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Journal articles on the topic 'Political power'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 June 2025

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1

Samadovich, Makhmudov Komal. "POLITICAL POWER, POLITICAL REGIME AND POLITICAL LEADER IDIOSYNCRATIC CRICKET." International Journal Of Management And Economics Fundamental 3, no. 12 (2023): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ijmef/volume03issue12-03.

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This article highlights the problems of the political regime, political power and political leadership, the relationship, actions, the essence of organizations, the specific role and functions of institutions of power in the formation of state power and management, and the implementation in practice.

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2

Allen, Ansgar. "Radicalism, Education and Political Practice." Power and Education 5, no. 3 (2013): 262–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/power.2013.5.3.262.

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3

Webb, Darren. "Critical Pedagogy, Utopia and Political (Dis)engagement." Power and Education 5, no. 3 (2013): 280–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/power.2013.5.3.280.

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4

Branch, Kathleen, and Mary Marra. "POLITICAL POWER." American Journal of Nursing 99, no. 2 (1999): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00000446-199902000-00017.

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5

Giroux, Henry A. "Paulo Freire and the Crisis of the Political." Power and Education 2, no. 3 (2010): 335–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/power.2010.2.3.335.

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6

Brown, Archie. "Political Leadership and Political Power." Полис. Политические исследования, no. 1 (January 25, 2016): 104–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17976/jpps/2016.01.08.

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7

Craiutu, Aurelian. "Rethinking Political Power." European Journal of Political Theory 2, no. 2 (2003): 125–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/147488510322002.

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8

BAI, JINHUI H., and ROGER LAGUNOFF. "REVEALED POLITICAL POWER." International Economic Review 54, no. 4 (2013): 1085–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/iere.12029.

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9

Allender, Paul. "Derrida and Humanism: Some Implications for Post-Humanist Political and Educational Practice." Power and Education 5, no. 3 (2013): 318–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/power.2013.5.3.318.

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10

Etzioni, Amitai. "The Political Economy of Imperfect Competition." Journal of Public Policy 5, no. 2 (1985): 169–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00003019.

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ABSTRACTEconomic actors command political power as well as economic power. It is used to the same effect to create monopolies and oligopolies. The two powers can be combined; e.g., aside from monopolies based only on economic power or only on government intervention, there are especially powerful monopolies that command both powers. The stability of the various power holders is related to the nature of their power base; pure economic power is particularly unstable. However, economic power can be more readily amassed than interventionist power, which violates norms, and has a sharply declining marginal utility. When the effects of interventionist power are added to those of economic power, economies such as America, which are often classified as quite competitive, turn out to be much less so.

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11

Wood, Natalie T., and Kenneth C. Herbst. "Political Star Power and Political Parties." Journal of Political Marketing 6, no. 2-3 (2007): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j199v06n02_08.

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12

Lünenborg, Margreth, and Tanja Maier. "‘Power Politician’ or ‘Fighting Bureaucrat’: gender and power in German political coverage." Media, Culture & Society 37, no. 2 (2014): 180–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443714557979.

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13

Comparato, Fábio Konder. "Political power and capitalism." Boletim de Ciências Económicas 57, no. 1 (2014): 1115–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/0870-4260_57-1_30.

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14

Amirulkamar, Sayed, and Ismail Ismail. "The Domination of the Local Party of Aceh Parliament in Responding the Aspiration of Community." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal) : Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (2019): 150–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v2i2.251.

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The Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia as a country of island diversity, culture, ethnicity, language and others which makes Indonesia political power does not adhere to the system of any country, but adopts the existence of the order of life of the Indonesian people by combining the "Trias Politica" government system, which presents by Montesquieu who was born on 18 January 1689 and died on February 10, 1755 at the age of 66, (French political thinkers) who lived in the Age of Enlightenment (English: Enlightenment) which describes power with the term "Separation of power" into three powers there are "Legislative" (Making Laws), "Executives" (Acting Laws ) and "Judicative" (Overseeing the laws) and not division of power. With this authority politically everyone understands the Legislative Election in Aceh, it different from legislative elections in various provinces in Indonesia, the difference in Aceh is that there are a number of local political parties who have competed in democratic parties since 2009. As for the legislative elections to the period 2019-2024 who have passed the verification of 4 (four) local political in the Aceh Party (PA), the Nanggroe Aceh Party (PNA), the Aceh Regional Party (PDA), and the SIRA Party who compete competitively for parliamentary seats (DPRA / DPRK).

