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Prior, D. "Occupational and political orientations in social work." Thesis, University of Kent, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.353816.
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Farmer, Adam. "POLITICAL IDEOLOGY AND CONSUMER PREFERENCES." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/marketing_etds/2.
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Despite continued polarization along political party lines, it remains unclear how differences in political ideology impact the choices consumers make. The results of seven studies indicate that political ideology profoundly influences the way consumers think and behave. Liberals and conservatives are systematically drawn to distinct choice preferences where liberals prefer hedonic, novel, and desirable options, while conservatives prefer utilitarian, status quo, and feasible options. These findings are robust for multiple measures of political ideology across multiple choice sets. Differences in behavior are explained by the amount of deliberation used for a given decision. Liberals deliberate more than conservatives as they are more open to information while conservatives have a lower tolerance for ambiguous information. Implications for consumers, marketers, and policy makers are provided.
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Thomas, Melanee. "Gender and psychological orientations to politics." Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=106458.
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Since the 1950s, women's lives have changed dramatically in established democracies, but the gender gaps in political interest and subjective political competence have not. This is problematic, as psychological orientations to politics – political interest and subjective political competence – play a key role in democratic functioning. The conventional explanations found in the political science literature suggest that women's enhanced levels of socioeconomic resources, as well as changing gender roles and feminist socialization, should have narrowed and closed these gaps over time. And yet, throughout the post-industrial world, these gaps persist. Why is this the case? This dissertation tests two conventional explanations. The first is predicated on socioeconomic resources, the second on gender role change. Results demonstrate that these conventional explanations garner little to no empirical support. Levels of education, income, and occupational status cannot explain why women are less interested in politics, and less confident in their political abilities than are men. Similarly, gender role change and feminist socialization did not eliminate these gaps as predicted. Several alternative explanations for these gaps are also tested. Results show that in some cases, gender and time condition the effects of socioeconomic resources on political interest and subjective political competence. Thus, women derive fewer political benefits from some socioeconomic resources than do men, and the importance of these resources for women's psychological engagement with politics has diminished over time. These conditional effects offset the socioeconomic gains women have made over time. Surprisingly, the dual demands of motherhood and labour force participation rarely impair women's political interest and subjective political competence. Instead, religiosity consistently boosts political interest, suggesting that increasing secularization actually helps perpetuate this gap. Finally, results show that increasing the number of women in elected office helps significantly narrow the gender gap in political interest. However, comparable effects are not found for subjective political competence, nor are other effects found for social policies such as maternity and parental leave, childcare, or taxation. These findings carry important implications for future attempts to secure gender equality in the political sphere. Exciting, innovative avenues for future research also stem from these results. Both are discussed in the conclusion.<br>Depuis les années 1950, la vie des femmes a dramatiquement changé dans les démocraties établies mais l'écart avec les hommes en matière d'intérêt politique et de compétence politique subjective est resté le même. Ceci est problématique puisque les orientations psychologiques envers la politique – intérêt politique et compétence politique subjective – jouent un rôle clé dans le fonctionnement des démocraties. La littérature en science politique a longtemps suggéré que l'amélioration du statut socioéconomique des femmes, en plus du bouleversement du rôle traditionnel des femmes et de la socialisation dans un contexte féministe auraient dû rétrécir sinon éliminer avec le temps l'écart observé entre les hommes et les femmes. Pourtant, à travers le monde postindustriel, cet écart persiste. Pourquoi? Cette thèse de doctorat met à l'épreuve deux explications fréquemment citées dans la littérature, de même que plusieurs explications alternatives qui toutes tentent d'expliquer pourquoi l'écart existe et s'est maintenu jusqu'à aujourd'hui. Les résultats tendent à démontrer que les femmes ne sont pas moins intéressées par la politique que les hommes ni moins confiantes en leurs aptitudes politiques pour des raisons liées à leur plus faible éducation, leur statut économique plus précaire, leur statut professionnel moins valorisé ou encore leurs fréquentes absences du milieu du travail. On assiste plutôt, dans certains cas, à des situations où les femmes retirent moins de bénéfices de leurs ressources socioéconomiques. De plus, l'importance de ces ressources pour l'engagement psychologique des femmes envers la politique a diminué dans le temps. Résultat surprenant, les demandes doubles de la maternité et du travail limitent rarement l'intérêt politique et la compétence politique subjective des femmes. C'est plutôt la religiosité de celles-ci qui semble jouer un rôle positif important. On peut donc penser que la sécularisation accélérée des sociétés postindustrielles pourrait contribuer à maintenir l'écart avec les hommes. Alors que les changements dans les rôles traditionnels et la socialisation féministe n'ont pas éliminé les écarts entre les femmes et les hommes tels que prédit par la littérature en science politique, augmenter le nombre de femmes dans les postes élus aide à diminuer de façon significative cet écart en matière d'intérêt politique. Par contre, on ne trouve pas d'effets comparables du côté de la compétence politique subjective, ni d'effets en matière de politiques sociales telles que les congés de maternité et parentaux, les services de garde, ou la taxation.Cette thèse de doctorat se termine par une discussion sur les implications de ces conclusions sur les recherches futures ainsi que sur les tentatives à venir pour obtenir une égalité entre hommes et femmes dans la sphère politique.
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Wu, Pei Chuan. "National culture value orientations, human resource management preferences and commitment in Taiwan." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.624604.
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This thesis seeks to examine the linkage between national culture value orientations, Human Resource Management (HRM) preferences and commitment in Taiwan. Specifically, the purposes of this study are fourfold: • To identify variations in value orientations in individual employees. • To explore the relationship between value orientations and HRM preferences at both individual and organisational levels. • To evaluate the consequences of value orientation on levels of commitment and satisfaction. • To make a theoretical and practical contribution to the field of HRM, especially its relevance to value orientations. The analysis is based on a dual research methodology combining quantitative and qualitative approaches. Two questionnaires and one in-depth interview schedule are used. The first instrument measures cultural values using the cultural perspective questionnaire (CPQ4) based upon the conceptualisation of value orientations by Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck. The second instrument measures: HRM preferences which were designed by the researcher based on Schuler and Jackson's typology; satisfaction and work values using Warr, Cook and Wall's scale; and commitment using Cook and Wall's measure. The interview schedule was developed by the researcher in an attempt to postulate the HRM preferences and actual policies and practices at the organisational level. In all, two sets of questionnaires were administered to a sample of 700 employees from shop floor to senior managers in seven Taiwanese organisations. 452 usable questionnaires were returned, representing a response rate of 64.6%. Additionally, at least four in-depth interviews were conducted in each company with HR managers and line managers.
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Rhodes, Christopher. "Political Christianity: Internal Organization, Preferences and Church Political Activity." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14226091.
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This dissertation examines the role of internal structure of religious organizations
in influencing these organizations’ interactions with incumbent governments and ultimately determining the political activities of religious groups. This dissertation fits within a body of literature known as the political economy of religion. I expand upon this literature by examining religious groups in terms of internal organization, focusing on Christian churches in Africa, with Kenya as my primary case country.
The central argument of this dissertation is that churches (national-level denominations) with certain organizational features – centralized leadership, authoritarian decision-making procedures, and lack of internal accountability mechanisms – are more likely to have friendlier interactions with governments and therefore tend to adopt more pro-government political stances compared to churches that lack these features. This relationship operates through two mechanisms. First, centralized churches possess negotiation advantages over decentralized churches. Second, centralized, authoritarian churches can more easily be co-opted by incumbent governments. The dissertation also expand upon existing literature by offering a fuller and more nuanced understanding of the preferences of governments and churches vis-à-vis one another, proposing that churches seek to maximize number of church members, member faithfulness, and resources, while governments seek ideological support, citizen mobilization, and social service provision from churches.
