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Journal articles on the topic 'Political party loyalty'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Close, Caroline. "Parliamentary party loyalty and party family." Party Politics 24, no. 2 (2016): 209–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816655562.

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Party cohesion is a crucial aspect of parliamentary systems, and it varies across time, parties and systems. To explain these variations, scholars have set forth the influence of macro-level and individual-level factors. Although party-level factors have also been considered, the role of party family has been overlooked. This research seeks to fill this gap. To this end, I focus on one dimension of cohesion: the extent to which legislators have internalized the norm of party loyalty. The concept of party family permits to investigate the effect of party origin and party ideology beyond a policy-based approach and left-right dimension. Using attitudinal data of 829 parliamentarians elected in 14 European national assemblies, the analysis uncovers a party family effect, particularly in the green and radical right parties. The results suggest that a greater attention should be directed towards party family as a determinant factor of legislative cohesion.

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2

Kaur, Harsandaldeep, and Seerat Sohal. "Examining the relationships between political advertisements, party brand personality, voter satisfaction and party loyalty." Journal of Indian Business Research 11, no. 3 (2019): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jibr-04-2018-0126.

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Purpose Although the concept of political party brand personality has received substantial recognition in the political marketing literature, however, no study as yet has contributed in identifying a causal relationship between the party brand personality and voter behaviour. Therefore, this paper aims to address this gap in the academic literature by determining the relationship between the multifaceted advertising-brand personality-satisfaction-loyalty constructs in political context. Design/methodology/approach The sample for the study consisting of 930 responses was drawn from the major cities of Punjab state in India through multistage stratified random sampling. AMOS-based structural equation modelling was used to test the proposed model. Findings Results revealed that voters’ attitude towards political advertisements had a significant effect on their satisfaction and loyalty when brand personality had a mediating role in this effect. Additionally, the influence of party brand personality on satisfaction and loyalty of voters was different for the selected four political parties. Practical implications The study carries strong implications for the political parties and the political marketers to develop pertinent marketing and communication strategies that are consistent with their personality traits, with an endeavour to enhance the satisfaction and loyalty of voters. Originality/value The most imperative discovery of this study is to determine the mediating role of party brand personality on relationship between political advertisements, voter satisfaction and party loyalty. Such a study of an emerging economy contributes significantly to the marketing theory and practice owing to the diversity and fragmentation across India with respect to religion, caste, creed and race of voters.

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3

Hasecke, Edward B., and Jason D. Mycoff. "Party Loyalty and Legislative Success." Political Research Quarterly 60, no. 4 (2007): 607–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912907305754.

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4

Febriansyah, Fajar, Guntur Freddy Prisanto, Niken Febrina Ernungtyas, and Safira Hasna. "Partai Politik Sebagai Political Brand." Cakrawala - Jurnal Humaniora 21, no. 1 (2021): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31294/jc.v21i1.9998.

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Nowadays, political parties need a political marketing strategy that is considered to be able to increase the number of votes, especially for certain candidates of political parties. Marketing elements can be adopted in political parties, especially when doing branding. Therefore, the objective of this research is to determine the influence of brand elements in politics such as brand communication, brand image, brand trust, and brand loyalty to political parties, namely Partai Amanat Nasional (PAN). The research shows that there is no effect of brand communication on brand image and brand trust. And there is no influence of brand image on brand trust. As for the element of trust, there is an effect of brand trust on PAN brand loyalty with a low percentage of 14.7%. When someone has given confidence in a certain political party, they have guaranteed that the program given by that party is the best for the public, so that someone will be consistent in choosing the same party in the future during the election or loyal to political parties.

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5

Leyden, K. M., and S. A. Borrelli. "Party Contributions and Party Unity: Can Loyalty Be Bought?" Political Research Quarterly 43, no. 2 (1990): 343–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591299004300209.

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6

Shufeldt, Gregory. "Party–Group Ambivalence and Voter Loyalty: Results From Three Experiments." American Politics Research 46, no. 1 (2017): 132–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17705854.

