Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political prisoners, northern ireland

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Political prisoners, northern ireland'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Political prisoners, northern ireland"

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Brewer, John D., and Bernadette C. Hayes. "Victimisation and Attitudes Towards Former Political Prisoners in Northern Ireland." Terrorism and Political Violence 27, no. 4 (May 12, 2014): 741–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2013.856780.

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Reinisch, Dieter. "DEBATING POLITICS DURING CONFINEMENT: NEWLY DISCOVERED NOTEBOOKS OF THE SINN FÉIN PORTLAOISE PRISON CUMANN, 1979-1985." Archives: The Journal of the British Records Association 56, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/archives.2021.8.

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While hundreds of Provisional Irish republicans were imprisoned in Portlaoise Prison during the Northern Ireland conflict, their part in the conflict remains largely neglected by researchers. During an attempt to politicise these Provisional IRA prisoners, a cumann (local branch) was formed at a meeting of republicans in Portlaoise in January 1979. In the summer of 1986, four miontuairiscí (minute books) of this cumann were removed from the prison and subsequently hidden by former inmates. These minute books include díospóireachta (debates), tairiscintí (motions), and cláir (programmes). Based on this unique and previously unreleased source, this article evaluates the relationship between Provisional IRA prisoners in the Republic of Ireland and the outside movement during the 1970s and 1980s. By analysing this case study, the article serves two purposes: first, to present the content of these previously unknown notebooks; second, to demonstrates how politically motivated prisoners participate in political debates during confinement.
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McLaughlin, Cahal. "Memory, place and gender: Armagh Stories: Voices from the Gaol." Memory Studies 13, no. 4 (September 25, 2017): 677–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017730872.

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The film Armagh Stories: Voices from the Gaol (2015)1 is a documentary film edited from the Prisons Memory Archive2 and offers perspectives from those who passed through Armagh Gaol, which housed mostly female prisoners during the political conflict in and about Northern Ireland, known as the Troubles. Armagh Stories is an attempt to represent the experiences of prison staff, prisoners, tutors, a solicitor, chaplain and doctor in ways that are ethically inclusive and aesthetically relevant. By reflecting on the practice of participatory storytelling and its reception in a society transitioning out of violence, I investigate how memory, place and gender combine to suggest ways of addressing the legacy of a conflicted past in a contested present.
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Hanna, Adam. "Seamus Heaney’s Prisoners." Irish University Review 52, no. 1 (May 2022): 66–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2022.0542.

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This article focuses on the role that prisoners play in the poems of Seamus Heaney. From the time of the introduction of internment in Northern Ireland in the early 1970s, Heaney’s poems frequently touch on prisoners, the conditions in which they are held, and how they might be conceptualized. This article discusses how these poems reflect contemporaneous political discourse regarding prisoners. It also shows how Heaney’s engagements with prisoners are refracted, characteristically, through his earliest memories, and through his knowledge of literature. In particular, Second World War POWs and Heaney’s knowledge of Russian authors, including Osip Mandelstam and Anton Chekhov, provide significant contexts for his engagements with Troubles-era prisoners. Drawing on materials from the Heaney Literary Papers held in the National Library of Ireland, this article demonstrates how the conditions in which internees were held shaped ‘The Unacknowledged Legislator’s Dream’ in North (1975). Finally, it discusses the roles Nelson Mandela, and the prisoners of conscience campaigned for by Amnesty International, play in his work. This paper concludes that, although Heaney was resolute in not promoting violence, his attitudes towards those who perpetrated it, and were imprisoned for it, were complex and changing.
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Wahidin, Azrini. "Menstruation as a Weapon of War: The Politics of the Bleeding Body for Women on Political Protest at Armagh Prison, Northern Ireland." Prison Journal 99, no. 1 (December 17, 2018): 112–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032885518814730.

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This article draws on the voices of women political prisoners who were detained at Armagh Prison during the period of the Troubles or the Conflict in Northern Ireland. It focuses on women who undertook an extraordinary form of protest against the prison authorities during the 1980s, known as the No Wash Protest. As the prisoners were prevented from leaving their cells by prison officer either to wash or to use the toilet, the women, living in the midst of their own dirt and body waste, added menstrual blood as a form of protest.
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Clubb, Gordon. "Book Review: Britain and Ireland: Abandoning Historical Conflict? Former Political Prisoners and Reconciliation in Northern Ireland." Political Studies Review 11, no. 3 (August 7, 2013): 447. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12028_91.

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McAuley, James W., Jonathan Tonge, and Peter Shirlow. "Conflict, Transformation, and Former Loyalist Paramilitary Prisoners in Northern Ireland." Terrorism and Political Violence 22, no. 1 (December 22, 2009): 22–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546550903409528.

