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Journal articles on the topic 'Political polarization'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 March 2025

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1

Dixit, Avinash K., and Jörgen W. Weibull. "Political polarization." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 104, no. 18 (April 23, 2007): 7351–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0702071104.

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Failures of government policies often provoke opposite reactions from citizens; some call for a reversal of the policy, whereas others favor its continuation in stronger form. We offer an explanation of such polarization, based on a natural bimodality of preferences in political and economic contexts and consistent with Bayesian rationality.

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2

Sunder, Anand. "Deciphering Polarization from Opposing Political Narratives." International Journal of Science and Research (IJSR) 13, no. 9 (September 5, 2024): 790–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21275/sr24914201642.

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3

Kriswantoro, Thomas, Endah Ayuning, Ardhana Reswara, and Ahmad Zidan. "Political Polarization dan Political Disinformation." Jurnal PolGov 4, no. 2 (December 30, 2022): 50–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/polgov.v4i2.3554.

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Artikel ini membahas tentang polarisasi politik dan disinformasi politik dalam rangkaian agenda pelemahan KPK yang berdampak pada perilaku politik masyarakat di Twitter. Artikel ini menggunakan konsep political polarization, political disinformation, dan political behavior. Tulisan ini menggunakan metode big data analysis untuk pengambilan data dan analisis data. Selanjutnya, metode tersebut digunakan untuk mengidentifikasi dan memetakan polarisasi isu, isi wacana, dan aktor sebagai opinion leader. Artikel ini juga melakukan pemetaan dan analisis kritis tentang narasi yang diproduksi di media sosial, khususnya Twitter. Wacana dan aktor dalam rangkaian agenda pelemahan KPK disoroti melalui tiga peristiwa, yaitu peristiwa Revisi Undang-Undang KPK, terpilihnya Ketua KPK Firli Bahuri, dan Tes Wawasan Kebangsaan. Temuan yang disampaikan di tulisan ini, yaitu polarisasi politik di antara kelompok pro pemerintah dan oposisi pemerintah dan disinformasi politik yang diproduksi dengan membawa isu taliban dan isu radikalisme. Pada akhirnya, perilaku politik masyarakat dalam agenda pelemahan KPK cenderung melekatkan diri pada influencer yang memiliki orientasi politik yang serupa.

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4

Kwon, Hyunku, and John Martin. "Subjective Political Polarization." Sociological Science 10 (2023): 903–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15195/v10.a32.

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5

Conover, Michael, Jacob Ratkiewicz, Matthew Francisco, Bruno Goncalves, Filippo Menczer, and Alessandro Flammini. "Political Polarization on Twitter." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 5, no. 1 (August 3, 2021): 89–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v5i1.14126.

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In this study we investigate how social media shape the networked public sphere and facilitate communication between communities with different political orientations. We examine two networks of political communication on Twitter, comprised of more than 250,000 tweets from the six weeks leading up to the 2010 U.S. congressional midterm elections. Using a combination of network clustering algorithms and manually-annotated data we demonstrate that the network of political retweets exhibits a highly segregated partisan structure, with extremely limited connectivity between left- and right-leaning users. Surprisingly this is not the case for the user-to-user mention network, which is dominated by a single politically heterogeneous cluster of users in which ideologically-opposed individuals interact at a much higher rate compared to the network of retweets. To explain the distinct topologies of the retweet and mention networks we conjecture that politically motivated individuals provoke interaction by injecting partisan content into information streams whose primary audience consists of ideologically-opposed users. We conclude with statistical evidence in support of this hypothesis.

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6

엄기홍. "Partisan Polarization, Electorate Polarization, and Political Participation." Korea and World Politics 23, no. 1 (March 2007): 121–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17331/kwp.2007.23.1.005.

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7

Aydın-Düzgit, Senem, and Evren Balta. "When elites polarize over polarization: Framing the polarization debate in Turkey." New Perspectives on Turkey 60 (November 21, 2018): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2018.15.

