Academic literature on the topic 'Political posters, Chinese'
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Journal articles on the topic "Political posters, Chinese"
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Sun, Zhen. "Utopia, nostalgia, and femininity: visually promoting the Chinese Dream." Visual Communication 18, no. 1 (November 15, 2017): 107–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357217740394.
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The concept of the Chinese Dream has become a primary developmental goal of the Chinese Communist Government since it was put forth by Xi Jinping in 2012. It has been promoted through different forms of media, of which propaganda posters have played a dominant role. The propaganda discourse regarding the Chinese Dream has been mainly articulated in both the verbal text in official documents and the visual text in the posters. This study focuses on analyzing the visual images represented in the posters and exploring how they accord with social and historical texts, particularly the official verbal text of the Chinese Dream, the historical text of the propaganda of the Communist Party of China, and the social–cultural text interrelated with the visual symbols. The approach of intertextuality and intervisualityis adopted for the analysis and interpretation. The study shows that the majority of the visual symbols used in the posters are transposed from the sign systems of Chinese traditional culture and the revolutionary discourse of the Communist Party of China. The political concept of the Chinese Dream has embodied the characteristics of utopia, nostalgia, and femininity. With the posters in public spaces, the visual propaganda of the Chinese Dream has turned it into a mundane movement of political culture. This study hopes to contribute to the understanding of the role of visual images in political discursive formations and integrated propaganda in post-socialist China.
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Apolloni, Rodrigo Wolff, and Chang Yuan Chiang. "Símbolos arcaicos, mágicos e religiosos em um cartaz da revolução cultural chinesa." Revista de Estudos da Religião (REVER). ISSN 1677-1222 11, no. 2 (August 20, 2015): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.21724/rever.v11i2.8140.
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O artigo investiga a presença de elementos simbólicos, muitos deles associados ao pensamento religioso chinês, em um cartaz da Revolução Cultural Chinesa. Para tanto, utiliza uma metodologia que associa diferentes áreas do conhecimento: Estudos Chineses (dentro dos quais, Estudos da Religiosidade Chinesa), Língua Chinesa e os símbolos a ela associados, Simbolismo, História, Teoria do Cartaz e Sociologia da Imagem. A aproximação em relação à temática chinesa no cartaz passou por um esforço de tradução e análise do texto escrito que o compõe. Para se aproximar de elementos da História, cultura e simbolismo religioso sínico presentes na peça de propaganda, utilizaram-se trabalhos de scholars como M. Granet, A. Cheng (Escolas de Pensamento, Simbolismo Religioso), K. Stevens (Religiosidade Popular e Iconografia Religiosa) e J. Spence (História), bem como obras literárias e cinematográficas chinesas. No que respeita aos símbolos (em seu caráter universal), ajudaram as observações de M. Eliade. Em relação aos aspectos associados specificamente aos cartazes, apelou-se a L. Gervereau (História), A. Moles (Teoria do Cartaz) e V. Flusser (Sociologia da Imagem; Teoria da Leitura Imagética). Com base no cruzamento dos referenciais teóricos, demonstra-se que a intelligentsia da Revolução Cultural utilizou símbolos arcaicos – religiosos e políticos – em peças de propaganda devotadas a promover um discurso de destruição e substituição dos antigos valores. Archaic, magical and religious symbols in a Chinese cultural revolution poster This article investigates the presence of symbolic elements, many of them associated with Chinese religious thought, in a propaganda poster of the Chinese Cultural Revolution. To this end, using a methodology that combines different areas of knowledge: Chinese Studies (within which, the study of religiosity Chinese), Chinese language and symbols associated with it, Symbolism, History, Theory and Sociology Poster Image. The rapprochement with the Chinese theme became the poster, at first, by an effort of translation and analysis of written text that compose it. To approximate the elements of history, culture and religious symbolism present in the Sinic piece of propaganda, the authors used the work of scholars such as M. Granet, A. Cheng (Schools of Thought, Religious Symbolism), K. Stevens (Popular Religiosity and religious iconography) and J.Spence (History) as well as Chinese literary works and films. With regard to the symbols (in their universality), appealed to the observations of M. Eliade. In relation to issues associated specifically with posters, appealed to L. Gervereau (History), A. Moles (Poster Theory) and Flusser (Sociology of the Image, Imagery Theory of Reading. Based on the intersection of the theoretical, the authors have demonstrate that the intelligentsia of the Cultural Revolution used archaic symbols - religious and political - in advertising devoted to promoting a discourse of destruction and replacement of old values. Keywords: Chinese Cultural Revolution, Symbolism, Iconography, Chinese Religions, Poster Theory, Imagetic Reading.