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Joyce, Carmel, and Orla Lynch. "The Construction and Mobilization of Collective Victimhood by Political Ex-Prisoners in Northern Ireland." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 41, no. 7 (April 26, 2017): 507–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1057610x.2017.1311102.

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McKeever, G. "Citizenship and Social Exclusion: The Re-Integration of Political Ex-Prisoners in Northern Ireland." British Journal of Criminology 47, no. 3 (July 17, 2006): 423–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azl070.

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Rolston, Bill. "Women on the walls: Representations of women in political murals in Northern Ireland." Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal 14, no. 3 (July 12, 2017): 365–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1741659017718037.

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The article documents the under-representation of women in political wall murals in Northern Ireland. There are significantly fewer representations of women than of men in these murals. Where women do appear, it is within a number of specific themes: as political activists, prisoners, victims or historical or mythological characters. The findings will be located within an analysis which sees the murals as a specific articulation of gender as a dimension of political mobilisation during conflict and in the period of transition from conflict. In short, the images sometimes reinforce and at other times challenge gender role expectations and norms. The extent of that reinforcement and challenge differs significantly between republican and loyalist murals. Nowhere do women receive representational equality with men, but in relation to loyalist murals, that absence comes close to being tantamount to silence.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political prisoners, northern ireland"

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Corcoran, Mary Siobhán. "'Doing your time right' : the punishment and resistance of women political prisoners in Northern Ireland, 1972-1995." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2003. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/5637/.

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The thesis is a case study in prison resistance. It examines the imprisonment and penal treatment of women who were confined for politically motivated offences in Northern Ireland between 1972 and 1995. It comprises an historical account of the main events in the women's prisons during the period, and establishes links between successive phases in the administration of political imprisonment and qualitative shifts in the character of prison regimes. The account also links the various punitive, administrative and gendered regulatory responses by the prison authorities to different strategies of collective organisation and resistance by women political prisoners. In modelling the cycle of punishment and resistance in terms of a dialectic of prison conflict, the thesis also argues that this relationship was grounded in prison regimes that combined both politicised and gendered correctional influences. The theoretical basis of the thesis comes from the Foucauldian formulation that structures of power or authority produce the conditions by which they are resisted. However, the thesis also engages feminist analyses in order to explain how `general' penal procedures take on different forms and meanings according to the disciplinary population upon whom they are practiced. This supports the argument that, just as prison punishment acquires specific forms when applied to different prisoner populations, punishment also forms the context in which prison resistance materialises. The practical and empirical basis of the thesis is grounded in the oral narratives of women former political prisoners, staff, and other relevant participants and observers.
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Dwyer, Clare D. "sometimes i wish i was an ex-prisoner release & reintegration : The experience of politically motivated former prisoners in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.534746.

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McAtackney, Laura. "The archaeology of political prisons : the case of Long Kesh/Maze, Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/7ba6af03-8328-4be7-8855-f688ca2fca31.

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Long Kesh/Maze prison first came to public attention as a short-term solution to prison overcrowding, resulting from the introduction of internment at the start of the Troubles in Northern Ireland in 1971 Despite such inauspicious beginnings, the site developed from a collection of pre-existing Nissen huts to encompass the infamous H Blocks and was soon inextricably entwined with the course of the conflict. Since closing in 2000, the prison has retained its rating as a high security zone and remains largely inaccessible whilst high-profile disputes rage in the public arena regarding its future.
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Conlon, Katie L. ""Neither Men nor Completely Women:" The 1980 Armagh Dirty Protest and Republican Resistance in Northern Irish Prisons." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1461339256.

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Staunton, Enda A. M. "The Northern Nationalist political tradition." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324950.

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Richards, Anthony. "Political fronts of terrorist groups : a comparative study of Northern Ireland political fronts, their evolution, roles and potential for attaining political change." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14395.