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AbstractThis article aims to explore the views of the Turkish elite on the state of polarization in Turkey. By identifying four political frames—namely, harmony, continuity/decline, conspiracy, and conflict—that selected Turkish political and civil society elites use in discussing the phenomenon of polarization in the country through their contributions to a workshop and in-depth qualitative interviews, the article finds that there is a considerable degree of polarization among the Turkish elite regarding their views on the presence of polarization in Turkey. Moreover, this overlaps with the divide between the government and the opposition in the country. An analysis of the justificatory arguments employed in constituting the aforementioned frames shows that, while those elites who deny the existence of polarization seek its absence in essentialist characteristics of society, in reductionist comparisons with history, or in internal/external enemies, those who acknowledge polarization’s presence look for its roots in political and institutional factors and processes. The article highlights how, given the denial of polarization by the pro-government elite and the substantial gap between the two camps’ justificatory narratives, the currently reported high rates of polarization in Turkey can, at best, be expected to remain as is in the near future, barring a radical change in political constellations.

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Aydın-Düzgit, Senem, and Evren Balta. "When elites polarize over polarization: Framing the polarization debate in Turkey – RETRACTED." New Perspectives on Turkey 59 (November 2018): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/npt.2018.22.

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AbstractThis article aims to explore the views of the Turkish elite on the state of polarization in Turkey. By identifying four political frames—namely, harmony, continuity/decline, conspiracy, and conflict—that selected Turkish political and civil society elites use in discussing the phenomenon of polarization in the country through their contributions to a workshop and in-depth qualitative interviews, the article finds that there is a considerable degree of polarization among the Turkish elite regarding their views on the presence of polarization in Turkey. Moreover, this overlaps with the divide between the government and the opposition in the country. An analysis of the justificatory arguments employed in constituting the aforementioned frames shows that, while those elites who deny the existence of polarization seek its absence in essentialist characteristics of society, in reductionist comparisons with history, or in internal/external enemies, those who acknowledge polarization’s presence look for its roots in political and institutional factors and processes. The article highlights how, given the denial of polarization by the pro-government elite and the substantial gap between the two camps’ justificatory narratives, the currently reported high rates of polarization in Turkey can, at best, be expected to remain as is in the near future, barring a radical change in political constellations.

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9

Hall, Scott S. "FCS and Political Polarization." Journal of Family & Consumer Sciences 114, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.14307/jfcs114.1.3.

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10

Prior, Markus. "Media and Political Polarization." Annual Review of Political Science 16, no. 1 (May 11, 2013): 101–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-100711-135242.

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11

Venkatesh, Raghul S. "Political activism and polarization." Journal of Public Economic Theory 22, no. 5 (March 24, 2020): 1530–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jpet.12439.

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12

Baldassarri, Delia, and Peter Bearman. "Dynamics of Political Polarization." American Sociological Review 72, no. 5 (October 2007): 784–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240707200507.

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This article accounts for two puzzling paradoxes. The first paradox is the simultaneous absence and presence of attitude polarization—the fact that global attitude polarization is relatively rare, even though pundits describe it as common. The second paradox is the simultaneous presence and absence of social polarization—the fact that while individuals experience attitude homogeneity in their interpersonal networks, their networks are characterized by attitude heterogeneity. These paradoxes give rise to numerous scholarly arguments. By developing a formal model of interpersonal influence over attitudes in a context where individuals hold simultaneous positions on multiple issues, we show why these arguments are not mutually exclusive and how they meaningfully refer to the same social setting. The results from this model provide a single parsimonious account for both paradoxes. The framework we develop may be generalized to a wider array of problems, including classic problems in collective action.

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13

Böttcher, Lucas, Pedro Montealegre, Eric Goles, and Hans Gersbach. "Competing activists—Political polarization." Physica A: Statistical Mechanics and its Applications 545 (May 2020): 123713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.physa.2019.123713.