These arguments are examined by historical comparative case studies of five of the largest Christian denominations in Kenya over the course of the country’s first three post-independence presidents. Through qualitative historical analysis, combined with information gathered through fieldwork in Kenya, the dissertation demonstrates how the preferences of these churches and governments, mediated through the internal organizations of the churches, influenced church-state relations and ultimately determined the churches’ political stances. The impact of internal organization is greater than factors such as ethnicity or theological conservatism/liberalism.
The dissertation tests these arguments through a quantitative analysis of church political orientation using national-level data on Christian churches and countries across Africa from independence through 2010. The results of the statistical analyses show significant effects of organizational features such as centralization, consistent with the arguments made concerning Kenya. The dissertation then gives brief qualitative analysis of church-state relations for several of the African churches included in the quantitative dataset.
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Bleses, Nancy Joy. "Regional and provincial outriders, the socialization of political orientations." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/mq24574.pdf.
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Dumoulin, Christine. "Les nouvelles orientations du Conseil de sécurité." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/10233.
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Avec la fin de la guerra froide, le Conseil de securite a adopte de nouvelles orientations face a ses missions du maintien de la paix: l'intervention envers l'agression, l'intervention directe et l'intervention envers les populations civiles. Avec ces nouvelles orientations qui sont dues a des facteurs explicites de la fin de la guerra froide, les missions du maintien de la paix ont pris une tangente bien differente des missions durant la guerre froide. On a vu apparai tre une latitude d'action sur le terrain ainsi qu'une augmentation des responsabilites dans des domaines que les missions n'avaient aucune expertise (i.e. droit civil, repatriement des populations, reconstruction des gouvernements, etc.). L'etude comparative des missions de paix (Chypre, FUNU-II, Somalie, Cambodge, Mozambique) nous permet de voir d'avantage ces changements a l'echelle planetaire ainsi que du devenir des nouvelles orientations du Conseil de securite.
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au, B. Hastie@murdoch edu, and Brianne Hastie. "Cold hearts versus bleeding hearts: Disciplinary differences in university students' sociopolitical orientations." Murdoch University, 2005. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20051214.170628.
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The supposed liberalising effects of higher education have been documented since Newcombs landmark Bennington study in the 1930s. However, other research has suggested that the effect of education on beliefs and values may differ between academic disciplines. The main mechanisms by which differing beliefs are believed to develop include the self-selection hypothesis (where students chose disciplines which match their pre-existing belief systems) and the socialisation hypothesis (where students are socialised into the worldview of the discipline through continued exposure). Three correlational design questionnaire studies were conducted. Study 1 and 2 featured 223 and 531 students, respectively, and Study 3 included 143 recent graduates of Murdoch University, from different academic disciplines (primarily commerce, psychology and the social sciences). Study 4 involved interviews with nine students who had switched between the three main fields of study. The quantitative results generally supported the self-selection hypothesis, although some participant accounts suggested possible accentuation effects (where pre-existing values were strengthened by university study). Future research should consider a longitudinal study, tracking students in different academic disciplines over the full-length of their degree. A cross-sectional community study would also be valuable, in determining whether large scale difference exist between the those with tertiary, compared to those with lower levels of education, and whether discipline differences persist following graduation (and whether this is linked to occupation). These findings have important implications for the way universities view themselves, in terms of shaping the minds of the next generation of leaders, and for disciplines, in terms of the types of students they attract and how they can best retain them. In conclusion, there are significant differences in the belief systems of students in different academic disciplines, although not as large as may be expected, and that this seems primarily due to self-selection, rather than socialisation or accentuation.
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Whitebread, Geoffrey. "Intersectionality in Political Science| How Race/Ethnicity and Gender Affect Political Preferences." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10837075.
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<p> This study investigates how race/ethnicity and gender affect political preferences using the intersectionality framework. I examine the simultaneous effect of race/ethnicity and gender in Washington, DC’s 2014 Mayoral Primary election and in national immigration attitudes. I use Washington Post data to show that black women were more supportive relative to black men of candidate Muriel Bowser over Mayor Vincent Gray. Ms. Bowser was sensitive to black women’s threat from marijuana decriminalization and gentrification, where Mayor Gray was not. I use an original experimental design to explore the size of the effect of threat on black men and black women’s attitudes towards gentrification. I find that immediate racial threat increases opposition more among black men, distant gender threat increases opposition in black women, and combined distant racial and gender threats have a stronger impact on opposition in black men relative to black women. And, I demonstrate that gender modifies racial/ethnic attitudes towards immigration with multiple datasets. These results challenge the notion that identities operate independently, an assumption which underlies standard statistical approaches.</p><p>
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Nahm, Alison. "Measuring Political Preferences of the U.S. Voting Population." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:14398553.
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Political polarization is a common topic in the news and media, but not much has been done to understand the distribution of the preferences of the U.S. voting population. Political scientists have drawn different conclusions on the current state of political polarization within the U.S. voting population based on survey data and basic spatial voting models. In this work, I present a spatial voting model that analyzes voting data at a more fine-grained level in order to use Bayesian techniques to infer the underlying distribution of political preferences of the population. Further, I verify these results by comparing it to alternative public opinion measurements and measuring the accuracy in completing prediction tasks. This work adds a new perspective to the current discussion within the political science community of the recent trends of political polarization.
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Grillos, Tara. "Participation, Power and Preferences in International Development." Thesis, Harvard University, 2015. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:23845452.
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Participatory development is widely touted as the remedy for ineffective and disempowering top-down development models of the past. However, participation can take many different forms, so an important open question for effective delivery of development assistance is: Which forms of participation influence which development outcomes under which circumstances? In this dissertation, I identify six key areas of research related to participatory development: the initial adoption of a participatory institution, the decision by individuals to participate or not, the direct outcomes of the participatory process, the effects on participants themselves, changes in the process over time, and carefully selected comparisons across contexts. I then make specific contributions to three of these areas through empirical research.
The first essay, Popular Participation, Reciprocity Norms and Conservation Incentives in Bolivia, examines the decision to participate. In it, I compare the characteristics of participants and non-participants in a compensation program for environmental conservation in Bolivia, and I show that in addition to material incentives, social embeddedness plays a role in motivating participation. The second essay, Poverty Targeting and Elite Capture in Participatory Planning in Indonesia, addresses the direct outcomes of participation. In it, I examine the geographical distribution of the outcomes of a participatory planning process in Indonesia, and I show that the benefits are captured most by the least poor areas, but that this occurs in ways distinct from how capture is typically conceived. The third essay, Gender Inequality and the Multi-Dimensionality of Power in Northern Kenya, addresses the effects of participation on the empowerment of participants themselves. In it, I assess the impact on women’s empowerment of a program meant to enhance women’s political participation in northern Kenya, and I find that while the program largely fails to promote political participation, it has an impact on women’s empowerment within the household, very likely due to a component of the program which engaged directly with men.
Overarching themes that emerge across these studies include (1) the importance of increased conceptual clarity not only with respect to the various forms that participation can take and the various goals it can be invoked to seek, but also regarding various hypothesized effects of and motivations for participation, (2) the potential relevance of the implementing agency and its relationship with pre-existing, overlapping social institutions, and (3) the usefulness of engaging with literature on psychology and behavioral economics. Understudied areas for future research include the evolution over time of a particular participatory process and more systematic comparisons of participatory processes across settings.<br>Public Policy
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Landau-Wells, Marika. "Dealing with danger : threat perception and policy preferences." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/118222.