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Renewed emphasis on the group-based nature of political parties makes understanding the relationship between partisan and group identities essential. How do citizens respond to the internal disconnect between their partisan identity and their other politically salient identities? In addition, do differences in the group-based nature of each party lead to asymmetric effects of party–group ambivalence? Using data from an original survey experiment across three samples—the 2012 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, the 2012 Convention Delegate Study, and a 2015 sample from Amazon Mechanical Turk—I find that party–group ambivalence diminishes party loyalty, making respondents less likely to vote for, contribute to, or volunteer for their political party’s candidate. Moreover, the strength of this impact is consistently larger among Republican identifiers than Democratic identifiers. These results suggest that party asymmetry in party coalitions may have an impact on party loyalty.

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7

Hudson, John. "Preferences, loyalty and party choice." Public Choice 82, no. 3-4 (1995): 325–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01047700.

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8

Kölln, Ann-Kristin, and Jonathan Polk. "Emancipated party members." Party Politics 23, no. 1 (2016): 18–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816655566.

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Party members across European democracies exercise increasing influence on parties’ policy platforms or personnel choices. This article investigates ideological (in)congruence on the left–right spectrum between members and their parties by drawing on a party membership survey of more than 10,000 individuals across seven political parties in Sweden. The results show that around two-thirds of members are not perfectly congruent with their party. In a two-step analysis, the article argues that emancipated members, with higher political interest and with a more independent self-conception, are more comfortable being ideologically incongruent with their party. We also provide evidence that ideological incongruence matters for members’ exit, voice and loyalty behaviour. It is associated with a more negative evaluation of the party leader (voice) and with a higher probability to either vote for another party (loyalty) or even to leave the current one (exit). The findings indicate that ideological incongruence within parties is not a trivial matter, but is rather substantial in size with potentially important consequences for party competition.

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9

Kanthak, Kristin. "U.S. State Legislative Committee Assignments and Encouragement of Party Loyalty: An Exploratory Analysis." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 9, no. 3 (2009): 284–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153244000900900302.

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Although political parties in U.S. legislatures cannot compel discipline with the threat of expulsion from the legislature, they can encourage greater party loyalty by strategically bestowing benefits upon favored members. This article explores the use of plum committee assignments to encourage legislators' loyalty to their parties. I outline a theory of how party leaders can use committee assignments strategically to encourage more loyal legislative behavior. This occurs when legislative rules meet two criteria: (1) parties and their leaders can determine who serves on committees and (2) committees have real authority over policy outcomes. I test the theory using data from five state legislatures that differ on the relevant set of legislative rules, finding more party loyalty shown by legislators who receive plum committee assignments when rules meet both criteria and no effect when they do not.

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10

Bøggild, Troels. "Politicians as Party Hacks: Party Loyalty and Public Distrust in Politicians." Journal of Politics 82, no. 4 (2020): 1516–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/708681.

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11

Bowler, Shaun, and David J. Lanoue. "New party challenges and partisan change: The effects of party competition on party loyalty." Political Behavior 18, no. 4 (1996): 327–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01499092.

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12

Kernecker, Theresa. "Ambition as a micro-foundation of party loyalty." Party Politics 23, no. 5 (2015): 538–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068815610965.

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The micro-foundations of party unity are still an understudied topic in comparative politics. This article explores the effects of political ambition on party loyalty in Members of the Chamber of Deputies’ (MCDs) claimed votes based on attitudinal data. Ambition theory posits that ambitious politicians should act according to the (s)electorate they are aiming to win for the next election, therefore acting prospectively in their legislative votes. Findings suggest that MCDs seeking office in the national executive branch are more likely to follow the party line and less likely to side with their district or vote inconsistently. While inclusiveness of candidate selection procedures alone does not have an effect, its interaction with differing ambitions does. The results provide us with a first systematic analysis of ambition and its effect on party loyalty in 14 countries by examining the individual MCD more closely.

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13

Kerevel, Yann P. "Loyalty and Disloyalty in the Mexican Party System." Latin American Politics and Society 56, no. 03 (2014): 93–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2014.00242.x.

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AbstractWhy do politicians in Mexico switch parties? The party-switching literature suggests that politicians generally switch parties for office-seeking or policy-seeking motives, whereas literature on the Mexican party system suggests that switching may be related to party system realignment during the democratic transition. Using data on party switching across the political careers of politicians who served as federal deputies between 1997 and 2009, this study argues that party switching in Mexico can primarily be explained by the office-seeking behavior of ambitious politicians. Only in rare instances do politicians switch parties because of policy disagreements, and party system realignment fails to explain a large number of party switches. This article also suggests that the ban on consecutive re-election encourages party switching; after every term in office, Mexican politicians have the opportunity to re-evaluate their party affiliation to continue their careers.