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14

Shin, Hyunki, Jae-won Yang, and Sung Deuk Hahm. "Affective Polarization in the 2022 South Korean Presidential Election: Causes and Consequences." Korea Observer - Institute of Korean Studies 55, no. 2 (June 30, 2024): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.29152/koiks.2024.55.2.273.

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In this study, we analyzed the factors that intensified affective polarization among voters during the 2022 South Korean presidential election. We also examined this polarization's effect on their political attitudes, including their satisfaction with democracy, perception of the fairness of elections, and trust in political institutions. We found that the greater the perceived ideological differences between the two parties the People Power Party (PPP) and the Democratic Party ― (DP)―and the more extreme the voter's ideology, the more affective polarization increased. We also found that affective polarization intensified with increasing ideological extremity among all age cohorts except those in their forties. Finally, in contrast to DP supporters, PPP supporters' political attitudes became more negative as their affective polarization increased because the opposing party, the DP, was the governing party. This suggests that affective polarization may polarize support for democratic norms and trust in the political institutions that underpin democracy, depending on one's partisan allegiances.

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15

Abdi Mohamed Qasaye, Omar. "Political Polarization and its Impact on Democratic Institutions." International Journal of Science and Research (IJSR) 13, no. 1 (January 5, 2024): 1132–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21275/sr24116110024.

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16

LEE, INSOOK. "Technological Progress and Political Polarization." Revista Hacienda Pública Española 252, no. 1 (March 2025): 29–72. https://doi.org/10.7866/hpe-rpe.25.1.2.

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How does technological progress affect political polarization? For addressing this question, in an economy where taxation policy is selected by majority-rule voting and voters are differentiated by earning ability, each voter’s own ideal taxation policy is obtained to measure political polarization as distance between left-wing and right-wing voters’ ideal policies. Technological progress exacerbates political polarization, when it is capital-biased by increasing relative capital productivity. In contrast, technological progress does not affect political polarization, when it is unbiased by preserving relative factor productivity. Both biased and unbiased technological progresses do not affect politico-economic distortion, while only the former affects political polarization.

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17

Peters, Uwe. "How (many) descriptive claims about political polarization exacerbate polarization." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 9, no. 1 (February 19, 2021): 24–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.5543.

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Recently, researchers and reporters have made a wide range of claims about the distribution, nature, and societal impact of political polarization. Here I offer reasons to believe that even when they are correct and prima facie merely descriptive, many of these claims have the highly negative side effect of increasing political polarization. This is because of the interplay of two factors that have so far been neglected in the work on political polarization, namely that (1) people tend to conform to descriptive norms (i.e., norms capturing [perceptions of] what others commonly do, think, or feel), and that (2) claims about political polarization often convey such norms. Many of these claims thus incline people to behave, cognize, and be affectively disposed in ways that contribute to social division. But there is a silver lining. People’s tendency to conform to descriptive norms also provides the basis for developing new, experimentally testable strategies for counteracting political polarization. I outline three.

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18

Baik, Chang Jae. "Economic Polarization and Political Polarization in the United States." Journal of Korean Politics 32, no. 3 (October 31, 2023): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.35656/jkp.32.3.10.

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19

Naseem, Asyea, Zainab Saif, Bushra Tabassum, and Famia Farooq. "Evaluating the Effects of Political Polarization on Family Ties in Punjab." Qlantic Journal of Social Sciences 6, no. 1 (March 30, 2025): 106–13. https://doi.org/10.55737/qjss.vi-i.25290.