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Thesis: Ph. D., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2018.<br>Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (pages 193-216).<br>This dissertation develops and tests a new individual-level theory specifying the relationship between threat perception and policy preferences. The project takes a unified approach to studying the space of danger-mitigating political behaviors. It is designed to demonstrate that a single psychological model can apply to both citizens and elites and in both domestic and foreign policy issue areas. The first paper develops Threat-Heuristic Theory, a new individual-level model of the psychological processes linking the detection of danger to specific policy preferences for mitigating it. The paper presents a review of the literature in biology and cognitive science regarding evolved systems of threat perception and response, on which the theory draws. The paper demonstrates that the theory's core explanatory variable, threat classification, is not a proxy for other constructs already incorporated into political science. The paper also illustrates that the domain of complex dangers, characterized by low levels of agreement in threat classification, contains issues of interest to political science. The second paper applies the theory to explain variation in preferences for specific forms of immigration restriction in the U.S. The paper highlights the importance of understanding threat classification in order to move beyond explanations of pro/anti-immigrant sentiment towards a model that captures preferences for real-world policy options. The third paper applies the theory to a small number of elite policy-makers in order to explain their support for particular measures included in U.S. national security strategies of the early Cold War and of the first George W. Bush Administration. The paper demonstrates how "bad strategy' and problematic policy preferences can arise systematically through the operation of Threat-Heuristic Theory's psychological model and need not be solely explained by bureaucratic politics or error.<br>by Marika Landau-Wells.<br>Ph. D.
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Hurt, Kara Marie. "Graduate Counseling Students’ Preferences for Counselor Educators’ Teaching Dispositions, Orientations, and Behaviors: a Q Methodology Inquiry." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc804886/.
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Teaching is a central role of counselor educators. However, teaching in counselor education lacks guiding standards or best practice recommendations. Existing scholarly dialogue predominantly features the perspectives of educators and addresses content knowledge, techniques, activities, and assignments for courses across the curriculum with relatively less emphasis on foundations of teaching. The purpose of this study was to develop greater understanding of counselor educator dispositions, orientations, and behaviors that students perceive as important to their learning. Q methodology was utilized to gather and distill counselor education students’ (N = 48) preferences for characteristics identified via focus groups and a comprehensive literature review. Factor analysis revealed four distinct factors, upon which 45 participants’ sorts loaded and which accounted for 41% of total variance. The findings of this study support the importance of the person of the counselor educator in the teaching and learning process in addition to behavioral characteristics. Moreover, these findings support the use of student learning style assessments and customization of course facilitation to fit students’ unique preferences and values.
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Croghan, Michael Joseph 1942. "Title VII of 1968: Origins, orientations and analysis." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/288771.
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This dissertation is about the first ever federal bilingual education policy. The research for the project comes from three major resources; lay and professional literature, archival documents, and structured personal interviews with over forty analysts and architects of the policy. The presentation of the dissertation follows a case study format. The purpose of the dissertation was to review the historical and immediate precedents that gave rise to the policy, narrate the story of how and why the policy was passed, and tell what those who supported and crafted the policy intended to promulgate. Although called a Bilingual Education Act, the major conclusion drawn from this research points in another direction. The concerns and problems that spawned Title VII of 1968 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA) had less to do with language or bilingual education and more to do with providing support for experimental programs designed to increase school completion by Latino students in the Southwest. This dissertation examines policymaking through several prisms, some specific to language planning analysis. The touchstone for this analysis is Ruiz' Language Planning Orientations (1984a). The conclusions drawn in this dissertation with regard to the original Title VII and to subsequent government policies and school practices is that both emanate from a Language-as-Problem orientation. The recommendations are that bilingual education programs and practices follow a Language-as-Resource orientation. In this way, children can develop and enrich both of the languages they learn in school and the result will be balanced bilingual proficiencies in language use and literacy.
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Le, Quellec Erwan. "Four essays in political economy : civil wars, democratic regression, taiwanese economic and political preferences." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Bordeaux, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023BORD0467.
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Cette thèse s'inscrit dans le domaine de l'économie politique et se compose de quatre essais abordant différentes questions de recherche dans ce domaine. Les deux premiers chapitres adoptent une perspective macroéconomique. Le premier chapitre examine l'impact des rivalités interétatiques sur l'occurrence des guerres civiles, en distinguant les effets des rivaux directs et indirects et en démontrant leur importance respective dans l'explication de ces conflits. Le deuxième chapitre s'intéresse au processus de régression démocratique, c'est-à-dire aux changements de régime opposés à la démocratisation, qui conduisent à des situations moins démocratiques ou plus autocratiques. Après avoir fourni un large aperçu historique de la dynamique et des formes de régression démocratique dans le monde, nous proposons une nouvelle approche pour identifier et classer ces régressions démocratiques. Dans les chapitres 3 et 4, notre analyse se concentre sur les préférences économiques et politiques de la population taïwanaise au niveau microéconomique. Dans le chapitre 3, nous étudions la demande de populisme à Taïwan en relation avec les préférences individuelles concernant le statut politique de Taïwan par rapport à la Chine continentale. Notre objectif est d'évaluer l'influence potentielle de ces préférences sur le développement des attitudes populistes et d'identifier celles qui ont le plus d'effet. Dans le quatrième chapitre, nous examinons les croyances néolibérales et les préférences politiques de la classe moyenne taïwanaise. Nous cherchons à savoir si l'appartenance à la classe moyenne est un facteur prédictif des attitudes néolibérales et si ces préférences économiques sont homogènes au sein de la classe moyenne taïwanaise<br>This thesis falls in the field of political economy and consists of four essays addressing different research questions in this area. The first two chapters ADOPT a macroeconomic perspective. The first chapter examines the impact of interstate rivalries on the occurrence of civil wars, distinguishing between the effects of direct and indirect rivals and demonstrating their respective importance in explaining these conflicts. The second chapter looks at the process of democratic regression, the regime changes opposite to democratization, leading to less democratic or more autocratic situations. After providing a broad historical account of the dynamics and forms of democratic regression around the world, we propose a new approach to identify and classify these democratic regressions. In Chapters 3 and 4, our analysis focuses on the economic and political preferences of the Taiwanese population at the micro level. In Chapter 3, we study the demand for populism in Taiwan in relation to individual preferences regarding Taiwan's political status relative to mainland China. Our aim is to assess the potential influence of these preferences on the development of populist attitudes and to identify those that have the greatest effect. In the fourth chapter, we examine neoliberal beliefs and political preferences among the Taiwanese middle class. We investigate whether middle-class membership is a predictor of neoliberal attitudes, and whether these economic preferences are homogeneous within the Taiwanese middle class
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Simonovits, Gabor. "Three Essays on Mass Preferences and Public Policy." Thesis, New York University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10845475.