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Mattlin, Mikael. "Nested Pyramid Structures: Political Parties in Taiwanese Elections." China Quarterly 180 (December 2004): 1031–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741004000736.

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The nature of the political party in Taiwan has been insufficiently problematized in recent writings on the island's elections. Based on field research this article argues that the informal structure of political support in Taiwan takes the shape of nested pyramid structures, built of successive dyadic support relations between politician and supporter and two politicians at different hierarchical levels, culminating in a handful of top political leaders. The political party is only the widest kind of support network, and in lower-level elections not the central agent. The dyads in Taiwan politics differ from traditional patron–client relations in being more dynamic, equal and voluntary. This informal political structure coupled with generally weak party loyalty and large benefits of incumbency produces pervasive party instability and subsequent election instability at higher election levels. The number of top political leaders and relations between them are critical in structuring the party scene.

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15

Leighton, Wayne A., and Edward J. Lopez. "Committee Assignments and the Cost of Party Loyalty." Political Research Quarterly 55, no. 1 (2002): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591290205500103.

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16

Treul, Sarah A. "Ambition and Party Loyalty in the U.S. Senate." American Politics Research 37, no. 3 (2008): 449–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x08322260.

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17

Tóka, Gábor. "Party Appeals and Voter Loyalty in New Democracies." Political Studies 46, no. 3 (1998): 589–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00156.

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18

Keena, Alex, and Misty Knight-Finley. "Governed by Experience: Political Careers and Party Loyalty in the Senate." Congress & the Presidency 45, no. 1 (2017): 20–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343469.2017.1401019.

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Langston, Joy. "Breaking out is Hard to Do: Exit, Voice, and Loyalty in Mexico's One-Party Hegemonic Regime." Latin American Politics and Society 44, no. 03 (2002): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2002.tb00214.x.

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Abstract Theoretically based on Albert O. Hirschman's Exit, Voice, and Loyalty, this study examines three cases of rupture or exit by Mexican presidential contenders, in 1940, 1952, and 1988, and one “noncase,” in 1999, with a view to how dissidents' strategies shape political institutions. Mexico's PRI-dominated political system depended on its leaders' ability to create an equilibrium based on mutual incentives to remain loyal to the regime.

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20

LI, Nan. "19th Party Congress and People’s Liberation Army’s Leadership Reshuffle." East Asian Policy 10, no. 02 (2018): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930518000168.

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Appointing new Central Military Commission (CMC) members and chiefs of People’s Liberation Army services and theatres is to (i) ensure political loyalty by appointing people Xi Jinping knows well and trusts personally; (ii) promote functional and technical expertise-based professionalism; (iii) enhance CMC chair’s political control by reducing CMC size and increasing proportion of political officers in CMC; and (iv) enforce age requirements.

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21

Copus, Colin. "The Local Councillor and Party Group Loyalty." Policy & Politics 27, no. 3 (1999): 309–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/030557399782453064.

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22

Hloušek, Vít, and Lubomír Kopeček. "How to run an efficient political machine: the billionaire Andrej Babiš and his political-business project." Politics in Central Europe 15, no. 1 (2019): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2019-0002.

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Abstract This paper contributes to the debate on entrepreneurial parties with the empirical example of the Czech ANO party. The authors focus on selected aspects of the internal organisation and functioning of the party, emphasising the points where business methods and practices are transferred to the environment of party politics. The empirical part shows how the leader has built loyalty inside the party, and analyses its methods of control and coercion that are similar to the human resources recruitment techniques used in businesses. The authors investigate such matters as the vetting of candidates for public offices, the significant barriers created against those wishing to join the party and the party leadership’s strict control over membership. The article also describes the development of ANO’s electoral-professional services and the creation of mass media support. In conclusion, the authors discuss the broader future for the internal workings of entrepreneurial parties – including their lack of intra-party democracy – and their relationship with the changing landscape of contemporary party politics.

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23

Chiru, Mihail, and Sergiu Gherghina. "When voter loyalty fails: party performance and corruption in Bulgaria and Romania." European Political Science Review 4, no. 1 (2011): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773911000063.