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The present research attempts to evaluate the effects of political polarization on family ties in Punjab. This study examines how political polarization affects family relationships in Punjab, Pakistan. Intense disagreements about ideology and partisanship are features of electoral polarization, which has serious negative effects on society, including damaged family ties. Using an analytical structure based on intergroup conflict theory, this research investigates how ideological differences affect intergenerational family relationships. The study collects primary information from 400 people who took part in three regions of Punjab—Attock, Sheikhupura, and Multan—using a questionnaire. According to the study, political polarization and weaker family ties are positively correlated, with disputes and strained interactions usually resulting from disputes over politics. Important findings show that political opinions vary significantly between and within generations, which causes communication problems and quiet arguments as coping strategies in families. The study concludes that political polarization is becoming a bigger problem in Punjab and that it hurts family relationships and unity. To reduce conflict and improve family relationships, it is advised that families foster common ideals and reasoned political discourse. This study advances the sociological knowledge of how family dynamics are affected by political polarization in a politically complicated and culturally diverse area.

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20

Amjad, Kinza, Muzammil Saeed, Farahat Ali, and Muhammad Awais. "Social Media Use and Political Polarization: Political Engagement as a Mediator." Journal of Social Sciences Research, no. 68 (August 31, 2020): 804–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.32861/jssr.68.804.810.

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Social media, in the new millennium, has become a very effective tool of communication, information, and propagation regarding all social, religious, and political discourses that further lead towards ideological divisions. In the contemporary democratic world, the role of social media for political opinion building is obvious which is done by opinion leaders through political information and debates. The purpose of this study is to explore the social media use and political polarization among social media users. The survey research method was used to examine social media use for political engagement and political polarization. Private university students were selected as participants (n=350). The result was found positive which means that social media use is responsible for political polarization. Moreover, social media use is also a significant predictor of political engagement. In addition to this, the results show that political engagement is a mediator between the relationship between social media use and political polarization. The practical implications of the study have been discussed.

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21

Khan, Ali, Imran Rafique, and Ameena Nasim. "Social Media and Political Polarization in Pakistan." Global Digital & Print Media Review VI, no. I (March 30, 2023): 242–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gdpmr.2023(vi-i).19.

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This research paper explores the relationship between social media usage and political polarization in Pakistan. The rapid expansion of social media platforms in recent years has revolutionized the way individuals engage with political content and ideologies. Pakistan, as a diverse and politically vibrant country, offers a compelling case study to investigate the impact of social media on political polarization(Aday et al., 2013). The study employs a mixed-methods approach, combining quantitative analysis of social media data with qualitative interviews and surveys. Firstly, an analysis of social media posts, tweets, and discussions was conducted to identify prevalent political narratives and patterns of polarization. Secondly, interviews and surveys were carried out to gain insights into users' experiences, attitudes, and behaviours concerning political discourse on social media. Furthermore, it explores the impact of echo chambers on fostering extreme viewpoints and the potential for misinformation to spread rapidly in these digital spaces.

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22

Lelkes, Yphtach. "Affective Polarization and Ideological Sorting: A Reciprocal, Albeit Weak, Relationship." Forum 16, no. 1 (April 25, 2018): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2018-0005.

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Abstract American partisans are far more hostile towards out-party members than they were 40 years ago. While this phenomenon, often called affective polarization, is well-documented, political scientists disagree on its cause. One group of scholars believes that affective polarization is driven by processes related to social identity theory. In particular, cross-cutting identities have declined in America, and toxic political communication continuously primes partisan identities and resentment. Recently, several scholars have pointed to another phenomenon as the root cause of affective polarization: partisan sorting, i.e. the alignment of partisan identities with ideologically consistent issue positions. I review evidence in favor of each claim, and provide additional evidence that affective polarization has increased about as much among those who are not sorted as among those who are sorted. Furthermore, while sorting is only related to affective polarization among the most politically knowledgeable, affective polarization has increased across all levels of political knowledge. Finally, affective polarization may also increase sorting, further complicating any clear cut causal relationship.

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23

Denter, Philipp. "Valence, complementarities, and political polarization." Games and Economic Behavior 128 (July 2021): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geb.2021.04.003.