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Avina, Avital Zuk. "Colour me Revolutionary." British Journal of Chinese Studies 11 (June 20, 2021): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.51661/bjocs.v11i0.60.
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Colour in China has a long history of artistic, symbolic, religious, and mythological use. This paper takes the idea of colour as a meaningful element within Chinese society and introduces the use of visual colour grammar as a new way to identify and breakdown the use of colour within political art and propaganda posters. The use of colour has been adapted by visual linguists into its own unique visual grammar component, relaying much more information than just a symbolic transfer from sign to signifier. Meaning within political posters can be derived from regularities in use, presentation, and conventional meanings. Colour as a visual grammar component is expressed through the three metafunctions: ideational, interpersonal, and textual.
This paper explores how the Chinese views on colour interconnects with the metafunctions of colour to look at the political posters of the PRC. I will discuss both the approach to art as a text that can be ‘read’ through visual grammar and present colour in the Chinese context as more than a symbol making device but as a meaning component in and of itself.
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Benney, Jonathan. "Decentralization of Political Design in China." Pacific Affairs 93, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 709–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2020934709.
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Political posters, banners, and similar objects are extremely common in China. This article uses political design from contemporary China, particularly emphasizing the government's Chinese Dream campaign, to analyze what at first appears to be a paradox. The subjects of the various campaigns and the language they use are mandated by the central government and promoted through central and local publicity departments. However, the graphic aspects of these campaigns, such as the choice of colours, images, layout, and typeface, are much less strictly controlled, and are decided by local governments or authorities. This makes political design in China decentralized. Decentralized design is inconsistent with the principles of global marketing and with the PRC's reliance on set forms of political discourse, both of which rely on the assumption that uniformity will lead to more effective communication of messages and persuasion of the public. Evidence from local design campaigns indeed shows that Chinese political posters are often designed hastily and without expertise, resulting in strange and unpersuasive images. Despite this, the article shows that decentralized design is not paradoxical. This is largely because the Chinese party-state uses propaganda as a method of "signalling" its overall power, more than as a tool of indoctrination or persuasion about particular topics. The central government's reliance on incentives and metrics to regulate local authorities means that the production of propaganda is also a way in which local governments can signal their loyalty to the Centre.
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Hemelryk Donald, Stephanie. "Red Aesthetics, Intermediality and the Use of Posters in Chinese Cinema after 1949." Asian Studies Review 38, no. 4 (September 30, 2014): 658–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357823.2014.955835.
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Landsberger, Stefan. "Harmony, Olympic Manners and Morals—Chinese Television and the 'New Propaganda' of Public Service Advertising." European Journal of East Asian Studies 8, no. 2 (2009): 331–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805809x12553326569632.
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AbstractOver the past three decades, Chinese media have moved away from the tight controls under which they were kept since 1949. This forced those responsible for popular education to reconsider how their messages can be presented best to the public. Written propaganda, as published in newspapers, reached less and less people and was seen as boring and ineffective; the propaganda posters of the past could not compete with the many moving images and the glossy commercial messages that entered China. Television was seen as the most effective medium to present a modernized type of propaganda. As a result, the Party became a producer of 'public service advertising' (PSA, gongyi guanggao). Commercial advertising has inspired contents and forms of these PSA in major ways. Despite their important function in the wider framework of thought work, the production of PSA is hampered by three partially interrelated problems: financing, production and broadcasting. In the run-up to the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games, the number and intensity of PSA increased.