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This article identifies the determinants of party loyalty while making a distinction between government and opposition voters within an electoral cycle in the two most recent European Union members (Bulgaria and Romania). Both countries are characterized by the perception of widespread corruption and a general distrust of politicians that are likely to hinder the development of strong ties between citizens and parties. We test the explanatory potential of both traditional and revisionist theories of partisanship, suggesting that perceptions of corruption should be treated as equal to evaluations of actual performance. The statistical analysis of comparative study of electoral systems survey data emphasizes the salience of party performance evaluations for party loyalty. Corruption perceptions are significant predictors of loyalty in the Bulgarian case. Voters in both countries assess critically the performance of their preferred party whether it was part of the government or in opposition. A significant difference arises between government and opposition voters with regard to the predictive potential of identification conceptualized as closeness to a party.

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24

Rivera, Carlos Velasco. "Loyalty or Incentives? How Party Alignment Affects Bureaucratic Performance." Journal of Politics 82, no. 4 (2020): 1287–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/708337.

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25

SHIN, JAE HYEOK. "Voter Demands, Access to Resources, and Party Switching: Evidence from the South Korean National Assembly, 1988–2008." Japanese Journal of Political Science 14, no. 4 (2013): 453–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109913000224.

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AbstractThis paper investigates why some legislators tend to switch parties frequently – which is believed to undermine effective representation of citizen interests in democracies – while others tend to stay put. On the assumption that the ultimate goal of legislators is to be reelected, I argue that voters' demands for local/individual benefits, or pork, and legislators' lack of access to resources for such benefits are likely to lead the legislators to switch parties in order to improve their electoral chances in the subsequent election. By analyzing party switches by legislators from 1988 to 2008 in South Korea, where the president controls access to the pork pipeline, I find that the president's party members are less likely and independents are more likely to change party affiliations, irrespective of voter demands for pork or national public policies. However, I also find that opposition party legislators who are elected from less-developed districts, where voters tend to desire pork over policy, are more likely to switch parties than those elected from more-developed districts. These findings suggest that interaction between voter demands and party access to resources influences politicians’ party loyalty: voter demands for pork (or policy) tend to lead politicians to be less (or more) loyal to their current parties. Voter demands, however, have little impact on the party loyalty of those who are already in parties with access to the pork pipeline.

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Conroy-Krutz, Jeffrey. "Loyalty Premiums: Vote Prices and Political Support in a Dominant-Party Regime." Comparative Politics 50, no. 1 (2017): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041517821864354.

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Elmer, Greg, Ganaele Langlois, Zachary Devereaux, et al. "“Blogs I Read”: Partisanship and Party Loyalty in the Canadian Political Blogosphere." Journal of Information Technology & Politics 6, no. 2 (2009): 156–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19331680902832582.

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28

van Vonno, Cynthia MC. "Achieving party unity in the Netherlands: Representatives’ sequential decision-making mechanisms at three levels of Dutch government." Party Politics 25, no. 5 (2019): 664–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068819836042.

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How do parties at different levels of government get their representatives to vote according to the party line? Employing the sequential decision-making approach to party unity, we explore the relative importance of cue-taking, party agreement, party loyalty, and party discipline as individual representative decision-making mechanisms. On the basis of the Dutch version of the PartiRep comparative Member of Parliament survey, we find few differences between national and subnational representatives when it comes to the first two mechanisms, but party loyalty and party discipline seem to play a less important role in determining representatives’ decision whether to vote with the party group line. This is, in part, in line with our theoretical expectation that subnational representatives are less likely to be motivated by office-seeking and vote-seeking than their national counterparts.

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Victor, Jennifer Nicoll, and Gina Yannitell Reinhardt. "Competing for the platform." Party Politics 24, no. 3 (2016): 265–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816678888.

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What explains which groups are included in a party coalition in any given election cycle? Recent advances in political party theory suggest that policy demanders comprise parties, and that the composition of a party coalition varies from election to election. We theorize three conditions under which parties articulate an interest group’s preferred positions in its quadrennial platform: when groups are ideologically proximate to the party median, when groups display party loyalty, and when groups are flush with resources. Using computer-assisted content analysis on a unique and rich data source, we examine three cycles of testimony that 80 organized groups provided to the Democratic Party. The analysis compares group requests with the content of Democratic and Republican National Committee platforms in 1996, 2000, and 2004. Results show that parties reward loyal groups and those that are ideologically proximate to the party but offer no confirmation of a resource effect.