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24

Hout, Michael, and Christopher Maggio. "Immigration, Race & Political Polarization." Daedalus 150, no. 2 (2021): 40–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01845.

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Abstract Americans' views of immigration are substantially more positive than political discourse since 2010 might suggest. And they are becoming more positive. So too are Whites' views of Blacks, as racial resentment declined from 2010 to 2018. Views of immigration and race became more correlated over the last twenty years. And both are more correlated with political party preference now than at any time on record. While Republicans' views of immigration and their racial resentment have changed very little since 2010, Democrats' views of immigration have become far more positive and their racial resentment has declined substantially. The consequences of these trends were borne out dramatically in the 2016 presidential election. In combination, the two attitudes predict well who voted for Trump and who voted for Clinton. These trends and correlations make clear that xenophobic Americans are not ascendant, they are desperate. The dynamics of race, immigration, and polarization tilt in favor of both more immigration and a more progressive view of racial disparities.

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25

Neisser, Philip T. "Political Polarization as Disagreement Failure." Journal of Deliberative Democracy 2, no. 1 (August 31, 2006): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.16997/jdd.44.

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26

Cintolesi, Andrea. "Political polarization and primary elections." Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization 200 (August 2022): 596–617. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jebo.2022.06.018.

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27

Kaufman, Miron, Sanda Kaufman, and Hung T. Diep. "Statistical Mechanics of Political Polarization." Entropy 24, no. 9 (September 8, 2022): 1262. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/e24091262.

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Rapidly increasing political polarization threatens democracies around the world. Scholars from several disciplines are assessing and modeling polarization antecedents, processes, and consequences. Social systems are complex and networked. Their constant shifting hinders attempts to trace causes of observed trends, predict their consequences, or mitigate them. We propose an equivalent-neighbor model of polarization dynamics. Using statistical physics techniques, we generate anticipatory scenarios and examine whether leadership and/or external events alleviate or exacerbate polarization. We consider three highly polarized USA groups: Democrats, Republicans, and Independents. We assume that in each group, each individual has a political stance s ranging between left and right. We quantify the noise in this system as a “social temperature” T. Using energy E, we describe individuals’ interactions in time within their own group and with individuals of the other groups. It depends on the stance s as well as on three intra-group and six inter-group coupling parameters. We compute the probability distributions of stances at any time using the Boltzmann probability weight exp(−E/T). We generate average group-stance scenarios in time and explore whether concerted interventions or unexpected shocks can alter them. The results inform on the perils of continuing the current polarization trends, as well as on possibilities of changing course.

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28

Yuksel, Sevgi. "SPECIALIZED LEARNING AND POLITICAL POLARIZATION." International Economic Review 63, no. 1 (November 28, 2021): 457–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/iere.12555.

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29

Sisson, Richard, and Munira Majmundar. "India in 1990: Political Polarization." Asian Survey 31, no. 2 (February 1, 1991): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2644920.

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30

McDaniel, Charles A. "Political Polarization and the Churches." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 30, no. 1 (2018): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2018301/28.

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Critics decry what they see as an odd association in the 2016 election of Donald Trump and evangelical Christians who emerged as his most reliable base of support. Yet President Trump’s popularity among evangelicals is not as remarkable as it may seem given the often-paradoxical relationship between religion and politics in the United States. Alexis de Tocqueville’s warnings about the vulnerability of American Protestantism’s prophetic voice to individualism and materialism may help to explain Trump’s status as a “religious” president. Polls suggest that security concerns have eclipsed moral issues in importance for many American Christian voters. Such a transformation, Tocqueville believed, would undermine the nation’s moral foundations. This concern led Tocqueville to admire the American principle of church-state separation and voice support for something akin to the “Protestant Principle,” which promotes maintenance of prophetic distance between religion and politics to morally ground democracy.

