Academic literature on the topic 'Political practices in Sierra Leone'

This case-study provides a critical evaluation of the effects of neo-liberal (market-driven) reforms in achieving the goal of human security in Sierra Leone after the civil conflict in 2002. In the context of Sierra Leone, there are fundamental questions about the basic security of the population. This mean the ability to live without fear of conflict and the security to do with the ordinary lives of Sierra Leoneans. This is absolutely central to the post-war reconstruction of that country. It represents a major concern for the international community, the Sierra Leone Government, foreign government donors as well as the NGO communities. Underlying these issues is the subject of which development paragon is best suitable in addressing these questions, and what impact will it have on the people. To understand this, the study has framed the issues of education and health, the two aspects which this thesis focuses upon, as a commitment to human security. Human security has become a dominant theme for many development organisations around the world because of it connection with security and development. Education and health are important because they are crucial social and basic human right that should be provided without any form of unfairness by the state. Because of their multiplier effect, they assist in eradicating poverty and further the attainment of human security. The reforms, which includes privatisation and decentralisation, has been imposed primarily by the World Bank and the IMF to transform the education and health system in order to improve the human security of the Sierra Leonean people. Proponents of these reforms argued that it would provide equal access, make the system more efficient, provide more choices for the population, and enhances accountability and citizens’ participation in governance. As a result of these, the study is important for three reasons: first, it assesses the success of these reforms; second, it offers a better understanding of socio-economic development related to education and health as they are now viewed as a commodity; and third, it suggests ways of enhancing the performance of its delivery intended to assist the population. The evaluation is informed by critical theory, the theoretical framework because: of its usefulness in understanding the concept of power/knowledge, ideology and governance, as neo-liberalism has become a discourse of global common sense that frames policy options as though they were natural or not to be questioned, and yet serve to reinforce the interests of dominant groups. Critical theory enable us to make sense of the hidden power relations in the way knowledge/policy is constituted. Second, critical theory is also a qualitative approach and hence comes as a way of critiquing quantitative methodology. The study argues that it is very problematic to imagine that this strategy (neo-liberal reforms) is actually for the great masses of people living in poor conditions, while it does not address their needs and does nothing to deal with the security of their lives. The study found that the reforms were considered undemocratic, and has led to unequal access thus augmenting fears of stratification on the basis of an individual being rich or poor. Therefore, the study recommends that if the goal of human security is to be achieved, it is important to strengthen citizens’ and other local actors’ voices in governance to develop effective local policies; and government intervention and commitment is also needed to improve the performance of public schools and health care institutions in order to make them more competitive so that they can co-exist with their private counterparts. Key Words: Neo-liberalism, critical theory, education policy, health policy, human security, privatisation, decentralisation, social justice, socio-economic development.

No<br>Sierra Leone came to world attention in the 1990s when a catastrophic civil war linked to the diamond trade was reported globally. This fleeting and particular interest, however, obscured two crucial processes in this small West African state. On the one hand, while the civil war was momentous and brutal, affecting all Sierra Leoneans, it was also just one element in the long and faltering attempt to build a nation and state, given the country’s immensely problematic pre-colonial and British colonial legacies. On the other, the aftermath of the war precipitated a huge international effort to construct a ‘liberal peace’, with mixed results, and interrupted by the devastating Ebola pandemic. This made Sierra Leone a laboratory for both post-conflict and health crisis interventions. Sierra Leone examines over 230 years of its history and sixty years of independence, placing state–society relations at the centre of an original and revealing investigation of those who have tried to rule or change Sierra Leone and its inhabitants, and the responses engendered. It interweaves the historical narrative with sketches of politicians, anecdotes, the landscape and environment and key turning-points, alongside theoretical and other comparisons with the rest of Africa. It is a new contribution to the debate for those who already know Sierra Leone and a solid point of entry for those who wish to.