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Burgess, Katrina. "Loyalty Dilemmas and Market Reform: Party-Union Alliances under Stress in Mexico, Spain, and Venezuela." World Politics 52, no. 1 (1999): 105–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100020049.

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Market reform has dealt a serious blow to traditional alliances between governing parties and labor unions. This article examines the fate of these alliances by applying a revised version of Albert Hirschman's schema of exit, voice, and loyalty to party-union relations in Mexico, Spain, and Venezuela. After refining the concept of loyalty, the author argues that it is embedded in the principles and norms on which these alliances are based. Market reform places party-affiliated labor leaders in a "loyalty dilemma" in which they have no choice but to behave disloyally toward one set of claimants. Their propensity to respond with either voice or exit depends on their vulnerability to reprisals for disloyal behavior and the party's capacity to retain their loyalty even in the face of sacrifices imposed on workers and unions. Both variables are linked to the authority structures in which labor and party leaders find themselves. In the short to medium run the alliances most likely to survive are those in which labor leaders have significant autonomy from their bases and/or in which the party is able and willing to challenge its own executive. In the long run, however, even these alliances may be vulnerable to collapse because of popular frustrations with the inadequacy of interest representation and the multiple pressures on political organizations to adapt to a more fluid and uncertain environment.

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White, Jonathan. "The Party in Time." British Journal of Political Science 47, no. 4 (2015): 851–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123415000265.

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Trends of falling membership and support spell a time of crisis for political parties, possibly of transformation. Dilemmas of principle arise: should partisans revise their normative commitments in whatever way garners new supporters, or would that be to sell their party’s soul? This article investigates this as a problem of intergenerational obligation, examining what consideration (if any) partisans owe their party’s past and future. It seeks to show the limits of conceiving partisanship as a ‘presentist’ activity that is legitimately governed exclusively by the concerns of the present generation, and argues that it must include some notion of showing loyalty to the actions of predecessors and advancing the prospects of those to come. Two corresponding norms of ethical partisanship – fidelity and sustainability – are outlined and discussed. The article’s goal is to refine our concept of what a party is, and in so doing contribute to a broader ethics of activism.

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32

Itzkovitch-Malka, Reut, and Reuven Y. Hazan. "Unpacking Party Unity: The Combined Effects of Electoral Systems and Candidate Selection Methods on Legislative Attitudes and Behavioural Norms." Political Studies 65, no. 2 (2016): 452–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321716634094.

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This article analyses the effect of electoral systems, candidate selection methods and the interplay between them on individual legislative attitudes and behavioural norms, specifically on two facets of party unity: party agreement and party loyalty. Our main argument is that one must take into account the effect of inter- as well as intra-party competition, and the interaction between the two, in order to explain individual legislative attitudes and norms. Using data from 34 European parties across 10 countries, we show that under exclusive candidate selection methods, there are large differences between proportional representation and single-member district electoral systems in their effect on party agreement and party loyalty. Under inclusive candidate selection methods, however, such differences are much less apparent. In other words, the candidate selection method conditions the influence of the electoral system on legislative attitudes and behavioural norms.

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Hagopian, Frances, Carlos Gervasoni, and Juan Andres Moraes. "From Patronage to Program." Comparative Political Studies 42, no. 3 (2008): 360–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414008325572.

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This article explains the unanticipated emergence of party-oriented legislators and rising party discipline in Brazil since the early 1990s. The authors contend that deputies in Brazil became increasingly party oriented because the utilities of party-programmatic and patronage-based electoral strategies shifted with market reforms that created a programmatic cleavage in Brazilian politics and diminished the resource base for state patronage. The study introduces new measures of partisan campaigns, party polarization, and values that legislators attached to party programs and voter loyalty based on an original survey of the Brazilian Congress. Regression analysis confirms that deputies who believe that voters value party programs have run partisan, programmatic campaigns, and those in polarized parties and those who believe voters are loyal to the party are willing to delegate authority to party leaders and do not switch parties. Party polarization and the proximity of deputies' policy preferences to their party's mean explain discipline on 236 roll-call votes in the 51st legislature (1999-2001).