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31

Jasny, Barbara R. "The internet and political polarization." Science 358, no. 6361 (October 19, 2017): 317.7–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.358.6361.317-g.

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32

islam, Sk Maidul. "Indian Politics and Political Polarization." Bharati International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Development 2, no. 8 (October 10, 2024): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.70798/bijmrd/02080004.

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33

Barrett, David. "Political Polarization and Social Media." Philosophical Topics 50, no. 2 (2022): 85–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtopics202250218.

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A popular claim is that social media is a cause of contemporary high levels of political polarization. In this paper, I consider three of the most common kinds of arguments for the thesis. One type lays out a narrative of causes, tracing the causal steps between logging on to social media and later becoming more polarized. Another type uses computer modeling to show how polarized effects can arise from systems that are analogous to use of social media. The final type considers straightforward experimental evidence for the polarizing effect. I reject each of these arguments and explain why they are unconvincing.

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34

Sisson, Richard, and Munira Majmundar. "India in 1990: Political Polarization." Asian Survey 31, no. 2 (February 1991): 103–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1991.31.2.00p0023r.

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35

MOODY, JAMES, and PETER J. MUCHA. "Portrait of Political Party Polarization." Network Science 1, no. 1 (April 2013): 119–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nws.2012.3.

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To find out, we measure co-voting similarity networks in the US Senate and trace individual careers over time. Standard network visualization tools fail on dense highly clustered networks, so we used two aggregation strategies to clarify positional mobility over time. First, clusters of Senators who often vote the same way capture coalitions, and allow us to measure polarization quantitatively through modularity (Newman, 2006; Waugh et al., 2009; Poole, 2012). Second, we use role-based blockmodels (White et al., 1976) to identify role positions, identifying sets of Senators with highly similar tie patterns. Our partitioning threshold for roles is stringent, generating many roles occupied by single Senators. This combination allows us to identify movement between positions over time (specifically, we used the Kernighan–Lin improvement of a Louvain method greedy partitioning algorithm for modularity [Blondel et al., 2008], and CONCOR with an internal similarity threshold for roles; see Supplementary materials for details).

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36

Singer, Daniel J., Aaron Bramson, Patrick Grim, Bennett Holman, Jiin Jung, Karen Kovaka, Anika Ranginani, and William J. Berger. "Rational social and political polarization." Philosophical Studies 176, no. 9 (June 13, 2018): 2243–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11098-018-1124-5.

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37

Evans, Geoffrey. "Class, powerlessness and political polarization." European Journal of Social Psychology 23, no. 5 (September 1993): 495–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ejsp.2420230507.

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38

Yu, Tinghua, and Elliott Ash. "Political Polarization and Judicial Selection." Journal of Political Institutions and Political Economy 4, no. 1 (2023): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1561/113.00000070.

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39

Perić-Diligenski, Tijana. "An essay on political polarization." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta, Novi Sad 57, no. 3 (2023): 795–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfns57-45015.

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In the paper, the author tries to answer the question, what are the sources of polarization in modern authoritarian states (that are procedurally democratic), and what are the key differences (points of conflict) bet ween the polarized parties? Research attention is focused on the analysis of the political and broader social effects of polarization and on the dilemma of whether it is even possible to reduce the negative effects of the actions of value-opposing actors? The author observes a universal sociological regularity according to which the roots of polarization almost unmistakably arise from the pluralism of social identities that are built on ideology, religion, and ethnicity and which tend to be manipulated by political elites. Primarily, artificially created political polarization is a strategy for mobilizing the electoral base, and secondarily it represents a me ans for legitimizing and consolidating populist and authoritarian regimes. Once society starts to polarize, intra-group loyalty is strengthened within competing political and other groups and a group identity is created that is sensitive to any Otherness, which is reflected in conflicts with social groups and movements that are opposed in terms of interests and values.

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40

Goldman, Eitan, Nandini Gupta, and Ryan Israelsen. "Political polarization in financial news." Journal of Financial Economics 155 (May 2024): 103816. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jfineco.2024.103816.