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<p> This dissertation analyzes the complex interrelationship between mass preferences and public policies. Using a range of public policies enacted in the U.S. at both the federal level and in the states we explore two related questions. First, through a comparison of policy outcomes and corresponding preferences we assess the degree to which public policies in U.S. states reflect constituent preferences. Second, using experiments embedded in public opinion surveys we demonstrate how the range of viable policies that are discussed in everyday political discourse feed back to mass preferences. </p><p> In Chapter 1, we introduce a new framework to compare the ideological orientation of public policies to mass preferences both within and across U.S. states. The approaches that have so far been employed in empirical research on this important question fall short for two reasons. First, they fail to quantify the degree to which policies are more or less liberal than preferences. Second, they do not assess the heterogeneity of preferences within jurisdictions, and thus do not consider how the quality of representation depends on the level to which policy decisions are delegated. Here we overcome both of these problems by generating estimates of Americans’ preferences on the minimum wage, which are measured on a scale that is comparable to observed policies and describe low levels of geographic aggregation. </p><p> Using these estimates, we demonstrate that most people are poorly represented by state minimum wage laws for two reasons. First, in each state, the minimum wage is much lower than the average rate preferred by state residents, leading to a pronounced bias against the preferences of the poor. Second, because preferences vary within states to a great deal, they are difficult to match by a single policy even in the absence of an overall policy bias. While minimum wage laws in the U.S. are typically set by elected officials and cover entire states, our results show that policies brought about by direct democratic institutions and at more local levels reflect preferences substantially better. These findings suggest that standard data and measures yield incomplete evidence about the relationship between public opinion and policy in the U.S. </p><p> Chapter 2, expands this framework to assess representation in issue domains where individual policy outcomes cannot be mapped onto an ideological scale. Following recent advances in the study of dyadic representation, we utilize the technique of joint scaling to simultaneously estimate the ideological content of policy outcomes and issue-specific attitudes underlying individual policy preferences on the same scale. We apply this method to study how well abortion and gun control laws enacted in U.S. states represent corresponding mass preferences. </p><p> We find that in the context of both issue domains policy outcomes are far removed from average preferences in the states for two reasons. First, both abortion and gun control laws exhibit a pronounced nationwide conservative bias leading to overly restrictive abortion laws in nearly all states and overly lax gun laws in every state. Second, while the conservatism of policy outcomes in the case of both issues is strongly associated with corresponding mass preferences across states, this relationship is best described as <i> hyper-responsive</i>. Relatively small preference differences across states are magnified into enormous variation in state laws. We demonstrate that a relatively broad range of <i>nationwide</i> policies would outperform the current status quo in terms of ideological divergence. </p><p> Chapter 3 presents a new theoretical framework to study the formation of policy preferences that accounts for the notion that choices between policies depend on the ideological range of alternatives that are salient in the ideological discourse. In particular, following the psychological literature on range effects, we argue that the introduction of policy alternatives that are far from the political mainstream can re-structure voter perceptions of where alternatives lie in the ideological space. </p><p> We provide strong support for the observable implications of this theory based on six survey experiments using a variety of policy contexts and samples. In particular, we find that the introduction of extreme alternatives into the public discourse makes mainstream policies on the same side of the spectrum look more centrist in the public eye, thus increasing support for these moderate alternatives. We discuss the implications of these findings for both theories of opinion formation and substantive debates on political extremism.</p><p>
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Pamp, Oliver [Verfasser]. "Political Preferences and the Aging of Populations : Political-Economy Explanations of Pension Reform / Oliver Pamp." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1043957790/34.
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Alex, Yvette Marie. "Assessing the effects of neighborhood and family contexts on political orientations and behavior /." The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487844485896702.
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Nyambegera, S. M. "The relationship between cultural value orientations, human resource management preferences, person-organisation fit and job involvement in Kenya." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2000. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/10294/.
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The main purpose of the research was to establish existing cultural value orientations and the extent of their influence on HRM preferences in the Kenyan context. The study undertook analyses of value orientations at the individual level to enable a better understanding of the role of cultural values in predicting HRM preferences. Essentially, the study determined how much variance in individual preference for HR system design can be attributed to the influence of value orientations and examined which values influence which work-related preferences in Kenya. Further, the study explored the extent to which fit between HRM preferences and actual policy practice impact levels of job involvement in a developing country context. The study also focused on the fit of individual values with organisational culture, as represented by the value orientations of others in the organisation. A survey was administered to 500 employees in eight Kenyan organisations. The analyses are based on 274 responses. The questionnaire assessed: a) cultural values using the Cultural Perspectives Questionnaire (CPQ4) based on the conceptualisation of value orientations by Kluckhohn and Strodtbeck (1961); b) HRM policy practice preferences and organisation actual policy practice based on items proposed by Schuler and Jackson (1987); and c) job involvement based on the scale developed by Kanungo (1982). I found evidence that on average, the sample held the following cultural value orientations: activity thinking and doing values characterising Kenyans as rational and goal oriented; relationship values emphasised both collateral and individual values and also to some extent hierarchical values. For HRM preferences Kenyans prefer high involvement/participation, high predictable rewards, performance E RM practices, and high empowerment. Three of these preferences were linked to cultural values. By identifying which HRM preferences are value-free or value-linked, researchers can gain insights into both the efficiency of a local HRM process and the transferability of the process. Ethnicity was also seen to play a role in cultural values as the sample reported significant differences between values such as subjugation and human nature good-evil. V The pervasive value-linked nature of the HRM process was also evident. This study shows one way in which employee preferences for HRM policies and practices could be predicted from cultural value orientations. Further, the study has shown that focusing on individual cultural value orientations can enable more subtle understanding of national cultural values and variance within national cultures. There is a link between job involvement and cultural values and fit. HRM preferencepolicy fit in this sample has a partial impact on job involvement. Also, the interaction between individual values and the values of others in an organisation (person-culture fit) may impact levels of job involvement.
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Jeong, Seongjung. "Relationships of cultural orientations to online public relations message preferences among United States and South Korean college students." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2472.
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Rapsomanikis, Georgios. "The political economy of agricultural policies : a study of the political preferences in the beef market." Thesis, University of Reading, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.360729.
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Lewis, Jeffrey Byron 1968. "Who do representatives represent? ? estimating the importance of electoral coalition preferences in California." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/10037.
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Van, Eijk Jeff. "The relationship between cultural orientation and reward preference: a study conducted in South Africa and the Netherlands." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23769.
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Orientation: Organisations operating in multiple countries and continents, referred to as multinationals, often experience cultural barriers when interacting with employees from the host county. These barriers, in turn, frequently result in counterproductive outcomes for the organisation. Being able to adapt Human Resource (HR) policies and practices to the cultural values and norms of the host country, multinationals will be better able to attract, motivate and retain their host country employees and achieve the strategic objectives they have set. Research purpose: The aim of the current study was to investigate the relationship between an individual's reward preference and his/her cultural orientation by means of a novel methodological approach, while further investigating this relationship in two culturally distinct countries to allow for a comparison to be made. Motivation for the study: Research linking rewards to cultural orientation is characterised by mixed findings, which could be related to cross-cultural measurement issues (for example, issues of level of analysis and the reference-group effect). By measuring at an individual level of analysis and exploring the use of choice-based conjoint analysis, the present study aimed to advance the field of cross-cultural remuneration research. The study aimed to show that, by linking cultural orientation and reward preference, multinationals can be helped to optimize their remuneration policies and practices in a way that brings about desired organisational outcomes. Research design: A descriptive research design using quantitative methods was employed. Data was collected from employees in both South Africa (n = 132) and the Netherlands (n = 152). Survey items, responded to on a Likert-type response scale were used to measure an individual's reward preference and cultural orientation. To explore the potential bias introduced by the reference-group effect in cross-cultural reward research, a choice-based conjoint analysis was included to measure reward preference. Data from the field survey was analysed using descriptive and inferential statistics. Choice-based conjoint analysis was used to determine the relative importance of each reward element. Main findings: The results of the Multiple Regression analysis revealed that certain cultural orientations were significantly positively related to reward preference. These included the relationship between collectivism and group bonuses; uncertainty avoidance and job security; uncertainty avoidance and base pay; and long-term orientation and future oriented rewards. Uncertainty avoidance and long-term orientation were positively related to financiallyoriented reward elements. The conjoint analysis allowed for further differentiation between these elements. Practical implications: Multinationals will be able to better align their reward policies and practices with the preferences of employees who come from different cultures and who therefore possess differing cultural orientations. By doing so, multinationals will be able to improve their capability to attract, motivate and retain employees that come from distinct cultural backgrounds. Research contributions: By taking a different methodological approach using choice-based conjoint analysis, this study showed that the preference for particular reward packages can not be solely reduced to linear relationships. In contrast to previous studies, this study was able to incorporate a single sample for both the dependent and the independent variables by measuring the cultural orientations at an individual level of analysis.
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Duffy, Mary. "Northern Ireland during the troubles : social attitudes and political preferences, 1968-1993." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324760.
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Delfabbro, Paul. "An investigation of the effect of skill and chance orientations upon the nature of decision-making and preferences in gambling activities /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARPS/09arpsd349.pdf.
