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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political prisoners, northern ireland'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Corcoran, Mary Siobhán. "'Doing your time right' : the punishment and resistance of women political prisoners in Northern Ireland, 1972-1995." Thesis, Liverpool John Moores University, 2003. http://researchonline.ljmu.ac.uk/5637/.

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The thesis is a case study in prison resistance. It examines the imprisonment and penal treatment of women who were confined for politically motivated offences in Northern Ireland between 1972 and 1995. It comprises an historical account of the main events in the women's prisons during the period, and establishes links between successive phases in the administration of political imprisonment and qualitative shifts in the character of prison regimes. The account also links the various punitive, administrative and gendered regulatory responses by the prison authorities to different strategies of collective organisation and resistance by women political prisoners. In modelling the cycle of punishment and resistance in terms of a dialectic of prison conflict, the thesis also argues that this relationship was grounded in prison regimes that combined both politicised and gendered correctional influences. The theoretical basis of the thesis comes from the Foucauldian formulation that structures of power or authority produce the conditions by which they are resisted. However, the thesis also engages feminist analyses in order to explain how `general' penal procedures take on different forms and meanings according to the disciplinary population upon whom they are practiced. This supports the argument that, just as prison punishment acquires specific forms when applied to different prisoner populations, punishment also forms the context in which prison resistance materialises. The practical and empirical basis of the thesis is grounded in the oral narratives of women former political prisoners, staff, and other relevant participants and observers.

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2

Dwyer, Clare D. "sometimes i wish i was an ex-prisoner release & reintegration : The experience of politically motivated former prisoners in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.534746.

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3

McAtackney, Laura. "The archaeology of political prisons : the case of Long Kesh/Maze, Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/7ba6af03-8328-4be7-8855-f688ca2fca31.

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Long Kesh/Maze prison first came to public attention as a short-term solution to prison overcrowding, resulting from the introduction of internment at the start of the Troubles in Northern Ireland in 1971 Despite such inauspicious beginnings, the site developed from a collection of pre-existing Nissen huts to encompass the infamous H Blocks and was soon inextricably entwined with the course of the conflict. Since closing in 2000, the prison has retained its rating as a high security zone and remains largely inaccessible whilst high-profile disputes rage in the public arena regarding its future.

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4

Conlon, Katie L. ""Neither Men nor Completely Women:" The 1980 Armagh Dirty Protest and Republican Resistance in Northern Irish Prisons." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1461339256.

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5

Staunton, Enda A. M. "The Northern Nationalist political tradition." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324950.

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6

Richards, Anthony. "Political fronts of terrorist groups : a comparative study of Northern Ireland political fronts, their evolution, roles and potential for attaining political change." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14395.

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This thesis outlines the evolution and roles of the political fronts in Northern Ireland and their potential for attaining political change. It will assess the impact of a number of selected 'variables', both 'internal' and 'external', on the utility (or lack of utility) of these fronts. The variables that have been selected for consideration are: 1) Ideology, structure and leadership, 2) The notion of violence as a habit, 3) Popular support, 4) State response and 5) Other factors and events in the External Environment. Alexander George's 'structured, focused, comparison' methodology will be employed and the selected cases are the Irish Republican Army, the Ulster Defence Association and the Ulster Volunteer Force. Although all of the 'variables' have had a significant impact the thesis argues that the greatest motivation behind the use of Simi Fein has been the desire to mobilise or tap perceived existing support. In the case of the loyalist political fronts the domestic external environment, specifically the perception that the loyalist working classes had been manipulated by 'respectable' unionist politicians, was the most important factor behind their greater use. Paradoxically, it is unionist culture (such as its 'law abiding' nature and division of labour ethos) that has presented the most significant obstacle to their utility. The thesis will then assess whether or not political fronts represent moderation towards the use of violence on the part of the groups. It will suggest that they have in the loyalist cases. Although the following argues that political fronts are very much part of the 'terrorist machinery' as the political voices and propaganda outlets for terrorist groups, and that it is a misconception to view them as the 'moderate half of a movement, the thesis will contend that Sinn Fein has also ultimately come to represent moderation towards the use of violence. The conclusion will then suggest that the selected variables be tested in other examples and, assuming that Sinn Fein has come to represent moderation towards the use of violence, will then attempt to draw some lessons from the case of the IRA and its political front that might be considered when studying other cases.