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15

Marín Jordà, Maria Josep. "POLITICAL (IM)POLITENESS: DISCOURSE POWER AND POLITICAL POWER IN ELECTORAL DEBATES." Catalan Review: Volume 21, Issue 1 21, no. 1 (2007): 43–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/catr.21.2.

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This paper studies the pragmatic-discursive function of perception-verb markers in electoral debates in Catalan. The analysis reveals that these elements play an important role as implicit argumentation resources. In this sense, they emphasize the confrontation of the participants, which is organized basically through counter-argumentation and attack to the addressee’s face. This main function, related to the persistence of the imperative value of the verb forms, presents different degrees in the different markers analyzed: those markers coming from active perception (miri and even more escoltt) structure a greater argumentative force. The extension of the theory about linguistic politeness frem ordinary conversation to political discourse shows that the elements analyzed emphasize a peculiar kind of linguistic (im)politeness in political debates.

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16

Frazer, Elizabeth. "Mary Wollstonecraft's Political Political Theory." Review of Politics 82, no. 1 (2019): 25–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670519000767.

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AbstractThis paper separates Wollstonecraft's critical concept of “machiavelian” power and the capacity for domination, from a neutral concept of politics as the complex processes surrounding the power to govern, from her normative account of popular sovereignty which emphasizes collective political power to ensure the discharge of natural duty by way of civil and political rights and duties. Wollstonecraft's voice as political judge—which is audible throughout her work, but particularly clearly in her book on the French Revolution—articulates the ways that political power can be abused and misused, and can also be effective. Her theory is political in several ways: she interrogates the nature of political power and its explanatory importance; she consistently articulates political judgment about matters both conventionally political and social; she offers a theoretical justification for the expansion of the scope of politics to cover relations that hitherto were thought to be outside its domain; and finally her work itself constitutes a political intervention.

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17

Arizzi, Cristina, and Mary Ellen Toffle. "Expressing and resisting power in American political debates." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 9 (2017): 113–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjhss.v2i9.1092.

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18

Toffle, Mary Ellen, and Cristina Arizzi. "Gender-based power language and American political debates." New Trends and Issues Proceedings on Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 9 (2017): 123–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjhss.v2i9.1093.

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19

Miliband, Ralph. "Class Power & State Power: Political Essays." Labour / Le Travail 15 (1985): 275. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25140616.

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20

Etzioni-Halevy, Eva, and B. C. Smith. "Bureaucracy and Political Power." Contemporary Sociology 18, no. 2 (1989): 222. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2074083.

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21

Kokosalakis, Nikos, Gustavo Benavides, and M. W. Daly. "Religion and Political Power." British Journal of Sociology 42, no. 1 (1991): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590860.

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22

Allen, Joseph L. "Power and Political Community." Annual of the Society of Christian Ethics 13 (1993): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/asce1993132.

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23

Ali, Sheikh R. "Religion and Political Power." American Journal of Islam and Society 7, no. 2 (1990): 261–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v7i2.2796.

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The upheaval in contemporary world politics reveals a renewed interestin religion; similarly, the current anarchy in rehgious thought and institutionsoften demonstrates a not-so-subtle interest in politics. Hence, for politicalscientists, among others, new studies of religion and politics are alwayswelcome. Except for two essays in this volume, all were presented in 1986at a seminar on “Religion and Nationalism: held under the auspices of theNational Endowment for the Humanities at the University of California, SantaBarbara. The two essays mentioned, those of Alexandre Benningsen andStephen Feuchtwang (who did not attend the seminar) were commissionedseparately.The editors of this collection are Gustavo Benavides, a lecturer in theDepartment of Religious Studies at Villanova University; and M. W. Daly,an assistant professor in the Department of History at Memphis StateUniversity.The broad-ranging seminar explored the role played by religion in theemergence of the political life of modem states. From India and Sri Lankato the Islamic Republic of Iran, to the resurgence of religious fundamentaismin the United States and its persistence in Israel, the participants discussedthe many forms that the tension between religion and the modem state assumes.However, the thematic thread running through most of the discussions provedto be something more general than the state itself, although it is the statein which it is now manifested. That theme is the exercise of political power;more precisely, the exercise of political power in a context that mobilizesreligious representations.This volume, then, examines the interaction between two of the mostcharged topics in the modem world: religion and politics. It shows theinextricable connection between religious attitudes and responsibilities andpolitical activities.Following an introductory chapter which explores the religiousarticuiations of politid power, the authors examine the role played by religionin the current political situation in several countries. Approaching these casesas anthropologists, historians, sociologists, and political scientists, the authorsmake visible the dialectical relationship between religion and the pursuit ofpolitical power. On the one hand, they demonstrate the political significance ...