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BARBER, MICHAEL, and JEREMY C. POPE. "Does Party Trump Ideology? Disentangling Party and Ideology in America." American Political Science Review 113, no. 1 (2018): 38–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055418000795.

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Are people conservative (liberal) because they are Republicans (Democrats)? Or is it the reverse: people are Republicans (Democrats) because they are conservatives (liberals)? Though much has been said about this long-standing question, it is difficult to test because the concepts are nearly impossible to disentangle in modern America. Ideology and partisanship are highly correlated, only growing more so over time. However, the election of President Trump presents a unique opportunity to disentangle party attachment from ideological commitment. Using a research design that employs actual “conservative” and “liberal” policy statements from President Trump, we find that low-knowledge respondents, strong Republicans, Trump-approving respondents, and self-described conservatives are the most likely to behave like party loyalists by accepting the Trump cue—in either a liberal or conservative direction. These results suggest that there are a large number of party loyalists in the United States, that their claims to being a self-defined conservative are suspect, and that group loyalty is the stronger motivator of opinion than are any ideological principles.

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Mietzner, Marcus. "Coercing Loyalty: Coalitional Presidentialism and Party Politics in Jokowi's Indonesia." Contemporary Southeast Asia 38, no. 2 (2016): 209–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1355/cs38-2b.

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36

Clough, Emily. "Two political worlds?: The influence of provincial party loyalty federal voting in Canada." Electoral Studies 26, no. 4 (2007): 787–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2007.06.004.

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Hartono, M. Paulina. "“A Good Communist Style”." Representations 151, no. 1 (2020): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rep.2020.151.2.26.

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This essay focuses on the history and politicization of radio announcers’ vocal delivery in China during the mid-twentieth century. It explores how Chinese Communist Party leaders used internal party debates, national policies, and broadcasting training to construct an ideal Communist voice whose qualities would ostensibly communicate party loyalty and serve as a sonic representation of political authority.

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Bai, Yucheng. "God's Model Citizen: The Citizenship Education Movement of the YMCA and Its Political Legacy." Studies in World Christianity 26, no. 1 (2020): 42–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2020.0281.

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Chinese Christians in the 1920s faced pressure from a new republic that demanded the loyalty of its citizens despite lacking a proper knowledge of the meaning of the term. Progressive Christians associated with the YMCA soon launched the Citizenship Education Movement in 1924 as they tried to combine Christian virtue with China's broader national demands. While their association of modern citizenship with virtue cultivation was not new, these Christians did attempt something unique, which was to define a good citizen as a world citizen, whose belief in God meant one is loyal ultimately to certain universal values instead of the nation-state. As the Movement continued, the relationship between one's devotion to these higher values and that to the Chinese nation-state remained a complex and often competitive one. Although the Movement ended largely with the end of its visionary, Yu Rizhang, its momentum was harnessed by the Nationalist Party in the New Life Movement. The latter, however, omitted the language of God and universal values at the same time as it injected the nation-state, and the Party in particular, as the sole receiver of loyalty and granter of privilege. Thus the decade-long history of the YMCA's Citizenship Education Movement testifies to the association between one's religious devotion and an internationalist understanding of citizenship.

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Sicotte, Richard. "Economic Crisis and Political Response: The Political Economy of the Shipping Act of 1916." Journal of Economic History 59, no. 4 (1999): 861–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700024050.

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Governments often respond to crisis situations with radical economic policies. The Shipping Act of 1916 created a government-owned shipping company. This significant departure from prior policy arose in the atmosphere of crisis surrounding the war in Europe. The Wilson Administration was able to use political institutions to its advantage and ensure that alternative, more moderate proposals would not be considered by the legislature. Initially thwarted by a filibuster, the administration was forced to compromise in order to maintain party loyalty and pass the bill in 1916.

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Russell, Annelise. "U.S. Senators on Twitter: Asymmetric Party Rhetoric in 140 Characters." American Politics Research 46, no. 4 (2017): 695–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17715619.

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The U.S. Senate is a party-polarized institution where divisive political rhetoric stems from the partisan divide. Senators regularly chastise political opponents, but not all senators are equally critical. Research finds that elite party polarization is asymmetrical with greater divergence by Republicans, so I expect Republican senators to mimic that trend with higher levels of partisan rhetoric. To assess the variance in partisan rhetoric, I catalogue senators’ Twitter activity during the first 6 months of the 113th and 114th Congresses, and find that Republicans are more likely to name-call their Democratic opponents and to make expressions of intraparty loyalty, particularly when they are the minority party.