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7

Biaggi, Cecilia. "Catholics in Northern Ireland : political participation and cross-border relations, 1920-1932." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:eeb511c0-ff08-4843-9d8b-bad91046351d.

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8

McGrattan, Cillian. "Northern Ireland, 1971-1985: Political Opportunities and Path-Dependence." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493901.

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9

Lee, Stuart Joseph Wilson. "The relationship between political violence and conventional crime in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609888.

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10

Rose, Peter. "The Labour government's Northern Ireland policy 1964 - August 1969." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264207.

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11

O'Neill, Aileen. "Quangos, accountability and devolution : the case of Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365396.

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12

Stephens, Judith M. "Making a niche : the Green Party in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295426.

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13

McKeever, Patrick Gerard. "The discourse of Nationalists in Northern Ireland 1921-91." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.238842.

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14

Rees, R. "The Northern Ireland problem : A study of the Northern Ireland government in the context of its relations with Dublin and Westminster, 1945-1951." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235275.

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15

Martynowicz, Agnieszka. ""[...] they didn't ask us to come here, did they?" : foreign national prisoners in Northern Ireland : a case study of Polish prisoners." Thesis, Ulster University, 2017. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.714498.

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This thesis presents the findings of a study undertaken with Polish male prisoners in Maghaberry and Magilligan prisons in Northern Ireland. In a jurisdiction emerging from years of armed conflict, the prison system is currently undergoing changes which attempt to deal with the structural problems stemming from that conflict's legacy. Alongside that reform, another transition is evident: that of a rapidly increasing national and linguistic diversity of the prison population. It was therefore important to study how this change impacts on the prisons in Northern Ireland where as recently as 2011 their practice in relation to the treatment of national and ethnic minorities was assessed as being "culturally blind” (PRT, 2011b: 39]. Using data obtained in a series of semi-structured interviews with eighteen prisoners, a number of semi-structured interviews with staff and representatives of independent prison monitoring bodies, this thesis examines how Polish prisoners negotiate daily life in prison custody in Northern Ireland. Analysing the ways in which they experience deprivations of prison life, the thesis is also concerned with the prisoners’ methods of adaptation to prison regimes in an environment which they often struggle to understand. Looking at the ways in which they forge relationships with other prisoners and staff, the thesis concludes that many of the male Polish prisoners in Northern Ireland live in a prison within a prison, with a high wall of communication barriers around them, suspended between their entry into custody and the ever-looming moment of deportation. The prison system, largely unprepared to deal with more nationally and linguistically diverse populations, facilitates their existence in 'mono- cultural boxes’ in the meantime.

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16

Robinson, Philip Alexander. "A political ecology of bovine tuberculosis eradication in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Durham University, 2014. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10796/.

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Bovine tuberculosis (TB) is arguably the most important animal health problem in the world. TB is endemic in the Global South, and also affects several nations and regions with highly developed cattle farming industries and statutory eradication programmes in the European Union, including Northern Ireland. The disease has implications for livestock agriculture, wildlife ecology, public health, and the national economy. In addition to scientific and technical complexities, socio-economic and socio-cultural factors affect efforts to control the disease. Disease problems such as TB at the human-nature interface are complex and indeterminate, and require innovative multidisciplinary research to find holistic and workable solutions: geography has much to contribute. This investigation uses a political ecology framework, and provides explanations for the historical and geographical patterns of the disease through a ‘chain of explanation’ approach (Blaikie & Brookfield, 1987). It utilizes political ecology, STS, rural, cultural, health, ‘more-than-human’ and veterinary literatures to produce a political ecology of animal disease control in the First World. Significantly, this account is as much about people and politics as it is about land use, technology, cattle, badgers, bacteria and disease. Conducted from the positionality of being a vet and a farmer’s son, and based on ethnographic interviews with farmers, vets, policy makers and other agricultural industry representatives, the links in the chain explain why the statutory eradication programme has not yet been successful in achieving its original aim. The disease continues to spread across the landscape and evades efforts to eradicate. The thesis shows how TB permeates time and space shaped by global economic forces, political structures, cultural practices and complex ecologies. TB, often invisible and underestimated, must be made visible again. New network structures are required to rescale governance and move closer to the target of TB eradication.