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Janulewicz, Lukas Aleksander. "An almost normal donor : Polish foreign aid between national preferences and international obligations." Thesis, University of Kent, 2016. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/60673/.
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Scholars of traditional Western donors have frequently asked, 'Why is aid given?' With the emergence of numerous new donors after the end of the Cold War, this question has a new significance. One group of these new donors are the countries of post-communist Central and Eastern Europe. Within the literature that has developed in recent years to analyse their foreign aid programmes, Poland is surprisingly understudied despite being the most significant international actor in the region. This thesis addresses this gap by investigating the origins and development of the Polish foreign aid programme since 1989. This focus on a single country enables a comprehensive longitudinal analysis so far also missing from the literature. The thesis develops and applies an analytical framework that focuses on the diffusion of international norms and policies into the national policy-making process. Through this framework, the thesis identifies the sources of foreign aid policies, the mechanisms through which sources exerted influence on the policy-making process and Polish opportunities to influence the international agenda. The thesis applies the framework to foreign aid policy-decisions across the post-Cold War period and enables an assessment of the extent to which Poland's 'return to Europe' provided opportunities and constrictions for foreign policy-making. The analytical framework looks beyond the focus on the 'EU factor' prevalent in the CEE donor literature, while maintaining comparability with these studies' findings. The focus on competing explanations is a central contribution that results in several original findings. The thesis demonstrates the substantial influence of the United States on Polish thinking about aid provision. The evidence also suggests that direct interaction between countries is crucial for the implementation of international norms and policies. Highlighting the importance of interaction between member states contributes a novel perspective not just on EU policy-making about development cooperation, but also on foreign policy. This leads to the conclusion that Poland as a donor has been a 'good pupil of bad behaviour', learning from the examples of traditional donors that non-compliance and national preferences are acceptable. The thesis also introduces the argument that CEE donors are not as different from traditional donors as so far portrayed by the literature. Non-compliance with international commitments is prevalent among Western donors and national foreign-policy considerations motivate their aid flows. However, traditional donors have the advantage that their foreign policy priorities are easier to reconcile with the priorities of development cooperation. The main difference lies in the insufficient domestic capacities of Central and Eastern European donors to use aid as an effective foreign policy tool due to the legacy of the communist era.
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Esser, Ingrid. "Why Work? : Comparative Studies on Welfare Regimes and Individuals' Work Orientations." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Swedish Institute for Social Research (SOFI), Department of sociology, Stockholm University, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-550.
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Jones, Alice L. "The influence of community group membership on public policy preferences : a case study of stormwater management /." The Ohio State University, 1998. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487949150071244.
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Nordlund, Frédéric. "Le régime juridique des activités industrielles et commerciales conduites dans l'espace extra-atmosphérique : nouvelles orientations." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59581.
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Current technology and the planning of ambitious programs for the next decade tend to transform the stakes inherent in space activities. In effect, the launching of space stations and platforms pave the way towards new industrial prospects previously unheard of to date. Thus, the objective of this thesis is to present an outline of these new prospects and to undertake a legal analysis motivating the transition from basic research to commercial applications.<br>Consequently, the preliminary chapter will describe the general characteristics of those future trends towards commercial and industrial space activities. Legal provisions of Public International Space law are examined in the first chapter, notably those which are indicative of the difficulties encountered in this process.<br>A second chapter will conduct the study of the questions regarding Registration, Jurisdiction and Choice of Law which hopefully lead to a successful regulation of Outer Space activities. The US/International Space Station project will provide an example which will underline the deficiencies and ambiguities of the applicable law.<br>Finally, the development of a legal framework favouring the commercial viability of these future commercial production processes will be produced in the third chapter.
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Neumeier, Florian [Verfasser], and Bernd [Akademischer Betreuer] Hayo. "Political Leaders´ Characteristics, Voters´ Preferences, and Fiscal Policy / Florian Neumeier. Betreuer: Bernd Hayo." Marburg : Philipps-Universität Marburg, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1068315598/34.
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Gillson, Ian. "The political economy of restrictions under the European Union's Generalised System of Preferences." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366416.
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Trent, Dietra Y. "Public Policy Preferences and Political Attitudes: Exploring the Generational Divide among African Americans." VCU Scholars Compass, 2007. http://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/976.
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Since the Civil Rights era, African Americans have come a long way. In the years since the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, there have been dramatic increases in education, political representation, business ownership, and occupational position. Yet, for all of the economic, social and political advances made in the African American community, many young people are still subjected to inferior schools, housing and depressed communities where crime, drugs, police brutality and HIV/AIDS run rampant. As a result, there is a growing tension among the community over the root causes of their predicament and the most adequate way of dealing with them. Based on the generational political theory, this dissertation examines generational effects within the African American community since 1964. From this period, three distinct cohorts are analyzed: the Civil Rights, Integration, and Hip Hop generations. The objective is to determine if different experiences over this period have modified political values, attitudes, and behaviors from one generation to the next. Using data from the 1996 National Black Elections Study (NBES), I examine public policy preferences and political attitudes of African Americans. I use bivariate and multivariate analysis to show generational gaps in attitudes about issues related to major party performance. I draw three major conclusions from this analysis. First, racial group interests remain powerfully important across all cohorts. Next, the Hip Hop generation tends to hold more conservative attitudes than either the Civil Rights or the Integration generations. Finally, I conclude that at the very core of black politics, political values have not changed. However, there is a tension among the Hip Hop cohort between the impending attitudinal changes and the more traditional values of the Civil Rights cohort. The proposed dissertation contributes to the body of research by analyzing generational politics and behavior to better understand the future of black politics in the 21st century.
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Neppare, Christoffer. "A Force Directed Graph for Visualization of Voters Preferences Relative to Political Parties." Thesis, KTH, Skolan för elektroteknik och datavetenskap (EECS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-239030.
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As conversations in society to a larger extent are carried out on the internet, so are the civic conversations that are the basis of the democratic process. To help citizens better navigate the democratic process, several news agencies in Sweden provide a version of Valkompassen, the election compass. The intent behind Valkompassen is to give the normal reader an easily understood answer for which party they are most aligned with on 25 questions relevant for the election. This paper suggests an alternative information visualization based on a force directed graph of the results from Valkompassen (developed by TT Nyhetsbyrån). The affordances of a force-directed graph make it an interesting option due to its ability to display specific questions in an intuitive way and aesthetically pleasing way on a two or three dimensional plane not restricted to a political left-right axis. The results of this study suggest that the average citizen might not be familiar with the force directed graph as an information visualization tool but that they felt confident in using it after a few minutes of interaction. Most participants in the study did experience seeing their political sympathies spread across the political left-right divide and found the graph informative for exploring individual questions. The report did not however find that the alternative graph replaced the original Valkompassen in experience provided. The discussion contains some recommendations for how to facilitate the learning curve and proposals for how the artifact could better make use of the affordances of the force-directed graph in the future.<br>I dagens samhälle äger diskussioner i allt större grad rum på internet vilket även gäller för de diskussioner som ligger till grund för den demokratiska processen. För att hjälpa medborgare bättre navigera i det politiska landskapet och aktivt delta i den demokratiska processen har flera nyhetsbyråer bidragit med ett test av respondentens politiska åsikter kallat“Valkompassen. Avsikten bakom Valkompassen är att ge den vanliga läsaren ett lättförståeligt svar på vilket parti de mest stämmer överens med baserat på 25 frågor som är relevanta för det kommande valet. Den här uppsatsen föreslår ett alternativ informationsvisualisering baserad på en force directed graph byggd på resultaten från Valkompassen (utvecklad av TT Nyhetsbyrån). Egenskaperna en force directed graph erbjuder gör den till ett intressant alternativ då den låter individuella frågor visualiseras på estetiskt tilltalande sätt i ett två- eller tredimensionellt plan utan att vara begränsad till en politisk höger-vänster axel. Resultaten indikerar att den genomsnittliga medborgaren kanske inte är bekant med en force directed graph som en informationsvisualisering, men att de kände sig bekväma med att använda den efter några minuters interaktion. De flesta deltagarna i studien upplevde att de kunde se sina politiska sympatier spridda över både den politiska vänstern och högern i grafen och fann grafen informativ för att utforska individuella frågor. Studien fann däremot inte att den alternativa grafen ersatte Valkompassen i användarupplevelse. Diskussionen innehåller rekommendationer för hur inlärningskurvan kan underlättas och förslag på hur prototypen bättre kan använda de inneboende egenskaperna hos en force directed graph i framtiden.