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24

Kunelius, Risto, and Esa Reunanen. "Media in Political Power." International Journal of Press/Politics 17, no. 1 (2011): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161211424207.

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25

Howard, Michael C., and Scott Bennett. "Aborigines and Political Power." Pacific Affairs 64, no. 4 (1991): 605. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2759903.

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26

Berger, Helen A., Gustavo Benavides, and M. W. Daly. "Religion and Political Power." Sociological Analysis 51, no. 3 (1990): 332. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3711184.

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27

Zotova, Kremena. "Political Power and Periodicals." Serials Librarian 26, no. 2 (1995): 87–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j123v26n02_08.

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28

Gray, Andrew. "Bureaucracy and Political Power." Political Studies 36, no. 1 (1988): 131–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1988.tb00221.x.

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29

Vale, S. "Inequality and political power." Western Journal of Medicine 173, no. 6 (2000): 376. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/ewjm.173.6.376.

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30

Thorpe, Charles. "Science and political power." Metascience 19, no. 3 (2010): 433–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11016-010-9417-0.

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31

Maduro, Otto, Gustavo Benavides, and M. W. Daly. "Religion and Political Power." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 30, no. 1 (1991): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1387161.

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32

Frazer, Elizabeth. "Political power and magic." Journal of Political Power 11, no. 3 (2018): 359–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2158379x.2018.1523315.

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33

Gledhill, John. "Power in political anthropology." Journal of Power 2, no. 1 (2009): 9–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17540290902760857.

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34

Young, Shaun P. "Exercising political power reasonably." Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 11, no. 2 (2008): 255–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698230802021397.

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35

Andrushko, Vladyslav. "POLITICAL POWER: INNOVATIVE APPROACHES." BULLETIN OF YAROSLAV MUDRYI NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY. SERIES:PHILOSOPHY, PHILOSOPHIES OF LAW, POLITICAL SCIENCE, SOCIOLOGY 49, no. 2 (2021): 153–68. https://doi.org/10.21564/2663-5704.49.229789.

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Problem setting. There is evidence that Political power plays a crucial role in regulating social processes. But it is also a difficult concept to understand and define. That’s why this phenomenon has been studied by many researchers using different methods and absolutely different scientific approaches, what has made it an ambigious term. It causes an actuality of synthesizing the most significant innovative concepts into unite theoretical background.Resent research and publication analysis. Previous research has established that Political power is related to Power of law. A number of cross-sectional studies suggest an association between Political power and Public governance, State Power. The issue has been a controversial and much disputed subject within the multidisciplinary field of sociological, culturelogical, psychological and even linguistical researches. As a result, this concept has recently been challenged by postmodernist’s studies demonstrating its hidden features. We should notice a big number of scholars, from M. Faucault and P. Bourdieu to S. Lukes and K. Dowding, whose developments in the field of Cratology have led to a renewed interest in political power. Paper objective. The purpose of this investigation is to explore the innovative approaches to political power understanding and to give own definition of this phenomenon. Paper main body. The methodological approach taken in this study is a mixed methodology based on qualitative and quantative, theoretical and empirical studies. The overall structure of the study takes the form of two conditional parts. The first part of this paper examines the innovative approaches to general power understanding. In the section we are proving that power is based on information. The second part also begins by laying out the theoretical dimensions of the research, and looks what is political power at postmodernist’s context. In summary, information is seemed to be the most efficient power resource, because it touches each part of people existence. Conclusions of the research. So, we can confirm that political power is perceived rather as communicative, mental concept than a part of state’s institution system. In other words, now it is believed that modern power as kind of social influence is appearing from every part of social life due to its cognitive nature, but at the same time it is almost disappearing as traditional part of government structure. The result of the analysis is also proclaimed by the author’s approach to the rationalization of «political power»: «classical» (power and political power are the same), «institutional» (based on the law and the state form of political power) and «functional» (based on the information power that is aimed to political processes. The next result of the article is our political power clarifying. According to the R. Dahl’s definition and the V. Ledyaev’s classification we define political power as a «A’s possibility to construct B’s «picture of the world». So, this study seems to be relevant. In conclusion I’d like to say that this topic is perceived as inexhaustible and that theme is still so actual for further multidisciplinary researches.