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FORLENZA, ROSARIO. "A Party for the Mezzogiorno: The Christian Democratic Party, Agrarian Reform and the Government of Italy." Contemporary European History 19, no. 4 (2010): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777310000263.

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AbstractIn the 1950s the Christian Democratic party turned its attention to agrarian reform projects and development funding for southern Italy. Its social and economic objectives were the destruction of latifundia, the creation of a class of small landowners, industrial and commercial development and the reduction of territorial inequalities. The ultimate goal, however, was political: to gain loyalty, allegiance and electoral consensus. To manage the economy and direct change, the party had to strengthen the organisation, form a ruling class, lay down territorial roots and widen the scope of its propaganda beyond anti-communism. Elections became the testing ground for the party's new reform strategies.

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Kirkland, Justin H., and R. Lucas Williams. "Representation, neighboring districts, and party loyalty in the U.S. Congress." Public Choice 165, no. 3-4 (2015): 263–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-016-0307-x.

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Maringira, Godfrey. "Politics, Privileges, and Loyalty in the Zimbabwe National Army." African Studies Review 60, no. 2 (2017): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2017.1.

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Abstract:In postcolonial Africa, the military has become an actor in politics, often in ways that can be described as unprofessional. This paper focuses on the manner in which the Zimbabwean National Army (ZNA) has become heavily politicized since independence, directly supporting the regime of President Robert Mugabe while denigrating the opposition political party. The military metamorphosed, to all intents, into an extension of President Mugabe’s political party, the ZANU-PF. I argue that even though the military is expected to subordinate itself to a civilian government, the ZNA is highly unprofessional, in- and outside the army barracks. The ways in which politics came to be mediated by army generals, as “war veterans” serving in the military, directly influenced not only how soldiers who joined the army in postindependence Zimbabwe were promoted and demoted, but how they lived their lives as soldiers in the army barracks. This article is based on fifty-eight life histories of army deserters living in exile in South Africa.

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Bergeson-Lockwood, Millington. "No Longer Pliant Tools: Urban Politics and Conflicts over African American Partisanship in 1880s Boston, Massachusetts." Journal of Urban History 44, no. 2 (2017): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144217746143.

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During the 1880s, black Bostonians engaged deeply in urban electoral politics, and debates over partisanship became discussions over the place of African Americans in the United States body politic. They agreed that having a political party respond to one’s needs and interests was part of being a full and equal citizen, but divided over how best to achieve this vision. Loyal black Republicans hoped to motivate the party from within. So-called African American independents, however, broke away from Republicans and expected both major parties to earn their votes. They rejected the idea that they owed any party loyalty or unanimity based on past deeds. Focusing on the Massachusetts gubernatorial reelection campaign of Democrat Benjamin Butler in 1883, this article shows how, in their struggle for equality, black voters of either position saw urban electoral politics as an invaluable tool to achieve full citizenship protections and exercise black political power.

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Feng, Xiaocai. "Between Class Struggle and Family Loyalty." European Journal of East Asian Studies 13, no. 2 (2014): 284–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700615-01302008.

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During the political campaigns launched by the Chinese Communist Party in the Maoist period, full mobilisation of the masses became the norm. Yet it was not just the authorities and their myriads of units and personnel who became involved. In order to achieve maximum impact, the CCP targeted and mobilised the families of the actors concerned. This paper examines the strategy and measures implemented by the CCP during the Five Antis Movement to manipulate the wives and children of businessmen and merchants and to use them as leverage in pressing businessmen and merchants to ‘confess’ and reveal their alleged wrongdoings in business deals with the state. Although most chose to resist and to side with their husband or father, political pressure was strong enough to force family members to become the instruments of power within the family. While the actual overall cost is impossible to evaluate, enlisting family members into political struggle left a legacy of distrust and uncertainty, which in turn dealt a serious blow to family ethics.

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Zang, Xiaowei. "Technical training, sponsored mobility, and functional differentiation: Elite formation in China in the reform era." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 39, no. 1 (2006): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2005.12.004.