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41

Kim, Byeongrok. "Social media and Political polarization." Journal of Media Law, Ethics and Policy Research 23, no. 1 (April 30, 2024): 1–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.26542/jml.2024.4.23.1.1.

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42

Rasmussen, Kenneth. "Political Polarization in Contemporary America." Clio's Psyche 19, Volume 19 - Number 3 (2012): 318. https://doi.org/10.70763/5c3b99e8f92532e5ad1556e53ceea00c.

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43

Rehan, Muhammad, Adeel Ahmad Aamir, and Saima Khan. "Examining the Role of Twitter in Shaping Political Polarization and Political Efficacy." Journal of Asian Development Studies 13, no. 3 (September 1, 2024): 639–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.62345/jads.2024.13.3.55.

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This research is essential as it provides a deeper understanding of how social media, particularly Twitter, influences the political attitudes of young individuals, specifically in South Punjab. Given the increasing reliance on digital platforms for political discourse, the findings shed light on Twitter's dual role in promoting political engagement and polarization. The objective of this research is to analyze the effect of Twitter on polarization and the efficacy of the youth of South Punjab in political processes. Political polarization is the division of political parties in terms of beliefs and ideologies, while political efficacy is people's faith in the political system. In the present study, the research design adopted was a cross-sectional survey design. Data were collected from 180 respondents between 18 and 35 years old. The findings showed that the usage of Twitter has a positive and significant influence on political polarization (β = 0. 60, p < 0. 001) and political efficacy (β = 0. 55, p < 0. 001). These results accord with prior studies that have argued that Twitter generates echo chambers, which strengthen polarization. Further, the micro-blogging nature of Twitter also increases users' level of political self-efficacy since they can directly interact with political messages and politicians. The study contributes to the literature by highlighting the dual role of Twitter in shaping political attitudes, with both positive and negative implications for democratic engagement.

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LINDQVIST, ERIK, and ROBERT ÖSTLING. "Political Polarization and the Size of Government." American Political Science Review 104, no. 3 (August 2010): 543–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055410000262.

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In this article, we study the relationship between political polarization and public spending using the dispersion of self-reported political preferences as our measure of polarization. Political polarization is strongly associated with smaller government in democratic countries, but there is no relationship between polarization and the size of government in undemocratic countries. The results are robust to a large set of control variables, including gross domestic product per capita and income inequality.

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SIMAS, ELIZABETH N., SCOTT CLIFFORD, and JUSTIN H. KIRKLAND. "How Empathic Concern Fuels Political Polarization." American Political Science Review 114, no. 1 (October 31, 2019): 258–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000534.

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Over the past two decades, there has been a marked increase in partisan social polarization, leaving scholars in search of solutions to partisan conflict. The psychology of intergroup relations identifies empathy as one of the key mechanisms that reduces intergroup conflict, and some have suggested that a lack of empathy has contributed to partisan polarization. Yet, empathy may not always live up to this promise. We argue that, in practice, the experience of empathy is biased toward one’s ingroup and can actually exacerbate political polarization. First, using a large, national sample, we demonstrate that higher levels of dispositional empathic concern are associated with higher levels of affective polarization. Second, using an experimental design, we show that individuals high in empathic concern show greater partisan bias in evaluating contentious political events. Taken together, our results suggest that, contrary to popular views, higher levels of dispositional empathy actually facilitate partisan polarization.

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Garimella, Kiran, Tim Smith, Rebecca Weiss, and Robert West. "Political Polarization in Online News Consumption." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 15 (May 22, 2021): 152–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v15i1.18049.