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36

Clayton, Christopher, Matteo Maggiori, and Jesse Schreger. "The Political Economy of Geoeconomic Power." AEA Papers and Proceedings 115 (May 1, 2025): 588–92. https://doi.org/10.1257/pandp.20251040.

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Great powers are increasingly using their economic and financial strength for geopolitical aims. This rise of “geoeconomics” has the potential to reshape the international trade and financial system. This paper examines the role of domestic political economy forces in determining a government's ability to project geoeconomic power abroad. We also discuss the role that persuading or coercing foreign governments plays in projecting geoeconomic power around the world.

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37

Rafiq Asgarov, Sirus. "Talibanin geri dönüşünün nə faydalari var böyük səhimlər üçün hakimiyyət üçün?" SCIENTIFIC WORK 74, № 1 (2022): 58–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/74/58-62.

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The return of the Taliban to power is radically different from when the organization last ruled .This time, domestic interests were combined with the interests of major powers, the United States, Russia and China, and they were the ones who seized power. On August 15, 2021, the Taliban completed its occupation of Afghanistan. The return of the Taliban to power has various benefits for the major powers. This issue is very useful for Russia, the United States, China and Iran in terms of economic, political and military-political issues. Key words: Taliban government, political relations, advantages, strong states, military-political Sirus Əsgərov Talibanin geri dönüşünün nə faydalari var böyük səhimlər üçün hakimiyyət üçün? Xülasə Talibanın hakimiyyətə qayıdışı təşkilatın sonuncu dəfə hakimiyyətdə olduğu vaxtdan köklü şəkildə fərqlənir. 15 avqust 2021-ci ildə Taliban Əfqanıstanın işğalını başa çatdırdı. Talibanın hakimiyyətə qayıtmasının böyük dövlətlər üçün müxtəlif faydaları var. Bu məsələ həm iqtisadi, həm siyasi, həm də hərbi-siyasi məsələlər baxımından Rusiya, ABŞ, Çin və İran üçün çox faydalıdır. Açar sözlər: Taliban hökuməti, siyasi əlaqələr, üstünlüklər, güclü dövlətlər, hərbi-siyasi

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38

Moore, Michele, and Heather Brunskell-Evans. "Foucault, Pollyanna and the Iraq Research Fellowship Programme: Political Grace and the Struggle to Decolonise Research Practice." Power and Education 5, no. 1 (2013): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/power.2013.5.1.63.

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39

Koch, Florian, and Lina María Sánchez Steiner. "Participation without Power." Latin American Perspectives 44, no. 2 (2016): 168–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16668312.

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Citizen participation has become an important political strategy. A case study of the Barranquilla land-use plan employing Fung and Wright’s theories on countervailing power reveals that the citizen participation promoted to comply with legal requirements was a failure because it was manipulated by the dominant public actor. In societies such as that of Barranquilla, which employs traditional modes of politics, there is little chance of fostering successful participatory processes because there is no countervailing power to offset the established one. The violent context that surrounds the political sphere, low confidence in state institutions, and the convergence of economic and political power prevent the creation of strong and independent countervailing powers. La participación ciudadana se ha convertido en una importante estrategia política. El estudio de caso del plan de usos de terrenos de Barranquilla a través del prisma de las teorías de Fung y Wright sobre el poder compensatorio revela que la participación ciudadana promovida para cumplir con los requisitos legales fue un fracaso porque fue manipulada por el actor público dominante. En sociedades como la de Barranquilla, con sus modos tradicionales de la política, hay pocas posibilidades de fomentar procesos de participación exitosos porque no hay un poder compensatorio que contrarreste el poder establecido. El contexto violento que envuelve la esfera política, la poca confianza en las instituciones estatales y la convergencia del poder económico con el poder social impiden la creación de poderes compensatorios fuertes e independientes.

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40

Winn, Lydia. "The Common Origins of Philosophical and Political Power in Plato's Gorgias." PLATO JOURNAL 21 (January 28, 2021): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-4105_21_1.

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Plato’s Gorgias concerns the tension between political and philosophical power. In it, Socrates and Gorgias discuss rhetoric’s power, which Gorgias claims is universal, containing all powers, enabling the rhetorician to rule over others politically. Polus and Callicles develop Gorgias’s understanding of rhetoric’s universal power. Scholars addressing power’s central focus rightly distinguish Socrates’ notion of philosophical power from Gorgias’s. However, these authors make this distinction too severe, failing to acknowledge the kinship between philosophy and politics. This paper argues that Socrates’ notion of power has its origins in Gorgias’s, but instead of seeking to persuade others, philosophy primarily concerns self-persuasion.