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Saldaña, Martín Marta. "Rentierism and political culture in the United Arab Emirates." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/15847.
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This dissertation discusses United Arab Emirates (UAE) state-society relations in historical perspective; analyses qualitatively the Emirati political culture; examines how the latter affects governmental policies in the UAE; and evaluates both qualitatively and quantitatively the political orientations and values of the Emirati educated youth. Through a discussion of existing theoretical and conceptual approaches, and the observation of the UAE case study, it argues that an important and overlooked dimension among students of state-society relations in authoritarian rentier states is citizens’ political culture, which should nonetheless be examined within a more integrative framework of analysis. Accordingly, this study employs a refined version of the holistic ‘state-in-society’ approach (Kamrava, 2008), in combination with rentier state theory (RST) and the political culture perspective (Almond & Verba, 1963), to qualitatively discuss the general Emirati political culture (agency/input), and assess how the latter affects governmental performance/policies (output); and to evaluate, both qualitatively and quantitatively, the political culture of the educated Emirati youth as the main potential supporters or opponents (agency/input) of the ruling elite. Adding to the debate around the continued significance and scope of RST, the dissertation concludes that the rentier nature of a state does not necessarily determine its people´s lack of interest in politics, but can actually empower them to challenge authoritarianism through political socialization. The historical approach to UAE political movements and discussion about contemporary political standpoints demonstrate that governmental policies (redistributive, co-optative, repressive, or reformist) are mainly driven by domestic pressure and run parallel to historical development of domestic political activism. Hence, rentierism by itself does is not sufficient to explain state-society relations in the Gulf region. Finally, the analysis and measurement of cognitive, affective and evaluative political orientations of Emirati UAEU students reflects that there is adherence to ‘post-materialistic’ and ‘self-expression’ values among important sectors of the Emirati educated youth, which are associated with the emergence of a participative political culture (Inglehart & Welzel, 2005): an ‘aspiring participant’ political culture.
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AlGassim, Ali Ahmad. "Examining the Relationship between Cultural Values Orientations and Employee Preferences for Human Resource Management Practices in Multinational Corporation Hotels in Saudi Arabia." Thesis, Griffith University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367889.
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The question of how cultural values impact upon human resource management (HRM) practices in organisations has become an important issue in the developing Middle Eastern countries' business context (Aycan, Al-Hamadi, Davis, & Budhwar, 2007; Afiouni, Ruel, & Schuler, 2013). There is growing support for the notion that country-based factors, such as culture, have an important influence on international HRM practices (Nyambegera, Span·ow,
& Daniels, 2000; Budhwar, 2012). For example, thereis increasing concern about how models ofHRM practices, largely created in the developed world, can be transfened to developing countries and cultures (Bjorkman & Lervik, 2007; Sartorius, Merino, & Cannichael, 2011), including the Middle East (Sheikh, Newman, & Al Azzeh, 2012). Therefore, studies investigating whether or not international HRM theories and practices can be generalised to developing countries are needed. Such a need is relevant in the Middle East, particularly in Saudi Arabia, where there are constant challenges in regard to human resource development and management.<br>Thesis (PhD Doctorate)<br>Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)<br>Griffith Business School<br>Griffith Business School<br>Full Text
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van, Hulsen Tess. "Are (Liberal Arts) Colleges Making Students More Liberal? Examining Millennials’ Party Identification Preferences in College and Beyond." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2061.
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In order to investigate the validity of the claim that college has a liberalizing effect on students, the research reported here focuses on how transitions into college shape one’s political orientations. Studying the changes in ideological views and party identification over time have been explained in previous literature by three theories: Life Cycle Changes, Socialization Effects, and Generational Effects. These theories were then applied to the qualitative data obtained by conducting interviews with Claremont McKenna College (CMC) alumni of the last five years. Through analyzing data from CMC’s (millennial) alumni, my goal was to examine the development of their ideological views and party identifications during their four years at CMC and upon entering the workforce. My study is loosely inspired by the Bennington Studies, a well-known group of studies conducted throughout a span fifty years which measured the party identification of Bennington College alumni at three different points in their adult lives. Using these studies as a model, my study expands on these along with other existing literature to provide a more in-depth account of the political identification and potential political shift of the current generation of young adults, Millennials. Due to the temporal limitations of this thesis, however, the study I conducted only examines the identifications of a specific alumnus at one point in their adult lives, after graduating from CMC. Therefore, the possibility of accrediting party identification changes to Life Cycle Changes is excluded. This thesis seeks to explain why and how the political ideology and party identifications of recent CMC alumni changed during their time on campus.
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Maekawa, Wakako. "Policy bargaining and incompatibilities in civil wars : intervention, power-sharing, and preferences." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22746/.
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Civil wars in which conflict parties claim a regime lead to crisis at both domestic and international levels. Such claims for new regime have been a part of the democratization process throughout history. Thus, for both domestic and international participants in civil conflicts, bargaining is often a central issue. While conflict parties face pressure to cease civil war, salient issues at stake sometimes make parties less inclined to settle. Even if parties reach an agreement, in many cases, this is only a part of the long process of ending war. The outcome might also create incompatible situations for different parties, in some cases, causing another conflict. In other cases, such an outcome simultaneously solves other parties' incompatible situations. This dissertation investigates how and when politically incompatible situations in civil wars are resolved through the process of war termination. It re-examines the arguments used for international relations and civil conflict terminations with a particular focus on the subject of bargaining over political institutions, and the changing phases of termination process. Those theories are tested by using various potential outcomes as measures of conflict terminations in civil wars over government.
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Ågren, Hanna, Matz Dahlberg, and Eva Mörk. "Do Politicians’ Preferences Correspond to those of the Voters? : An Investigation of Political Representation." Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-87276.
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This paper investigates political representation by exploring the relationship between citizens' preferences and the preferences of their elected representatives. Using Swedish survey data, the empirical analysis shows that voters and politicians have significantly different preferences for local welfare services, implying that voters do not elect representatives with the same preferences as their own. The results show that when comparing a politician of a certain age, gender, educational level and marital status, with a voter with identical characteristics, the politician still has preferences for a significantly higher level of spending on the locally provided services. Hence our results indicate that the representation of different socio-economic groups does not necessarily lead to a larger degree of representation of these groups' agendas. Moreover, we find the observed difference to be largest for the least salient expenditure item. We do, however, not find any evidence for differences in preferences between the two groups being associated with a decline in trust for politicians among voters
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Claassen, Christopher Bruce Phillips. "Does support for democracy matter? : a cross-national study of regime preferences and system change." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3797.
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Includes bibliographical references (leaves 54-55).<br>Using survey data from the third World Values Survey and democracy scores from Freedom House, I outline and test a supply and demand model of democratic change and stability. While "support for democracy" is a common concept in political science, the only empirical studies of the relationship between these regime preferences and democracy (Inglehart, 2003; Inglehart & Welzel, 2003; Welzel, Inglehart and Klingemann 2003) do not control for reciprocal causation and use poorly conceptualised and measured variables. They claim that deeply-rooted cultural orientations called "self-expression values" are a better measure of implicit support for democracy than overt expressions of regime preference. However, I find that once I control for the possibility that democracy is exogenous, there is little difference between the explanatory power of cultural values versus overtly expressed preferences. Furthermore, I argue that popular regime preferences (or demand) affect the change in the level of democracy, but do so only in relation to its current supply. "Net demand" is the driver of system change rather than absolute levels of popular support for democracy.
