Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political prisoners – Argentina

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Political prisoners – Argentina'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Political prisoners – Argentina"

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D’Antonio, Débora. "Political Prison and the Rise of State Violence in Argentina during the 1960s and 1970s." Radical History Review 2023, no. 146 (2023): 84–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-10302849.

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Abstract Historical analyses of human rights violations in Argentina during the late Cold War have often focused on the fate of desaparecidos, the disappeared who were kidnapped, tortured, and sometimes murdered in clandestine detention centers during the 1976–83 military dictatorship. Instead, this article rethinks the chronology and nature of state violence in Argentina, examining how the situation of political prisoners in regular prisons officially recognized by the state was already deteriorating in 1960s, even under civilian regimes. The military achieved increasing control over the penitentiary system, especially after 1966, driving this institution away from the goal of reforming criminals and reshaping it as a tool to incarcerate political dissidents, who were treated as subversives with diminishing legal rights. This encroachment over the penitentiary intensified throughout the years, showing that the military used state institutions to control social conflict before 1976 and that it did so also through legal means and outside concealed clandestine spaces.
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Draper, Susana. "Against depolitization: Prison-museums, escape memories, and the place of rights." Memory Studies 8, no. 1 (2014): 62–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698014552409.

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This essay compares postdictatorial transformations of former spaces of confinement for political prisoners into shopping malls, such as the Buen Pastor prison in Córdoba (Argentina) and the Punta Carretas prison in Montevideo (Uruguay). It places these within the context of past and current debates on the human rights of “common prisoners,” as distinct from those of “political ones.” Yet precisely the omission of the political is mirrored at the prison-malls in the architectural erasure of territorial marks of repression (the cells) but also of all material traces of a poetics of freedom within the site, such as a window through which political prisoners had once successfully plotted a mass escape. These erasures can be read, I suggest, within a program of invisibilization of acts of freedom in the reconfiguration of memorial practices and places. Here, I want to ask, How are escapes being remembered/forgotten in current sites of memory, where the dominant imaginary neutralizes political content? Can we conceive of an “architecture of affect” that would relate to memories of escape?
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Park, Rebekah. "Aging Survivors of State Violence: Long-Term Recovery of Former Political Prisoners in Argentina." Anthropology News 50, no. 8 (2009): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1556-3502.2009.50811.x.

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STOKES, SUSAN C. "Perverse Accountability: A Formal Model of Machine Politics with Evidence from Argentina." American Political Science Review 99, no. 3 (2005): 315–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055405051683.

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Political machines (or clientelist parties) mobilize electoral support by trading particularistic benefits to voters in exchange for their votes. But if the secret ballot hides voters' actions from the machine, voters are able to renege, accepting benefits and then voting as they choose. To explain how machine politics works, I observe that machines use their deep insertion into voters' social networks to try to circumvent the secret ballot and infer individuals' votes. When parties influence how people vote by threatening to punish them for voting for another party, I call thisaccountability. I analyze the strategic interaction between machines and voters as an iterated prisoners' dilemma game with one-sided uncertainty. The game generates hypotheses about the impact of the machine's capacity to monitor voters, and of voters' incomes and ideological stances, on the effectiveness of machine politics. I test these hypotheses with data from Argentina.
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Park, Rebekah. "Remembering Resistance, Forgetting Torture: Compromiso and Gender in Former Political Prisoners’ Oral History Narratives inPost-dictatorial Argentina." History of Communism in Europe 4 (2013): 87–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/hce201345.

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BOTTA, FELIX A. JIMÉNEZ. "The Foreign Policy of State Terrorism: West Germany, the Military Juntas in Chile and Argentina and the Latin American Refugee Crisis of the 1970s." Contemporary European History 27, no. 4 (2018): 627–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000024.

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This article analyses West German foreign policy towards state terrorism in Chile and Argentina and towards political refugees fleeing these regimes. Pressured by grassroots activists, Willy Brandt's government took a hard stance against the Chilean military junta and established an asylum programme for refugees from Chile. Under Helmut Schmidt, however, the official attitude towards state terrorism changed. West Germany welcomed the military coup in Buenos Aires, accepted the Argentinean junta's position that repressive measures were necessary to fight ‘subversion’, flatly refused to accept any Argentinean political prisoners and approved billions of Deutschmarks worth of weapons sales to the junta. This article argues that Bonn's ambivalence towards state terrorism and uneven interest in human rights was due to the different attitudes of both Social Democratic Chancellors towards economic strategising, grassroots activism and, most importantly, the threat of left-wing terrorism.
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Longo, María Eugenia. "Youth temporalities and uncertainty: Understanding variations in young Argentinians’ professional careers." Time & Society 27, no. 3 (2015): 389–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x15609828.