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Elite formation in state socialism is a key issue in both comparative mobility research and political sociology. Several perspectives have been proposed to explain the relative role of political loyalty and education in political mobility: a dual career path model, a party-sponsored mobility hypothesis, and a technocracy thesis. I propose an alternative approach, emphasizing the role of functional differentiation and its effect on elite recruitment in China. Using a data set on top Chinese leaders (n = 1588), I find that effects of political loyalty and technical training on elite recruitment are patterned by institutional arrangements. Data analysis supports my explanation of elite selection in China.

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VanderMeer, Philip R. "Bosses, Machines, and Democratic Leadership: Party Organization and Managers in Indiana, 1880–1910." Social Science History 12, no. 4 (1988): 395–428. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200016187.

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American political parties achieved their peak importance during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Numerous voting studies have demonstrated the level and significance of party identification, and evaluations of legislative behavior have shown that party loyalty had a primary influence on roll call voting (Bogue, 1980; Kleppner, 1981; Thompson and Silbey, 1984). Surprisingly, other aspects of parties have received very little attention. Only a few scholars have examined the extent of party structure and activities or their connections with political culture and the broader political system (Jensen, 1969, 1971, and 1983; McGerr, 1986; Keller, 1977; Mayhew, 1986: 203–256, 308–332). Even fewer have evaluated systematically the overall patterns of committee membership and the characteristics of party leaders to determine which social and political qualities were important (Stave, 1970; Watts, 1979).

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Murillo, M. Victoria. "From Populism To Neoliberalism: Labor Unions and Market Reforms in Latin America." World Politics 52, no. 2 (2000): 135–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100002586.

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In the late 1980s, populist labor parties, which had advanced protectionism and state intervention in the postwar period, implemented market-oriented reforms in Argentina, Mexico, and Venezuela. In all three countries, market reforms hurt their union allies. The interaction between allied unions and governing labor parties, however, varied across countries and across sectors within the same country. While some unions endorsed neoliberal reforms, others rejected them despite their long-term alliance with governing parties. While some unions obtained concessions, others failed to do so.This article argues that the incentives created by partisan loyalties, partisan competition, and union competition explain these interactions. Partisan loyalty results from the long-term affiliation of unions with a political party. Partisan competition takes place among union leaders affiliated with different political parties for the control of unions. Union competition occurs in diverse national and sectoral contexts among labor organizations for the representation of the same workers. Loyalty derived from a long-term affiliation with the incumbent party facilitates collaboration between labor unions and the government. Yet, if partisan competition makes loyal union leaders afraid of being replaced by activists affiliated with the opposition parties, their incentives for militancy increase as a way of showing their responsiveness to the rank and file hurt by market reforms. Union competition for the representation of the same workers makes coordination more difficult, thereby weakening unions and making them less likely to obtain concessions from the government despite their partisan loyalty. The article presents empirical evidence from eighteen cases, including national confederations and individual unions in five economic sectors in Argentina, Mexico, and Venezuela to test this theory.

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Dinas, Elias. "Does Choice Bring Loyalty? Electoral Participation and the Development of Party Identification." American Journal of Political Science 58, no. 2 (2013): 449–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12044.

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Lindstädt, René, and Ryan J. Vander Wielen. "Dynamic Elite Partisanship: Party Loyalty and Agenda Setting in the US House." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 4 (2013): 741–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000173.

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Legislators and legislative parties must strike a balance between collective and member-level goals. While there are legislative and reputational returns to co-ordinated behavior, partisan loyalty has a detrimental effect on members’ electoral success. This article argues that members and parties navigate these competing forces by pursuing partisan legislation when the threat of electoral repercussions is relatively low – when elections are distant. This study tests our theory by examining US House members’ likelihood of voting with their party on both partisan and non-divisive votes during the course of the election cycle in order to assess whether members strategically alter their levels of party loyalty as elections approach. It also explores whether majority parties strategically structure the agenda according to variation in members’ electoral constraints. This approach allows elite partisanship to follow a dynamic process, which is referred to here as dynamic elite partisanship. The results demonstrate that as elections approach, members are less likely to cast party votes, and parties are less inclined to schedule votes that divide the parties. At the same time, the study finds no evidence of strategic variation in members’ voting behavior on broadly consensual votes with election proximity.

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