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41

Tkach, Bella. "POLITICAL POWER AND POLITICAL RESPONSIBILITY IN EUROPEAN UNION." Knowledge, Education, Law, Management 2, no. 2 (2021): 72–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.51647/kelm.2021.2.2.12.

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42

Werlin, Herbert H. "The Evolution of Political Power in Political Development." Journal of Developing Societies 24, no. 3 (2008): 307–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x0802400301.

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43

Harcombe, Joanne. "Power and political power positions in maternity care." British Journal of Midwifery 7, no. 2 (1999): 78–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/bjom.1999.7.2.8388.

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44

Buşu, Oprea Valentin. "The Specific Character of Political Power under “Who Do I Obey Politically?”." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 21 (February 2014): 156–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.21.156.

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The study takes into account the organizational capacity, the numerical support, the competence, the specialized knowledge, the information control, the occupation of certain social positions, the control of the means of force and the very reputation for holding power, all these seen as power resources. It is noticed the existence of a potential power that depends on certain qualities, skills and competencies and the existence of a manifest power involving the feedback as far as the exercise of power is concerned and obedience. The conclusion is that the specific of the political power derives from the answer to whom do I obey politically?

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45

Little, Ben. "Parties, causes and political power." Soundings 55, no. 55 (2013): 26–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/136266213809450293.

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46

Svarstad, Hanne, Tor A. Benjaminsen, and Ragnhild Overå. "Power theories in political ecology." Journal of Political Ecology 25, no. 1 (2018): 350. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v25i1.23044.

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Power plays a key role in definitions of political ecology. Likewise, empirical studies within this field tend to provide detailed presentations of various uses of power, involving corporate and conservation interventions influencing access to land and natural resources. The results include struggle and conflict. Yet, there is a lack of theoretical elaboration showing how power may be understood in political ecology. In this article, we start to fill this gap by reviewing the different theoretical perspectives on power that have dominated this field. There are combinations of influences, two of them being actor-oriented and neo-Marxist approaches used from the 1980s. Typically, case studies are presented of environmental interventions by a broad range of actors at various scales from the local to the global. The focus has been on processes involving actors behind these interventions, as well as the outcomes for different social groups. Over the last two decades, in political ecology we have increasingly seen a move in power perspectives towards poststructuralist thinking about "discursive power", inspired by Foucault. Today, the three approaches (actor-oriented, neo-Marxist and Foucauldian) and their combinations form a synergy of power perspectives that provide a set of rich and nuanced insights into how power is manifested in environmental conflicts and governance. We argue that combining power perspectives is one of political ecology's strengths, which should be nurtured through a continuous examination of a broad spectrum of social science theories on power.

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47

Chaney, David, and Fred Inglis. "Popular Culture and Political Power." Contemporary Sociology 19, no. 1 (1990): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2073470.

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48

Gladdish, Ken. "Political parties: organisation and power." International Affairs 65, no. 3 (1989): 535–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621746.

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49

Ignatieva, Olga A. "Digital legitimization of political power." Socialʹnye i gumanitarnye znania 7, no. 4 (2021): 358–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/2412-6519-2021-4-358-367.

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The rapid development of information and communication technologies creates new opportunities not only for science, technology and society, but also for political power and governance. Global capitalism is being replaced by platform imperialism. Political power and the state apparatus now have ample opportunities to improve their performance, from the use of algorithmic management based on big data and digital control of the population to increasing trust in the decisions they make by creating the possibility of direct communication between citizens and public authorities through digital platforms. This paper will examine the specifics of legitimizing power through communication platforms, both at the level of a single state and in the international arena. The theoretical framework of this paper is the systematic analysis of D. Easton. Easton. F. Sсharpf and W. Schmidt. Also, to understand the peculiarities of platform interaction M. Foucault's concept of governmentality is involved. The work examines not only the peculiarities of the legitimization of power at the national and global level in the era of digitalization, but also analyzes the types of legitimacy of political decisions made through regional and global platforms.

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50

Khenkin, S. M. "Basque Country: Political Power Shift." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(19) (August 28, 2011): 171–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2011-4-19-171-179.

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