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This thesis outlines the evolution and roles of the political fronts in Northern Ireland and their potential for attaining political change. It will assess the impact of a number of selected 'variables', both 'internal' and 'external', on the utility (or lack of utility) of these fronts. The variables that have been selected for consideration are: 1) Ideology, structure and leadership, 2) The notion of violence as a habit, 3) Popular support, 4) State response and 5) Other factors and events in the External Environment. Alexander George's 'structured, focused, comparison' methodology will be employed and the selected cases are the Irish Republican Army, the Ulster Defence Association and the Ulster Volunteer Force. Although all of the 'variables' have had a significant impact the thesis argues that the greatest motivation behind the use of Simi Fein has been the desire to mobilise or tap perceived existing support. In the case of the loyalist political fronts the domestic external environment, specifically the perception that the loyalist working classes had been manipulated by 'respectable' unionist politicians, was the most important factor behind their greater use. Paradoxically, it is unionist culture (such as its 'law abiding' nature and division of labour ethos) that has presented the most significant obstacle to their utility. The thesis will then assess whether or not political fronts represent moderation towards the use of violence on the part of the groups. It will suggest that they have in the loyalist cases. Although the following argues that political fronts are very much part of the 'terrorist machinery' as the political voices and propaganda outlets for terrorist groups, and that it is a misconception to view them as the 'moderate half of a movement, the thesis will contend that Sinn Fein has also ultimately come to represent moderation towards the use of violence. The conclusion will then suggest that the selected variables be tested in other examples and, assuming that Sinn Fein has come to represent moderation towards the use of violence, will then attempt to draw some lessons from the case of the IRA and its political front that might be considered when studying other cases.
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Biaggi, Cecilia. "Catholics in Northern Ireland : political participation and cross-border relations, 1920-1932." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:eeb511c0-ff08-4843-9d8b-bad91046351d.

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McGrattan, Cillian. "Northern Ireland, 1971-1985: Political Opportunities and Path-Dependence." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493901.

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Lee, Stuart Joseph Wilson. "The relationship between political violence and conventional crime in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609888.

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Rose, Peter. "The Labour government's Northern Ireland policy 1964 - August 1969." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264207.

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Books on the topic "Political prisoners, northern ireland"

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Raymond, Murray. State violence in Northern Ireland, 1969-1997. Cork: Mercier, 1998.

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Feehan, John M. Bobby Sands and the tragedy of Northern Ireland. Cork: Mercier Press, 1989.

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Feehan, John M. Bobby Sands and the tragedy of Northern Ireland. Sag Harbor, N.Y: Permanent Press, 1985.

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International, Amnesty, ed. Northern Ireland: Alledged torture and ill-treatment of Paul Caruana. New York, N.Y. (304 W. 58th St., New York 10019): Amnesty International USA, 1985.

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Sands, Bobby. One day in my life. Chicago: Banner Press, 1985.

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Sands, Bobby. Ein tag in meinem leben. Hamburg: Galgenburg, 1985.

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Sands, Bobby. Un Giorno della mia vita. Roma: Edizioni Associate, 1989.

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1969-, Whalen Lachlan, ed. Contemporary Irish Republican prison writing: Writing and resistence. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.

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PACE. Perspectives on the Release of Politically Motivated Prisoners in Northern Ireland. Belfast: PACE, 1995.

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Page, Michael Von Tangen. Prisons, peace, and terrorism: Penal policy in the reduction of political violence in Northern Ireland, Italy, and the Spanish Basque country, 1968-97. New York, N.Y: St. Martin's Press, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political prisoners, northern ireland"

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Reinisch, Dieter. "Prisoners as Leaders of Political Change: Cage 11 and the Peace Process in Northern Ireland." In Historians on Leadership and Strategy, 55–75. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-26090-3_4.

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McIvor, Charlotte, and Ian R. Walsh. "Crisis, Uncertainty and Scandal (1980–1994)." In Contemporary Irish Theatre, 63–90. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-55012-6_4.

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AbstractEconomic instability in the 1980s halted the societal change of the previous decades ushering in political uncertainty, renewed Catholic conservatism and moral hypocrisy while the death of political prisoners on hunger strike escalated the violence in the North. Despite these conditions this chapter demonstrates how theatrical activity flourished with new companies formed who embraced collaborative modes of theatremaking, confronted global issues and made sure women’s voices were heard. Playwrights looked to the past to understand the present conflict in the North and confronted systemic abuse in Catholic institutions. Revivals of O’Casey proved popular and controversial. With the end of the 1980s the early 1990s saw the authority of the Catholic Church collapsed by scandals, the decriminalisation of homosexuality and movements towards peace in Northern Ireland.
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Little, Adrian. "Political Liberalism." In Democracy and Northern Ireland, 33–56. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230511668_3.

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Mansergh, Nicholas. "Political Parties." In The Government of Northern Ireland, 224–61. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003326069-11.

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Connolly, Michael. "Political Groupings in Northern Ireland." In Politics and Policy-making in Northern Ireland, 98–114. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14895-0_6.

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Mansergh, Nicholas. "The Influence of Political Theory." In The Government of Northern Ireland, 27–40. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003326069-2.

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Bloomfield, David. "Context." In Political Dialogue in Northern Ireland, 1–8. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230389731_1.