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Social class and the labor market, traditional emphases of sociological analysis, are insufficient to explain variations in modes of professional insertion among young people. Arguing against the dominant understanding of young adults as project-less prisoners of presentism and an uncertain labor market in Argentina, this article reveals the existence of multiple forms of youth temporalities underlying the ways in which young adults are able (or not) to project themselves into the future and enter the working world. Drawing from longitudinal qualitative data, I have identified four types of youth temporalities: planners, executers, dormants and opportunists. This typology brings variation to the way subjects experience time and how this experience helps to examine career choices, thereby opening a new analytical path that connects with broader analyses of dominant temporal frames of professional insertion.
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Sozzo, Maximo. "Postneoliberalism and Penality in South America: By Way of Introduction." International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy 6, no. 1 (2017): 133–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcjsd.v6i1.391.

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In the last two decades, there has been an extraordinary growth in incarceration rates in South America, with some variations across national contexts but generally in line with the same trend. Twenty years ago, incarceration rates were relatively low in most countries in the region; despite that knowledge, it has proved difficult to reconstruct the official data for that period. In 1992, with the exclusion of the small countries with less than one million inhabitants in the Northern region of South America such as Guyana, French Guyana and Surinam, only three countries had 100 prisoners or more per 100,000 inhabitants: Uruguay (100), Venezuela (133) and Chile (154) (see Figure 1). Several other national contexts reflected ‘Scandinavian’ rates, such as Argentina (62), Peru (69), Ecuador (75) and Brazil (74).
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Nijensohn, Daniel E. "Prefrontal lobotomy on Evita was done for behavior/personality modification, not just for pain control." Neurosurgical Focus 39, no. 1 (2015): E12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2015.3.focus14843.

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Eva Perón, best known as Evita, underwent a prefrontal lobotomy in 1952. Although the procedure was said to have been performed to relieve the pain of metastatic cancer, the author carried out a search for evidence that suggests that the procedure was prescribed to decrease violence and to modify Evita’s behavior and personality, and not just for pain control. To further elucidate the circumstances surrounding the treatment of this well-known historic figure, the author reviewed the development of the procedure known as prefrontal lobotomy and its three main indications: management of psychiatric illness, control of intractable pain from terminal cancer, and mind control and behavior/personality modification. The role of pioneering neurosurgeons in the development of prefrontal lobotomy, particularly in Connecticut and at Yale University, was also studied, and the political and historical conditions in Argentina in 1952 and to the present were analyzed. Evita was the wife of Juan Perón, who was the supreme leader of the Peronist party as well as president of Argentina. In 1952, however, the Peronist government in Argentina was bicephalic because Evita led the left wing of the party and ran the Female Peronist Party and the Eva Perón Foundation. She was followed by a group of hardcore loyalists interested in accelerating the revolution. Evita was also suffering from metastatic cervical cancer, and her illness increased her anxiety and moved her to purchase weapons to start training workers’ militias. Although the apparent purpose was to fight her husband’s enemies, this was done without his knowledge. She delivered fiery political speeches and wrote incendiary documents that would have led to a fierce clash in the country at that time. Notwithstanding the disreputable connotation of conspiracy theories, evidence was found of a potentially sinister political conspiracy, led by General Perón, to quiet down his wife Evita and modify her behavior/personality to decrease her belligerence, in addition to treating her cancer-related pain. Psychosurgery was purportedly intended to calm Evita and thus avoid a bloody civil war in Argentina. It was carried out in maximum secrecy and involved a distinguished American neurosurgeon, Dr. James L. Poppen, from the Lahey Clinic in Boston. A recorded and videotaped interview with a former scrub nurse and confidante of Dr. James L. Poppen revealed that prior to the lobotomy on Eva Perón, he performed lobotomies on a few prisoners in the prison system in Buenos Aires. Later, Dr. Poppen seems to have regretted his involvement and participation in this sad chapter in Argentine history. The treatment of Evita at the end of her life was influenced by extraordinary circumstances of time and place but also involved general issues of medical professionalism, the ethics of neuroscience, and the risks of being manipulated by labyrinthine byzantine politics. This story serves as a reminder that any physician, even one considered to be one of the best in the world, may act naively and become a pawn in a game he cannot begin to fathom.
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Levey, Cara. "The reappeared: Argentine former political prisoners, by Rebekah Park." Canadian Journal of Development Studies / Revue canadienne d'études du développement 36, no. 1 (2015): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02255189.2015.1007845.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political prisoners – Argentina"

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Gandsman, Ari. "The spoils of war : accounting for the missing children of Argentina's "Dirty War"." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32911.