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Nyenhuis, Jacquelyn. "Political ideology, beliefs, and values as a framework for analysis of school nutrition preferences." Thesis, The University of North Dakota, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10248613.
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<p> Multiple studies have documented the growing controversies in school nutrition public policy. Less is known about the political ideologies, beliefs and diverse perspectives coming from conflicting values and their influence on policy acceptance. Key issues examined are: Does the average US citizen filter their impressions of policies through their core beliefs, values and politics? And, in general, what policies, interventions, and regulations do conservatives and liberals favor?</p><p> Utilizing a sequential mixed methods design, Phase I included a survey given to 201 people with both a multi-item closed ended section and an open-ended section. Statistical analysis was performed on the quantitative survey data, with pattern matching and documentation of outliers providing analysis of qualitative data. Findings in Phase I were used to develop questions for Phase II where 8 focus groups--California, North Dakota, Iowa, Connecticut and Florida--shared perspectives on nutrition public policies.</p><p> Regression analysis showed political ideology statistically significantly predicts perceptions toward ease of implementation, (<i>p</i> < .001) and efficacy, (<i>p</i> < .001). Beliefs and values about personal responsibility versus government responsibility is at the heart of the debate. This research shows core beliefs, values and political ideology affects preference for more or less government regulations and acceptance of local versus public policies. This is some of the first research to suggest the theory of <i>Politics of Values</i> for how people view nutrition public policies through a lens of core beliefs, values and political ideology. Evidence presented suggests this is one way people make sense of nutrition public policies, affecting perceptions and acceptance of nutrition and other policies.</p><p> Implications from this study include, regardless of political ideology, the general public sees local as better. Public policy makers are not perceived as agreeing with the consensus toward local proposals for improving school lunch nutrition. Findings suggest a general consensus for strong evidence-based research on which to build nutrition policy.</p>
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Dandoy, Régis. "Determinants of party policy preferences: evidence from party manifestos in Belgium." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209738.
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Our study aimed at contributing to the understanding of party policy preferences in Belgium, i.e. how far can we explain the attention that political parties allocate to different policy issues in their electoral manifestos. One of the added values of our study was located in our research design. We reversed the perspective that is used in most of previous works and we used party policy preferences – via the analysis of party manifestos – as a dependent rather than an independent variable. We were not interested in what could be explained by party preferences but in what could actually explain them. In addition, we observed that, in the few works that considered party policy preferences as a dependent variable, party competition was rarely mobilised as an explanatory variable. Our study aimed at contributing to the understanding of the content of party manifestos by confronting the hypothesis of party competition with other possible explanations.<p><p>With the help of new data about party preferences in Belgian party manifestos collected in the framework of the CAP project, we quantitatively analysed the content of all party manifestos between 1977 and 2007 and coded them according policy domains and issues (up to about 250 policy issues and coding categories). Based on the selection of four specific policy issues (environment, decentralisation, migration and morality issues) and on regression analyses (panel data), we hypothesised that party preferences on theses policy issues is best explained by party competition variables.<p><p>Our findings confirmed that party policy preferences are not static but rather that they evolve over time. Party preferences are different over time and space and we aimed at providing clues about what could explain these differences. Based on the literature, a large set of potential explanatory variables has been mobilised in order to explain these differences. But most of these independent variables have no or few impact on party preferences, such as the fractionalisation of the party system or ‘real-world’ indicators. Contrary to previous findings, changes in party manifestos are not explained by the fact that the party grows in size and gets older or by the fact that it wins or loses the elections. Similarly, we observed that party strategies – including party name change and the creation of electoral alliances – had no impact of the content of part manifestos. Even if our bivariate analyses indicated the importance of phenomena related to the government formation and participation, we found out that this effect disappears in multi-variate analyses.<p><p>Still, the introduction of our party competition variables – based on the niche party’s size, electoral fortunes and government participation – provided ambiguous results, depending on the policy issue at stake. Party competition contributes to the understanding of party policy preferences on environment and migration. Nonetheless, our models do not demonstrate an impact of party competition on preferences concerning decentralisation and morality. When controlling for party families, we observe that party competition has a significant impact on party preferences, meaning that political parties react to the electoral strength of a niche party by paying more attention to the niche party’s issue in their manifesto. Finally, the observed impact of party competition on policy preferences concerns certain parties only and the other parties display preferences that appear independent from the existing patterns of party competition.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Paetzel, Fabian, Rupert Sausgruber, and Stefan Traub. "Social Preferences and Voting on Reform: An Experimental Study." WU Vienna University of Economics and Business, 2014. http://epub.wu.ac.at/4120/1/wp172.pdf.
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Debating over efficiency-enhancing but inequality-increasing reforms accounts for the routine business of democratic institutions. Fernandez and Rodrik (1991) hold that anti-reform bias can be attributed to individual-specific uncertainty regarding the distribution of gains and losses resulting from a reform. In this paper, we experimentally demonstrate that anti-reform bias arising from uncertainty is mitigated by social preferences. We show that, paradoxically, many who stand to lose from reforms vote in favor because they value efficiency,
while many who will potentially gain from reforms oppose them due to inequality aversion. (authors' abstract)<br>Series: Department of Economics Working Paper Series
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Dahlberg, Matz, Eva Mörk, and Hanna Ågren. "Do politicians' preferences correspond to those of the voters : an investigation of political representation." Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-4506.
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This paper investigates to what extent voters and politicians have the same preferences for locally provided welfare services. We make use of two different types of survey questionnaires; one directed towards voters and one directed towards politicians. We reach two main conclusions in the paper. First, we find that politicians have preferences for significantly different spending on locally provided welfare services compared to voters. Second, this difference remains even after controlling for politicians and voters having different socio-economic characteristics. For example, when analyzing female representation, we find that female politicians have significantly different preferences for spending than female voters. One implication of the latter result is that an increase in the ratio of female to male politicians may not be the only way to deal with the desire to increase the political representation of women.
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Jenson, Audra Christine. "Adaptive Preference Tradeoffs." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/83433.
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Consider the following scenario: A mother chooses to marry off her 10 year-old daughter, not because she doesn’t know the harmful effects of child marriage, nor because she thinks that it is good that her daughter marries when she is 10 years old. Rather, she is unable to feed her daughter and realizes that her daughter’s survival depends upon her marrying a financially stable man. This is an apparent example of what human development practitioners and political philosophers call an adaptive preference (AP): a preference, formed under oppressive circumstances, that seems to perpetuate the agent’s own oppression. Prevailing opinion is that forced tradeoffs—especially following Serene Khader’s taxonomy—, like the case presented above, are a type of AP: one in which a person makes a decision because of a limited option set. In this paper I argue that no paradigm cases of forced tradeoffs should not be classified as APs. Instead, I offer a revised definition of adaptive preferences where I argue that adaptive preferences are psychological traits that cause the agent with adaptive preferences to make irrational or uninformed decisions that perpetuate their own oppression. I defend this new definition by exploring the implications of changing the definition. In particular, forced tradeoffs involve different kinds of interventions from other kinds of adaptive preferences and including forced tradeoffs risks committing testimonial injustice against those who have limited option sets.<br>Master of Arts
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Cryderman, John Phillip. "Paying for Civilization: The Origins of Public Tax Preferences in Seven Countries." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2016. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/380612.