Natural resources are in abundance but have not benefited resourcebased communities. The mining industry, especially in developing countries, has fallen short of working towards sustainable community practices. Different governance initiatives adopted by governments to make the communities beneficiaries of these resources are yet to bring sustainable results. Government is seen as the sole actor on policymaking and its implementation, and the production and delivery of goods and services. Acknowledgement is not given to the roles and responsibilities of the resource-based communities to work as co-partners towards sustainable community development. Hence, this thesis argues that government policies should move away from seeing resource communities as recipients and representatives in policymaking towards co-partnership. As such, this thesis aims to explore the dynamics between resource use and achieving sustainable community development by exploring the barriers and potential for sustainable community development in diamond mining communities in Kono, Eastern Sierra Leone. To do this, the thesis uses data from a wide rage of indebt semi-structured interviews, documents and focus group discussions from four case studies representing four chiefdoms to point out a shift from the governance approach of institutionalisation to adaptive governance approach that will make the resource communities self-determined and sustainable. The thesis deals with three objectives. First, a focus is put on the relationship between resource exploitation and community governance in mining communities through an analysis of key actors and their roles at a range of scales. Second, in an attempt to find out the scope of sustainability in resource-based communities, attention is given to the ways mining communities utilise their assets and undertake practices that contribute towards sustainable community development. Third, in finding answers from issues arising in these communities and the prospect for effective mining policies, the thesis attempts to identify both the structural and community-based barriers to promoting sustainable community development in mining communities and then make policy recommendations for community development in such communities. Key Words: Resource Exploitation; Community Development, Community Governance, Sustainable Development, Sustainable Community Development