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Political polarization appears to be on the rise, as measured by voting behavior, general affect towards opposing partisans and their parties, and contents posted and consumed online. Research over the years has focused on the role of the Web as a driver of polarization. In order to further our understanding of the factors behind online polarization, in the present work we collect and analyze Web browsing histories of tens of thousands of users alongside careful measurements of the time spent browsing various news sources. We show that online news consumption follows a polarized pattern, where users' visits to news sources aligned with their own political leaning are substantially longer than their visits to other news sources. Next, we show that such preferences hold at the individual as well as the population level, as evidenced by the emergence of clear partisan communities of news domains from aggregated browsing patterns. Finally, we tackle the important question of the role of user choices in polarization. Are users simply following the links proffered by their Web environment, or do they exacerbate partisan polarization by intentionally pursuing like-minded news sources? To answer this question, we compare browsing patterns with the underlying hyperlink structure spanned by the considered news domains, finding strong evidence of polarization in partisan browsing habits beyond that which can be explained by the hyperlink structure of the Web.

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Mansyur, Ibnu Chaerul. "Polarisasi Politik di Indonesia 2014-2019: Sebuah Kajian Pustaka." Jurnal Politik Profetik 11, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v11i1a1.

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In the 1950s, political life was divided due to sect politics. The New Order and Reform had suppressed and made political polarization subside, but political polarization strengthened again in 2014, due to the meeting of two spectrums between pluralist and Islamist groups. This study aims to examine the causes of the strengthening of political polarization between Islamists and pluralists in Indonesia, after it has faded for so long in a repressive and open political system. This research uses a qualitative approach with literature study method. The results of the study found that political actors pursue their political goals by using polarization strategies, such as mobilizing voters to divide them, spreading hate speech, and exploiting public unrest. The conclusion is that the political polarization that occurred between Islamists and pluralists in Indonesia in 2014-2019 was caused by strategic political actors. This research will add to the study of political polarization in Indonesia which is still limited, especially those discussing the causes of political polarization.

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Wei, Adeline. "Relationship Between Profanity and Political Polarization." Communications in Humanities Research 27, no. 1 (March 1, 2024): 230–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/27/20231546.

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This paper delves into the contentious issue of political polarization and explores the psychological underpinnings of anger within social media profanity and its contribution to political polarization, emphasizing its role in pushing individuals to adopt extreme viewpoints and resist compromise. First of all, it highlights the role of social media in shaping political discourse and its dominance in terms of political discussion platforms. While social media platforms provide a diverse space for individuals to express different viewpoints, they also foster echo chambers, reinforcing existing beliefs and isolating users from differing perspectives. It emphasizes the effect of the use of profanity and strong language on social media intensifying emotional reactions, pushing individuals toward extreme political positions, and deepening polarization. Profanity signals group membership and leads to more negative perceptions of opposing groups, exacerbating the polarization cycle. In conclusion, the essay calls for a critical examination of the impact of profanity and aggression in political discussions, especially on social media. It underscores the need for responsible and respectful discourse to mitigate the growing problem of political polarization. Ultimately, it emphasizes the importance of thoughtful communication in fostering a more constructive political environment.

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BENSON, JONATHAN. "Democracy and the Epistemic Problems of Political Polarization." American Political Science Review, November 3, 2023, 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055423001089.

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Political polarization is one of the most discussed challenges facing contemporary democracies and is often associated with a broader epistemic crisis. While inspiring a large literature in political science, polarization’s epistemic problems also have significance for normative democratic theory, and this study develops a new approach aimed at understanding them. In contrast to prominent accounts from political psychology—group polarization theory and cultural cognition theory—which argue that polarization leads individuals to form unreliable political beliefs, this study focuses on system-level diversity. It argues that polarization’s epistemic harms are best located in its tendency to reduce the diversity of perspectives utilized in a democratic system and in how this weakens the system’s ability to identify and address problems of public concern. Understanding such harms is also argued to require a greater consideration of the political dynamics of polarization and issues of elite discourse, alongside political psychology.

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Piazza, James A. "Political Polarization and Political Violence." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4156980.

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