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Chen, Meilin, and John Flowerdew. "Discriminatory discursive strategies in online comments on YouTube videos on the Hong Kong Umbrella Movement by Mainland and Hong Kong Chinese." Discourse & Society 30, no. 6 (August 28, 2019): 549–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926519870046.
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This article examines the discriminatory discursive strategies adopted in the online interactions between different power groups from Mainland China and Hong Kong in their response to two YouTube videos about the Hong Kong Umbrella, or Occupy Central, Movement. A corpus of 4329 comments made by 2157 posters from Mainland China and Hong Kong was coded regarding commenters’ place of residence and their perceptions of the Umbrella Movement and then tagged based on Flowerdew et al.’s previous taxonomy of discriminatory discursive strategies. The results show that a wide range of discriminatory discursive strategies, used by two power groups from Hong Kong and one from the Mainland, were found in the majority of the comments, including four sub-strategies not identified by Flowerdew et al. While studies to date on the Umbrella Movement have mainly focused on Hong Kong data, our study contributes to the literature by adding the perspective from Mainland China. The findings of this study provide insights into the increasing social and political tensions between Hong Kong and its mother country as well as the current situation in the divided city.
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Ranta, Michael. "Mao’s Homeworld(s) – A comment on the use of propaganda posters in post-war China." Semiotica 2020, no. 232 (February 25, 2020): 53–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sem-2019-0054.
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AbstractWithin cognitive science, narratives are regarded as crucial and fundamental cognitive instruments or tools. As Roger Schank suggests, the identity of (sub-)cultures is to a considerable extent based upon the sharing of narrative structures (Schank. 1995. Tell me a story: Narrative and intelligence. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press.). According to Schank, culturally shared stories, as do many other stories, occur frequently in highly abbreviated form, as “skeleton stories” or “gists.” Collective identities are conveyed in and between cultures not only through verbal discourse, but also by pictorial means. Many pictures and visual artworks have indeed been produced in order to establish and to consolidate a home-culture and to demarcate it from conceived extra-cultural counterparts.Some of my previous work on these lines has been concerned with demarcation efforts in visual media of “Jews” as extra-cultural, since the Middle Ages onwards, in the Third Reich’s iconography, as well as in modern, radicalized forms of anti-Semitic picturing in Arab media (Ranta. 2016. The (pictorial) construction of collective identities in the Third Reich. Language and Semiotic Studies 2(3). 107–124, Ranta. 2017. Master narratives and the (pictorial) construction of otherness: Anti-semitic images in the Third Reich and beyond. Contemporary Aesthetics 15. https://contempaesthetics.org/newvolume/pages/article.php?articleID=765 (accessed 17 November 2019.). In building upon and extending this work, I shall focus in the current paper upon attempts of creating cultural and political cohesion by means of pictorial propaganda in post-war China from the early 1950’s onwards, as promoted by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) under the leadership by Mao Zedong. Some concrete pictorial examples indicating these attempts will be discussed from a narratological and cultural semiotic perspective.
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Yan, Tony, and Michael R. Hyman. "Nationalistic appeals and consumer boycotts in China, 1900-1949." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 12, no. 4 (October 8, 2020): 503–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-08-2019-0030.
