties, we utilized theories about narrative and identity in order to identify the constituent parts of the various parties' narratives contained in their party programs. The parties were found to adhere to our theoretical assumptions about how parties ought to construct narratives, albeit in different ways from party to party.
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Mēktrairat, Nakharin. "A cultural explanation of the 1932 political change in Siam : power of narration and national identity in Thai politics /." Electronic version of summary Electronic version of examination, 2004. http://www.wul.waseda.ac.jp/gakui/gaiyo/3857.pdf.
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Smith, Joseph Lloyd. "Judicial procedures as instruments of political control /." Digital version accessible at:, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
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Vitkūnaitė, Eglė. "Politinių partijų finansavimas Lietuvoje." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2009. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20090908_194053-59173.
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Šiame magistro darbe atskleidžiama diskutuotina ir nemažai problemų kelianti politinių partijų finansavimo teisinio reglamentavimo pusė bei tiriamas tokio reguliavimo efektyvumas. Magistro darbo tikslas pateikti objektyvią politinių partijų finansavimo Lietuvoje analizę, kas galbūt pasitarnautų kuriant ir priimant naujus teisės aktus politinio finansavimo srityje. Autorė, aptardama Lietuvoje ir užsienio šalyse susiklosčiusią praktiką, pateikia konkrečių aplinkybių, susijusių su politiniu finansavimu, analizę ir siūlymus. Šiame magistro darbe ieškoma atsakymų į klausimus, iškilusius analizuojant tokias pagrindines sritis: kaip užtikrinti skaidrumą politinių partijų finansinėje veikloje? Kokios reikalingos prielaidos, kad teisinis reguliavimas būtų efektyvus? Kokio lygmens valstybinis finansavimas užtikrintų paramą politinėms partijoms? Kadangi yra studijuojami teisės aktai, reglamentuojantys politinių partijų finansavimą, šiame magistro darbe siekiama išsiaiškinti politinių partijų svarbą demokratinėje valstybėje bei pagrįsti tokių partijų finansinės veiklos teisinio reglamentavimo tikslingumą. Tai leidžia suprasti teisės aktų, reguliuojančių politinį finansavimą Lietuvoje, siekius bei išsiaiškinti, kokios problemos kliudo pasiekti šiuos tikslus. Pagrindinės problemos Lietuvoje, visų pirma, apima politinių partijų finansinės kontrolės ir finansavimo skaidrumo trūkumus, antra, politinių partijų nesąžiningą konkurenciją ir finansinius barjerus, trukdančius tokiam sąžiningumui... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]This master‘s paper uses controversial issue of party financing as an example to explore the effectiveness of a particular regulation. The aim of the paper is to give an objective overview of the issue of political party financing in Lithuania that may be worth while elaborating and before adopting new regulations in this sphere. Author discusses the situation in Lithuania and other countries thus giving the analysis and recommendations for particular circumstances of party finance in country. In this master’s paper main further-used concepts are analysed, looking for answers to questions like: how to ensure the transparency of the funding of political parties? What are the preconditions for regulation to be effective? How far should public funding be used to support political parties? As legislation on financing of political parties is studied, the master’s paper searches for main ideas about political parties and the notion what is the aim of financing regulation. Consequently, the answer allows formulating the aim and objectives of party finance regulations introduced in Lithuania, and seeing the main problems obstructing the reaching of the aim. The present problems in Lithuania include, first, lack of control and transparency, second, unfairness in political struggle, and financial barriers to enter it, third, threat of corruption and illegal influences of sponsors, fourth, violation of limitations and restrictions, and finally, fall-off in public trust of political... [to full text]