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Political Science<br>Ph.D.<br>What is the individual’s preferred income tax rate? How much income tax progressivity do people want? How do individuals form these preferences? This dissertation answers these questions by leveraging the 1996 International Social Survey Program – Role of Government III survey and the anchoring and adjustment heuristic. When researchers ask individuals for their income tax preferences most respondents construct their preference on the spot using few cognitive resources. Individuals also want their income tax preference to be reasonable (i.e., the state can afford basic goods and services), so individuals anchor their preferences on existing state tax policy, their own income tax rate, and their previous responses when applicable. After individuals establish an anchoring point, they make adjustments based on ideological beliefs, level of trust, and self-interest; however, the effects of these adjustments are mediated by the institutional structure of the state. The results of the ordinary least regression models point to four conclusions. First, individuals behave as reasonable cognitive misers. They anchor their income tax preferences on the status quo, and their previous responses. This result explains cross-state differences in income tax preferences. Second, liberal individuals prefer progressive taxation in individualistic states (i.e., states with means-tested welfare states, majoritarian governments, and pluralist interest group systems), and flat taxes in cooperative regimes (i.e., states with expansive welfare states, consensus regimes, and corporatist interest group systems). Third, trusting individuals prefer flat taxes, and preferences for progressive taxation are a means to ensure tax evaders pay their fair share. Fourth, the effects of self-interest on tax preferences are limited, and only influence tax preferences on those earning one-times and eight-times the wages of a full-time unskilled worker.<br>Temple University--Theses
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Östling, Robert. "Bounded rationality and endogenous preferences." Doctoral thesis, Handelshögskolan i Stockholm, Samhällsekonomi (S), 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hhs:diva-454.
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Lefebvre, Karlea. "Racial Prejudice, Individualism, and Political Identity| Understanding the Forty-Year Trend of Anti-Welfare Spending Preferences." Thesis, Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10275732.
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<p> A renewed attack on welfare requires a new perspective on an age-old question: why do Americans hate welfare? This research considers the findings and implications gathered from previous research on the topic and utilizes the theoretical predictions of group threat theory, the dominant ideology thesis of individualism, as well as investment theory of party competition in order to construct research hypotheses that appropriately addressed this research question. A secondary data analysis was conducted using existing statistics from the National Opinion Research Center’s General Social Survey. It was determined that the 1990 General Social Survey dataset best fit the concepts developed in the literature review. This research used racial prejudice, individualism, and political identity indicators to predict anti-welfare spending preferences. It was found that race, political ideology, and individualism were the best predictors of anti-welfare spending preferences. Given the findings of this research, we suggest that if there were better education on the material reality of poverty—rather than a reliance on the internal reality that we often prefer to assume which allows us to blame the victim—we will be better equipped to address the structural issues of poverty.</p>
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Campbell, Rosalind Ellen. "Beyond the gender gap? : a structural model of women's and men's political preferences in Britain." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408132.
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Aslam, Maqsood. "Essays on the effects of natural and geo-political shocks on decision-making and preferences." Thesis, Lille 1, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LIL1A021.
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Cette thèse est composée de quatre chapitres analysant différents chocs naturels et géopolitiques et leurs conséquences au niveau individuel dans les pays développés et en développement. Le premier chapitre explore l’effet du tremblement de terre en 2005 au Pakistan sur la religiosité. Nous avons trouvé une relation positive entre l’expérience d’une catastrophe naturelle et la religiosité. Cette analyse corrobore l’hypothèse de refuge dans la religion, c’est-à-dire que les individus sont plus enclins à se tourner vers la pratique religieuse après l’expérience d’une catastrophe naturelle. Le deuxième chapitre analyse l’impact d’une expérience passée d’une catastrophe naturelle pendant l’enfance des banquiers centraux sur la capacité de réaction de ces mêmes banquiers sur une même catastrophe naturelle apparaissant pendant leurs mandats. Les résultats nous montrent que les déterminants standards impactent significativement la dynamique de l’inflation ainsi que l’impact de l’expérience passée d’une catastrophe naturelle. Plus précisément, les banquiers centraux qui ont été exposés durant leur enfance à une catastrophe naturelle tendent à gérer l’inflation différemment, et ce de façon plus conservatrice ; notons que les inondations font exception à cette relation. Le troisième chapitre examine comment le point de vue des individus sur le rôle de l’État à fournir une assurance chômage est influencé par le régime politique socialiste. Nous avons trouvé que les européens de l’Est qui ont suivi leur éducation sous un régime socialiste, comparés aux européens de l’Ouest dont l’éducation s’est déroulée après la chute du communisme ont plus tendance à soutenir le rôle du gouvernement dans l’apport d’une assurance chômage. Le quatrième et dernier chapitre étudie les conséquences éducatives de la partition de l’Inde Britannique sur différents groupes ethniques du Pakistan. Il en résulte que les cohortes nées pendant la partition ont une probabilité plus faible d’avoir une éducation de base comparées à leurs comparses. Ceci nous montre à quel point la partition a été un choc douloureux dans l’histoire au point que trois générations de pakistanais ont été impacté par cette partition<br>This thesis entails four essays/chapters on different natural and geo political shocks and their outcomes at the individual level, in both developed and developing countries. The first essay explores the effect of the 2005 earthquake in Pakistan on religiosity. The results indicate positive association between exposure to natural disaster and religiosity. The analysis indicates that religiosity foster coping with earthquake outcomes, as individuals are more inclined towards religious activities, following the exposure to a natural disaster. The second essay analyzes the impact of natural disasters that central bankers have faced in their early- life to assess their reaction to present-day similar events. The results reveal that, while the standard determinants significantly impact inflation dynamics, the impact of early-life traumas is also significant. In particular, central bankers who have been exposed to traumas during their early life tend to manage inflation differently, and more conservatively, except for floods. The third essay examines how individuals’ point of view towards the role of the state in providing unemployment insurance is shaped by the experience of the socialism. The results indicate that East-Europeans who educated under socialist regime, as compared with individuals from West Europe who educated after fall of communism, are significantly more likely to be associated with supporting role of government in providing unemployment insurance. The fourth and final chapter investigates how the British-India partition impacts educational consequences among different ethnic groups of Pakistan. The analysis reveals that cohorts born during the partition period have a lower probability of being educated as compared with their counterparts. The findings also indicate that scar from partition lasts for long as the third generation is still impacted by the partition episode
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Beydoun, Abdul. "Explaining Investor Preferences: The Significance of Socio-demographic, Ideological, and Attitudinal Factors." FIU Digital Commons, 2012. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/664.
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Previous research on investor preferences focused mainly on the relationship between socio-demographic variables and risk tolerance. This study extends the research in this area by focusing on three aspects of investor preferences: risk tolerance, time horizon, and estate intentions. The objective is to provide a more comprehensive model of investor preferences, including both psychological and attitudinal variables. This study addresses the following: Are socio-demographic variables sufficient to predict investor preferences? Is there a difference between males and females? How much additional variance is explained by including political ideology, positive psychology attitudes, and pro-social attitudes? Are these attitudinal variables simply additive or are they interactive?
Data were collected from MBA students and senior undergraduate students in a major research university in South Florida. A scale was developed to measure estate intentions, a construct that has never been examined in management studies. The findings supported the expectation that psychological variables would be positively correlated with the dependent variables. However, I expected that pro-social attitudes would be a moderator variable, and this expectation was not realized. This dissertation contributes to the investor preferences field in several ways. First, it demonstrates the importance of psychological and attitudinal variables in explaining investor preferences. I also found differences between males and females regarding risk tolerance. This study can provide financial advisers with a deeper understanding of the importance of psychological and attitudinal variables in determining investor behavior. Finally, the results of this study augment and expand stakeholder theory. This study brings the investor into the stakeholder model, enhancing the descriptive, explanatory, and predictive capabilities of stakeholder theory. Future research could replicate this study using real investors in different locations for cultural variation, or using a panel of respondents for a longitudinal study.