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Purpose The purpose of this study is to explore how nationalistic appeals may affect consumers’ perception and purchasing of targeted brands. Qualitative historical data from old China (1900–1949) reveal that social movement groups can adopt nationalistic appeals assisted by meaning framing – defined as a creative interpretation of symbols, designs, behaviors, social events and cultural identities to serve social and political goals – to shape consumers’ attitudes toward foreign brands. After examining the mechanisms and processes underlying consumer boycotts from 1900 to 1949, the responsive strategies of affected foreign companies are illustrated. Design/methodology/approach Critical historical research method is applied to historical data and historical “traces” from China’s corporate documents, memoirs, posters, advertisements, newspapers and secondhand sources documenting Chinese boycotts from 1900 to 1949. Findings Consumers may pursue interests beyond economic interests. Nationalistic appeals can mobilize consumer boycotts against foreign brands that were perceived to support or relate to targeted countries. Political framing of certain events shapes consumers’ perceptions and concomitant brand choices. Research limitations/implications Although differences between historical and current contexts may require tailoring past marketing strategies to current conditions, past strategies can inform current and future strategies. Practical implications Strategies adopted by foreign companies in old China (1900–1949) can help contemporary companies design effective marketing strategies for a hostile marketplace infused with nationalistic appeals and competing interests. Social implications Although local companies can adopt economic or political nationalism to realize their economic goals, it represents a double-edged sword that can harm national brands. Originality/value A historical analysis of nationalistic business appeals in pre-1949 China can inform the counterstrategies modern companies adopt to overcome consumer boycotts.
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Ellis, Catherine. "The Younger Generation: The Labour Party and the 1959 Youth Commission." Journal of British Studies 41, no. 2 (April 2002): 199–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386260.
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In 1956, Martha Gellhorn spent an evening exploring the uncharted territory of London's espresso bars. Her impressions were recorded in an article on “the younger generation”: “Full of expectations and ignorance, I made the long sight-seeing trip through the Espresso-bar country of London, stared at the young natives, and came gladly home at last with many pictures in my mind but little understanding …. The youthful Espresso-ites remained hopelessly strangers, in their strange, small, chosen land; I can only report what I have seen.” Gellhorn's account was punctuated by references to the “strangeness” of her experience. The decor of the bars invoked “distant places” with “bull-fight posters, bamboo, tropical plants, an occasional shell or Mexican mask.” As she traveled through this “strange country,” the sight of a tortilla was “terrifying,” the customers' clothing was breathtakingly exotic, and their skin tones suggested amalgams such as “Chinese-Javanese-Siamese” or “Spanish-Arab-Cuban.” At times, Gellhorn heard French and Italian spoken freely among the espresso bars' young patrons.The foreign topography of youth culture described by Gellhorn was not unusual among accounts of young people in the 1950s, yet until recently this period has been characterized principally as a time of social peace and political apathy, “an age of prosperity and achievement” shaped by “consensus” and a return to normality after the disruption and sacrifices of the Second World War. Following an extended period of austerity, the welfare state and the managed economy seemed to have ensured full employment and an unprecedented standard of living, while the election of successive Conservative governments in 1951, 1955, and 1959 has been explained as the political reflection of rising personal prosperity and security.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political posters, Chinese"
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Glomm, Anna Sandaker. "Graphic revolt! : Scandinavian artists' workshops, 1968-1975 : Røde Mor, Folkets Ateljé and GRAS." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3171.
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This thesis examines the relationship between the three artists' workshops Røde Mor (Red Mother), Folkets Ateljé (The People's Studio) and GRAS, who worked between 1968 and 1975 in Denmark, Sweden and Norway. Røde Mor was from the outset an articulated Communist graphic workshop loosely organised around collective exhibitions. It developed into a highly productive and professionalised group of artists that made posters by commission for political and social movements. Its artists developed a familiar and popular artistic language characterised by imaginative realism and socialist imagery. Folkets Ateljé, which has never been studied before, was a close knit underground group which created quick and immediate responses to concurrent political issues. This group was founded on the example of Atelier Populaire in France and is strongly related to its practices. Within this comparative study it is the group that comes closest to collective practises around 1968 outside Scandinavia, namely the democratic assembly. The silkscreen workshop GRAS stemmed from the idea of economic and artistic freedom, although socially motivated and politically involved, the group never implemented any doctrine for participation. The aim of this transnational study is to reveal common denominators to the three groups' poster art as it was produced in connection with a Scandinavian experience of 1968. By ‘1968' it is meant the period from the late 1960s till the end of the 1970s. It examines the socio-political conditions under which the groups flourished and shows how these groups operated in conjunction with the political environment of 1968. The thesis explores the relationship between political movements and the collective art making process as it appeared in Scandinavia. To present a comprehensible picture of the impact of 1968 on these groups, their artworks, manifestos, and activities outside of the collective space have been discussed. The argument has presented itself that even though these groups had very similar ideological stances, their posters and techniques differ. This has impacted the artists involved to different degrees, yet made it possible to express the same political goals. It is suggested to be linked with the Scandinavian social democracies and common experience of the radicalisation that took place mostly in the aftermath of 1968 proper. By comparing these three groups' it has been uncovered that even with the same socio-political circumstances and ideological stance divergent styles did develop to embrace these issue.