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Bloomfield, David. "Overtures July–December 1989." In Political Dialogue in Northern Ireland, 9–21. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230389731_2.

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Bloomfield, David. "‘A Spectacularly Modest Proposal’ January–May 1990." In Political Dialogue in Northern Ireland, 22–39. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230389731_3.

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Bloomfield, David. "‘An Exocet From Dublin’ June–December 1990." In Political Dialogue in Northern Ireland, 40–55. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230389731_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political prisoners, northern ireland"

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Kakarash, Tareq, and Alnasir Doraid. "The Role of National Diversity in Political Reform A Comparative Study between the Kurdistan Region of Iraq and the British Northern Ireland Region." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp246-262.

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The issue of national diversity is considered one of the most important points in studying the development of political systems in our time. Many scholars and researchers have noticed that there is rarely a people or nation in the world today that does not possess different national or ethnic diversity, some of which succeed in forcibly obliterating them, which leads to its ignition and the division of nations and states. (As happened in the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, the Eight State, the Empire of Austria-Hungary, etc.) and as it will happen in the future in other repressive countries, no matter how long their repression takes, and some of them succeed in preserving them through assimilation and understanding, as happened in Switzerland and a few other countries. While there are countries that have been striving for decades to arrange their national situations (such as India, Belgium and Spain), with varying degrees of success. The element of national diversity sometimes plays an active role in reforming the political system, and at other times this national diversity hinders the entire political reform. On the basis of the difference and contrast between the two models in terms of the degree of modernity and development, however, a careful examination of the two models confirms that they are not different to this degree. Only years (1998 in Britain and 2003 in Iraq) and the political conflict still exists in the two countries, leading to a final solution to this crisis.
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Афанасьева, Д. А. "The Classification Problem of Urban Memorial Objects in Northern Ireland (1969–1998)." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.035.

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В статье подвергаются критическому анализу существующие в исторической науке и музейной практике подходы к классификации городских мемориальных объектов Северной Ирландии, созданных в период конфликта 1969–1998 гг. Актуальность исследования определяется ключевой ролью мемориальных объектов шести графств Ольстера как исторических источников, позволяющих реконструировать динамику изменения доминирующих в североирландском обществе мемориальных дискурсов и изучить способы идеологической коммуникации радикальных республиканских и юнионистских групп (вооруженных формирований, политических партий) с представителями этноконфессиональных общин. Работа основывается на принципе многофакторности истории и социальных процессов. При рассмотрении предложенных исследователями систем классификации автор применяет аксиологический, компаративный и историко-типологический методы. Особое внимание уделяется аспектам проблемы существования отдельных условно нетипичных памятников, которые по различным признакам не могут быть включены ни в одну из выделенных в рамках различных подходов категорий. На основе сопоставления выделенных исследователем достоинств и недостатков подходов к классификации мемориальных объектов формулируется вывод о нецелесообразности прямого совмещения разработанных схем группировки памятников в качестве уровней единой системы ввиду противоречивости отдельных концепций и их теоретической неупорядоченности. В качестве способа преодоления существующих методологических противоречий предлагается создание универсального способа классификации мемориальных объектов на основе разработки многоуровневой гипертекстовой системы, отображающей единство политических, социальных, культурных процессов, протекавших в Северной Ирландии в период Ольстерского конфликта и после его окончания и минимизирующей вероятность акцидентального исключения определенных памятников из оптики исследователей. This article critically analyses the existing approaches in historical studies and museum practices for classifying urban memorial sites created during the conflict in Northern Ireland which lasted from 1969 to 1998. The research significance lies in the primary role of Ulster's six counties' memorial sites as primary sources that enable the reconstruction of the dynamic patterns of dominant memorial discourses in Northern Irish society. Additionally, they allow to study the methods of ideological communication employed by radical republican and unionist groups (militant groups and political parties) with representatives of ethno-religious communities. The research is based on the multifactorial nature of history and social processes. In examining the proposed classification systems put forth by researchers, this study employs axiological, comparative, and typological historical approaches. Special attention is given to the issue of certain conditionally atypical memorials that cannot be categorized within the identified frameworks of different approaches for various reasons. By comparing the advantages and disadvantages of the highlighted approaches to classifying memorial objects, the author concludes that directly combining existing monument grouping schemes as levels of a uniform system is ill-advised due to the inconsistency of their individual concepts and theoretical disarray. To overcome these methodological contradictions, the article proposes the development of a universal classification system for memorial objects. This system would be based on a multi-level hypertextual structure that, on the one hand, reflects the unity of political, social, and cultural processes occurring in Northern Ireland during and after the Ulster conflict, and on the other hand, minimises the likelihood of excluding certain memorials from the researchers' purview.
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Usher, James, and Pierpaolo Dondio. "BREXIT: Predicting the Brexit UK Election Results by Constituency using Twitter Location based Sentiment and Machine Learning." In 4th International Conference on Machine Learning & Applications (CMLA 2022). Academy and Industry Research Collaboration Center (AIRCC), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5121/csit.2022.121101.