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2003.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis explores the issue of collapsed states with reference to William Reno's (2001) theory. Since the end of the Cold War we find in many places that the state itself has collapsed. According to this thesis state collapse refers to a situation where the structure, authority, laws and political order have fallen apart. The phenomenon of collapsed states is historic and worldwide, but nowhere are there more examples than in contemporary Africa. Sierra Leone is an example of a collapsed state in Africa. The state in Sierra Leone was after the commencement of the conflict in 1991 not capable of performing the duties which are required of a state when a state wants to be called a state. Governments in collapsed states lack the capacity to make binding, effective decisions. As a basic institution, the state loses its sovereignty as the most central institution in the society. Resource wars are nowadays a characteristic of collapsed states like Sierra Leone. Resources are used by key figures in the resource wars to enrich themselves. They also exploit the resources to finance their actions and propaganda. Diamonds was the resource which was exploited commercially by the 'government' and Foday Sankoh, a rebel/insurgent, as well as Charles Taylor, a warlord. The resource war was one of the reasons why the state in Sierra Leone collapsed further. It had lead to the total collapse of the state in Sierra Leone. With the commencement of the conflict in Sierra Leone, the issue of peacemaking came to the fore in Sierra Leone. The conflict in Sierra Leone was an intrastate conflict. The primary goal of the United Nations (UN) is to maintain international security and peace. Intrastate conflicts do not form part of the UN's traditional mandate regarding peacemaking. The UN thus had no basic framework of how to get involved in the intrastate conflict in Sierra Leone. The UN only became involved in 1999 in the form of UNAMSIL. Before the intervention of the UN, the 'government' of Sierra Leone turned to Private Military Companies (PMC's) in the form of Executive Outcomes and Sandline International. The problem with the intervention of PMC's in a conflict is that they are not sanctioned by international organisations like the UN. As a regional initiative, ECOWAS in the form of ECOMOG, also became involved in Sierra Leone. The intervention of both ECOMOG and PMC's in Sierra Leone failed to produce peace or the restoration of the state. Only the UN achieved peacemaking and the holding of an election. The conclusion of this thesis is that Sierra Leone fits in the theory of Reno (2001 ) re collapsed states. Sierra Leone is a typical example of a collapsed state and it also illustrates the validity of the concept. This however does not mean that Sierra Leone will be a collapsed state forever. There is the possibility that Sierra Leone can make a transition from a collapsed state to a stronger state to a more stable and functional state. It need, however, be noted that all conclusions in this thesis are of a preliminary nature. The conclusions will therefore be subject to further confirmation by later studies.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis verken die kwessie van vervalle state met verwysing na William Reno (2001) se teorie. Sedert veral die einde van die Koue Oorlog vind ons die tendens dat verskeie state verval het. In hierdie tesis verwys die konsep van 'n vervalle staat na 'n situasie waar die struktuur, gesag, politieke orde en wette uitmekaar geval het. Die verskynsel van vervalle state is histories en kom wêreldwyd voor. Kontemporêre Afrika verskaf egter die meeste voorbeelde van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n voorbeeld van so 'n vervalle staat. Na die aanvang van die konflik in 1991 was die staat in Sierra Leone nie meer daartoe instaat om die funksies te verrig wat van 'n staat vereis word indien so 'n staat as 'n staat geag wil word nie. Die 'regering' in 'n vervalle staat beskik nie meer oor die kapasiteit om bindende, effektiewe besluite te neem nie. Die staat, as 'n basiese instelling, verloor sy soewereiniteit as die sentrale instelling in die samelewing. Die verval van 'n staat word toenemend met die uitbreek van 'n konflik- in hierdie geval 'n- hulpbronoorlog gekenmerk. Hulpbronne word deur die sleutelfigure, wat betrokke is in die hulpbronoorlog in die vervalle staat, gebruik om hulself te verryk. Hierdie hulpbronne word ook gebruik om die sleutelfigure se aksies en propaganda te finansier. Diamante is as hulpbron in Sierra Leone deur die 'regering' en Foday Sankoh, 'n rebellinsurgent, asook Charles Taylor, 'n oorlogsbaron, kommersieël uitgebuit. Die burgeroorlog met sy talle fasette, het tot die totale verval van die staat aanleiding gegee. Die kwessie van vredemaak het met die uitbreek van die konflik in Sierra Leone na vore getree. Die konflik in Sierra Leone was 'n intrastaatkonflik. Die primêre doel van die Verenigde Nasies (VN) is om internasionale vrede en sekuriteit te handhaaf. Intrastaatkonflikte as sulks maak nie deel uit van die tradisionele opdrag van die VN betreffende vredemaak nie. Die VN het gevolglik nie oor 'n basiese raamwerk beskik van hoe om by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke te raak nie. Die VN het eers in 1999 in die vorm van UNAMSIL in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. Voor die intervensie van die VN het die 'regering' van Sierra Leone hom tot Private Militêre Bystand (PMB) in die vorm van 'Executive Outcomes' en 'Sandline International' gewend. Die problematiek insake PMB is dat dit nie deur internasioale organisasies soos die VN gesanksioneer word nie. As 'n regionale inisiatief het ECOWAS ook in die vorm van ECOMOG by die intrastaatkonflik in Sierra Leone betrokke geraak. In hierdie tesis sal daar gemeld word dat beide ECOMOG en PMB, met die uitsondering van die VN, se pogings vir vredemaak in Sierra Leone gefaal het. Die slotsom waartoe hierdie tesis kom is dat Sierra Leone inpas by Reno (2001) se teorie insake die verskynsel van vervalle state. Sierra Leone is 'n tipiese voorbeeld van 'n vervalle staat en dit illustreer die geldigheid van die konsep. Dit beteken egter nie dat Sierra Leone permanent 'n vervalle staat hoef te wees nie. Die moontlikheid bestaan wel dat Sierra Leone die oorgang vanaf 'n vervalle staat na 'n stabieler, meer funksionele staat kan maak. Dit dien egter gemeld te word dat alle afleidings in hierdie tesis as voorlopig van aard beskou kan word. Hierdie afleidings is onderhewig aan verdere bevestiging of weerlegging deur latere studies.

Youth unemployment has been presented as a security risk to countries emerging from civil war. These assessments often rely on the assumption of a direct relationship between labour market exclusion and political violence. This thesis challenges this assumption, not by denying that the connection exists, but by suggesting that we need a better understanding of how the two are related. Through qualitative research with young people engaged precariously on the margins of the informal economy in Sierra Leone's capital, Freetown, the thesis explores how labour market experiences influence different patterns of political mobilisation. It puts forward that violence is not inherent to unemployment, but that the impact of joblessness on mobilisation is mediated by social factors and the specific nature of the post-war political economy. For Freetown's youth, labour market exclusion has implications for social status, identities, norms and the nature of social relations. This in turn shapes their political subjectivities and claims on the state; it structures the opportunities and constraints to their collective action; and influences their trajectories towards political violence. These processes reflect a fraught articulation between tactics employed expediently to respond to structural circumstances and longer-term aspirations. Individual attempts to survive adverse economic and political terrains coexist with work-based political claims placed on the state and aspirations of social and political inclusion, even if the two are often at odds and the former undermine the latter.