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Chang, Chin-Sheng, and 張金昇. "《Designs involved in political issues》The creation of graphic Chinese character represents a series of the Taiwan’s contemporary political irony phenomenon applied in poster design." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/19108785348244285824.
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碩士國立臺灣藝術大學
視覺傳達設計學系碩士班
101
The creative production is both based on visual communication by the Chinese character and the subject of political affairs in Taiwan for poster design creation. In research part, adopted from Chinese character pictograph and deconstructed the character design arts through the text analysis method are the important basis of performance in the creative production. And also, the production referred to rhetorical satire for poster design. Reviewing how Taiwanese political cartoons influence Taiwan political development for each other and become popular among Taiwanese. On the other side, using case study analysis discussed the style developing process of political poster, how themes changed because of generation viewpoint difference, and how totalitarianism wins popularity and builds the ruler’s blind adoration by the poster. The research explicated political poster by international famous designer and discussed Taiwan local designers’ posters that got ideas from designers themselves political circumstance. Deconstructed each aspect of political poster development and then got ideas and resource to bring into the poster. In creative part, the production is based on the theory of “LIU-SHU” (the six categories of Chinese characters) that was propounded by HU-SHEN, a scholar of the eastern Han Dynasty. From the viewpoint of Taiwan current political subject, the work tried to deconstruct and explain the characters. With imitating the performance of Chinese character arts and combing other cultural characters and network codes, Chinese characters revert to graphs. By way of visual communication design, the production attempted to create a multi-implication graph and to add copywriting to the graph which deconstructed the word determinateness. Using Taiwan’s common political issue, which created by the infiltration of mass media for the subject is the basis between the work and viewer and adopting political metaphor and analogy into the pleasure of communication in the process of viewer comprehension. The production created with political current affairs has accumulated about 60 pieces, although there are only 12 pieces proposed in this creative research. I will keep creating in the future because the productions are topical. These works can be a political discussion and a concerning media. Using current political affairs as themes, the production recorded the contemporary Taiwanese worth events. By continuously creating, the production is expected to be a history testimony of Taiwan in future.
Books on the topic "Political posters, Chinese"
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1957-, Min Anchee, Duoduo 1951-, and Landsberger Stefan, eds. Chinese propaganda posters. Köln: Taschen, 2003.
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der, Heijden Marien van, ed. Chinese posters: The IISH-Landsberger collections. Munich: Prestel, 2009.
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Powell, Patricia. Mao's graphic voice: Pictorial posters from the Cultural Revolution. Madison: Elvehjem Museum of Art, University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1996.
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Qiang shang chun qiu: Da zi bao de xing shuai = Qiangshangchunqiu. Fuzhou Shi: Fujian ren min chu ban she, 2001.
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Chinese posters: Art from the great proletarian cultural revolution. San Francisco, CA: Chronicle Books, 2007.
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Mao Zedong tu xiang yan jiu. Xianggang: Shi dai guo ji chu ban you xian gong si, 2009.
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Mao Zedong tu xiang yan jiu. Xianggang: Shi dai guo ji chu ban you xian gong si, 2009.