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During the military dictatorship in Argentina (1976--1983), 30,000 civilians disappeared. Most of these people were taken by the military to clandestine prisons where they were tortured and killed. The children of these victims were also seized, and pregnant women were kept alive long enough to give birth. An estimated five hundred infants and young children of the disappeared were given for adoption to highly connected families. This thesis consists of a historical background of these events and then offers a series of explanations as to why the military did this.
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Books on the topic "Political prisoners – Argentina"

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Thornton, Lawrence. Imagining Argentina. Doubleday, 1987.

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Imagining Argentina. Bantam Books, 1988.

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3

Kaufman, Félix. La paloma engomada: Relatos de prisión : Argentina 1975-1979. Cooperativa El Farol, 2005.

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4

Rule, Fernando. Un allegro muy largo: De la vida social y cultural en las cárceles de la dictadura militar argentina, 1976-1983. Acercándonos Ediciones, 2006.

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Ambort, Gladys. Algo se quebró en mí: De cómo terminó mi adolescencia en una celda de castigo : relato de una presa política bajo la dictadura cívico-militar argentina. Peña Lillo, Ediciones Continente, 2011.

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Kozameh, Alicia. Steps under water: A novel. University of California Press, 1996.

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Almirón, Fernando. Campo santo. Editorial 21 SRL, 1999.

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Partnoy, Alicia. The little school: Tales of disappearance & survival. 2nd ed. Midnight Editions, 1998.

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9

Paoletti, Alipio. Como los nazis, como en Vietnam: [los campos de concentración en la Argentina]. Editorial contrapunto, 1987.

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10

1945-, Actis Munú, ed. Ese infierno: Conversaciones de cinco mujeres sobrevivientes de la ESMA. Editorial Sudamericana, 2001.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political prisoners – Argentina"

1

Brennan, James P. "Death Camp." In Argentina's Missing Bones. University of California Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520297913.003.0004.

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Some 400 detention centers existed throughout Argentina during the dictatorship and of these there were half a dozen death camps, including the largest of the interior, La Perla, found on the outskirts of Córdoba. The death camp was the dictatorship’s most emblematic institution. Political prisoners were brought there, tortured, and most were killed. The camp functioned as a site of “waste disposal” a biopolitics different from the Nazi concentration camp. Tensions, cruelty, and occasional acts of heroism and humanity characterized the internal life of the camp.
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Fortuna, Victoria. "Moving Trauma." In Moving Otherwise. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190627010.003.0005.

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This chapter examines how choreographers integrated tango themes in contemporary dance works that engage the physical and psychic trauma of the last military dictatorship (1976–83). It begins with Susana Tambutti’s La puñalada (The Stab, 1985), a solo work that cites tango culture to address histories of violence in Argentina. It then considers Silvia Hodgers’s María Mar (1998), which confronts Hodgers’s experience as a political prisoner in the early 1970s, the loss of her partner to forced disappearance, and her exile in Geneva. The discussion draws on the Swiss documentary Juntos: Un Retour en Argentine (Together: A Return to Argentina), which features clips of María Mar alongside footage of Hodgers’s trip to Buenos Aires in 2000. Finally, the chapter examines Silvia Vladimivsky’s El nombre, otros tangos (The Name, Other Tangos, 2006) as well as her appearance in the Italian documentary Alma doble (Double Soul), which follows the development of this piece.
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Fortuna, Victoria. "The Revolution Was Danced." In Moving Otherwise. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190627010.003.0003.

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This chapter examines previously undocumented intersections between Argentine contemporary dance and leftist political militancy in the early 1970s. It first explores how the dance archive revealed stories of two women, Silvia Hodgers and Alicia Sanguinetti, who led separate lives as artists and political militants. These artists’ account of their incarceration at the Rawson Penitentiary in 1972 reveals how dance created community among incarcerated political prisoners. The chapter also analyzes the role of dance in the escape plot that prisoners planned and executed that year, which ended tragically with the military’s execution of sixteen prisoners, an event known as the Trelew Massacre. Finally, the chapter demonstrates how two 1973 concert works, Cuca Taburelli’s Preludio para un final (Prelude for an Ending) and Estela Maris’s Juana Azurduy, might be productively considered “militant.” I argue that these cases of militants dancing and dances about militancy reconfigure the normative choreographies of both repertoires.
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"Chapter 12. Political Prisons and Secret Detention Centers: Dismantlement, Desocialization, and Rehabilitation." In Political Violence and Trauma in Argentina. University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.9783/9780812203318.236.

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