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After parliament failed to approve his revised version of the ‘Withdrawal Agreement’, UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson called a snap general election in October 2019 to capitalise on his growing support to ‘Get Brexit Done’. Johnson’s belief was that he had enough support countrywide to gain a majority to push his Brexit mandate through parliament based on a parliamentary seat majority strategy. The increased availability of large-scale Twitter data provides rich information for the study of constituency dynamics. In Twitter, the location of tweets can be identified by the GPS and the location field. This provides a mechanism for location-based sentiment analysis which is the use of natural language processing or machine learning algorithms to extract, identify, or distinguish the sentiment content of a tweet (in our case), according to the location of origin of said tweet. This paper examines location-based Twitter sentiment for UK constituencies per country and aims to understand if location-based Twitter sentiment majorities per UK constituencies could determine the outcome of the UK Brexit election. Tweets are gathered from the whisperings of the UK Brexit election on September 4th 2019 until polling day, 12th December 2019. A Naive Bayes classification algorithm is applied to assess political public Twitter sentiment. We identify the sentiment of Twitter users per constituency per country towards the political parties’ mandate on Brexit and plot our findings for visualisation. We compare the grouping of location-based sentiment per constituency for each of the four UK countries to the final Brexit election first party results per constituency to determine the accuracy of location-based sentiment in determining the Brexit election result. Our results indicate that location-based sentiment had the single biggest effect on constituency result predictions in Northern Ireland and Scotland and a marginal effect on Wales base constituencies whilst there was no significant prediction accuracy to England’s constituencies. Decision tree, neural network, and Naïve Bayes machine learning algorithms are then created to forecast the election results per constituency using location-based sentiment and constituency-based data from the UK electorate at national level. The predictive accuracy of the machine learning models was compared comprehensively to a computed-baseline model. The comparison results show that the machine learning models outperformed the baseline model predicting Brexit Election constituency results at national level showing an accuracy rate of 97.87%, 95.74 and 93.62% respectively. The results indicate that location-based sentiment is a useful variable in predicting elections.
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Reports on the topic "Political prisoners, northern ireland"

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Laurence, James, Stefanie Sprong, Frances McGinnity, Helen Russell, and Garance Hingre. Changing social and political attitudes in Ireland and Northern Ireland. ESRI, November 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/rs170.

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McDermott, Philip, and Mairéad Nic Craith. ECMI Minorities Blog. Debates on Language Rights in Northern Ireland: Beyond Parallel Structures? European Centre for Minority Issues, July 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/abva2667.

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In this blog, the authors focus on recent developments regarding Irish and Ulster-Scots in Northern Ireland. Beginning with the convening of a newly-devolved government in January 2024, they explore the impact of political instability on linguistic diversity in the region. Subsequently, initiatives such as the Identity and Language (Northern Ireland) Act 2022 and the proposed establishment of an Office of Identity and Cultural Expression are examined. The authors argue for the need to go beyond parallel structures which align languages with identity politics, whilst highlighting that political elites often fail to acknowledge those who engage with a language associated with another political tradition. A key aspect to the argument is the need for policy interventions which support the development of distinct types of dialogue about language and which have transformative potential.
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Milligan, James. Power-Sharing as a Means of Conflict Resolution. Fribourg (Switzerland): IFF, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51363/unifr.diff.2023.40.

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Historical ethnic cleavages transpiring into periods of intense violence and political disarray are features that characterise both Northern Ireland and Cyprus in their recent history. Many similarities about the conflicts in both countries can be observed, yet Northern Ireland has been successful at securing peace and Cyprus has not. This paper aims to explain why this has been the case and if it could be possible for Cyprus to reach an agreement in the future. The approaches used in both countries concerning power-sharing are addressed and a considerable focus is applied to the theory of power-sharing known as consociationalism. The main conclusion taken from the study is that the peace process in Cyprus has been a long and arduous development, that whilst many will consider as a failure, has been successful in agreeing on a framework for the institutional makeup of the country through a bi-zonal and bi-communal federation. The next step for Cyprus is to overcome the external contextual factors holding back a peace agreement and this paper argues that the approach taken in Northern Ireland could be used to influence future negotiations.
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