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Duo, Duo, Anchee Min, and Stefan R. Landsberger. Chinese Propaganda Posters --multilingual. TASCHEN, 2019.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Political posters, Chinese"
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Bianchi, Robert R. "Megaregions and Coevolution in World Politics." In China and the Islamic World, 18–28. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190915285.003.0003.
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The rise of the New Silk Road is generating fierce debates over the emergence of new megaregions and their role in reshaping world politics. Chinese writers are avid consumers of and contributors to these discussions both at home and internationally. China’s growing interest in megaregional integration accompanied a sharp turn in foreign policy—from a defensive posture that feared provoking war with the United States toward a bold campaign to assert global leadership, economically and diplomatically. Gradually, Chinese leaders are beginning to realize that all of the emerging megaregions are developing lives of their own that cannot be directed by a hierarchical network centered in Beijing. This realization is forcing China’s policymakers to reconsider their traditional assumption that sovereignty belongs only to formal governments and the elites that control them rather than to the all of the citizens who comprise the national communities.
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Ebrey, Patricia, and Margaret Meserve. "Giving the Public Due Notice in Song China and Renaissance Rome." In Political Communication in Chinese and European History, 800-1600. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463720038_ch08.
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This chapter explores the similarities and differences in methods of conveying information to common people in two societies where printing was coming into greater use — the huge agrarian empire of Song China (tenth to thirteen centuries) and the city of Renaissance Rome (fourteenth to fifteenth centuries). The Song material is strongest on the bureaucratic reasons for posting notices and the language used in them. Authors preserved hundreds of notices, probably seeing in them proof of their serious commitment to promoting the welfare of the people under them. The sources for notice-posting in Renaissance Rome are fuller on the practices associated with circulating notices throughout the city on church doors both by the papacy and by its critics, who sometimes posted satirical or contemptuous notices at the same sites. The posting of notices in Renaissance Rome was a bureaucratic practice that had strong ritualistic overtones, was often highly politicized, and therefore could easily be subverted by critics of the regime.
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Xiong, Bingjuan. "Tell China's Story Well?" In Journalism and Ethics, 451–66. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-8359-2.ch026.
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The development of new media transforms human communication experiences in ways that are socially, culturally, and politically meaningful. This study investigates the Chinese government's use of new media in response to an international communication crisis, the Ai Weiwei case, in 2011. Through a discourse analysis of China's official online news website, China Daily, as well as Twitter posts, most salient media frames in China's online media discourse are identified. The results suggest that online contestation of media framing in China's official media discourse contributes to the formation of new cultural expectations and norms in Chinese society and challenges the government's ability to tell its own stories without dispute. The author argues that new media foster online discussion and stimulate public debate of China's accountability and transparency in interacting with domestic and global audiences during crisis communication.
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Staniforth, Mark, and Jun Kimura. "Colonialism in Vietnam and Southeast Asia in the Late Pre-European Period." In Historical Archaeology of Early Modern Colonialism in Asia-Pacific. University Press of Florida, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813054766.003.0010.
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The rise of the Yuan Dynasty under Kublai Khan, the fifth emperor of the Mongol Empire, in thirteenth century China shows a distinctive polity that exemplifies two overlapping forms of colonialism. The first form is settler colonialism, where large (or small) scale migration of people creates colonies in places with a pre-existing population. The second is exploitation colonialism, where small groups of people established trading posts and settlements that controlled economic, cultural, and political power. The Yuan Dynasty’s early policy during Kublai Khan’s reign shows the adoption of strong naval power, specifically for territorial expansion. The Yuan court was also in control of the port cities in the middle and southern coasts of the Chinese mainland, which had been fully developed since the Southern Song period (1127—1279 CE). Chinese bureaucrats and regional authorities in these ports were actively engaged in investing capital in overseas trade, especially if conducted by private traders. These trading systems and policies facilitated the expansion of trans-regional networks into Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean World in the form of exploitation colonialism. The archaeological vestiges of the maritime commercial and naval activities that resulted from Yuan colonialism will be considered in this chapter.