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17

Ivory, Gareth E. "The political parties of the Republic of Ireland and the Northern Ireland question 1980-1995." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287963.

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18

Bell, K. E. B. "Any news? : an anthropological investigation of political journalists in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269033.

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19

Diskin, M. "Official or democratic : The battle for unionist votes in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372087.

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20

Robinson, Joseph. "Splintered Memory: Remembering and Reinscribing the Past in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/19194.

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Sixteen years after the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland remains a deeply segregated society. One driver of this ongoing separation is the divergent ways in which the Troubles are remembered. Paramilitary groups in particular have been quite successful at inscribing their exclusionary conflict memories into public space. However, this work departs from the larger sub-field by arguing that narratives of violence are spatially and discursively resisted in Northern Ireland. I argue additional claimants have asserted their rights to remember in public space and have challenged the appropriation of their loved ones' bodies. Public space in Northern Ireland increasingly is becoming evocative of multiple pasts; it is splintering and diversifying. I argue that one of the chief drivers of this diversification is the reclamation and reinscription of the bodies of those 3,700 men, women, and children who violently lost their lives during the Troubles.
10000-01-01

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21

Willis, Michael Anthony. "Relative deprivation and political conflict : a Northern Irish case study." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302764.

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22

McNaull, Gillian. "The space in-between : an examination of the marginalisation experienced by women remand prisoners in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2018. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.766288.

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The Space In-between is an examination of the experiential nature of custodial remand for women in Northern Ireland. Using a critical feminist methodology, it provides insight into women's personal and political experience of crime and punishment within the dynamics of the political economy and a 'post-Conflict' society. Women involved with criminal justice are conceived as having distinctly gendered pathways into prison, where they experience gender specific pains of imprisonment. This thesis dismantles women's 'offending pathways' using a lens of intersectionality, which allows the interrelationship of structural oppressions and state policies, conflating 'need' with 'risk', to be located in the criminalisation and punishment of women. In recent years, prison reform has seen the production of 'gender responsive' policies and environments for the containment of vulnerable women in prisons. This thesis challenges official discourses and disentangles the discursive and ideological transformations which reframe prison as a rehabilitative environment for women, from the material punitivity experienced in prisons. This highlights the deflective nature of criminal justice and prison reform, which masks the reality of imprisonment to create an 'imaginary penality' (Carlen 2008) and disguises the continuum of trauma and violence which vulnerable women experience, one which is extended and exacerbated by prison (Moore and Scraton 2008; Carlton and Seagrave 2014). A tension exists between the factors that produce remanded women's imprisonability, and the proportionality of prison as a response to the 'risk' they pose, a fact that raises questions regarding court remand decision-making, and their debilitating outcomes for women. This thesis suggests that remanded women exist within a continuum of liminal marginality, one that feeds into their criminalisation prior to prison, characterises their experience of prison as an institution focused towards the needs of a) men and b) sentenced prisoners, and embeds their marginal status post-release. The liminal temporality of both the remand period, and remanded women's rotation between multiple sites of punitive governance, serves to locate them in 'a space in-between', one with uncertain and unmapped delineations.

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23

Duffy, Mary. "Northern Ireland during the troubles : social attitudes and political preferences, 1968-1993." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324760.

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24

Spencer, Graham. "Disturbing the peace? : politics, television news and the Northern Ireland peace process." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298106.

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25

Donaghy, Tahnya Barnett. "Women, political recruitment and candidacy in Scotland and Northern Ireland, 1996-1998." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301698.

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26

Murphy, Simon Francis. "Conflict and conflict regulation in Northern Ireland : October 1968 to November 1985." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.277405.

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27

Ward, Rachel Joanne. "Unionist and loyalist women in Northern Ireland : national identity and political action." Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.274383.

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28

Earles, Jennifer. "Gender Trouble In Northern Ireland: An Examination Of Gender And Bodies Within The 1970s And 1980s Provisional Irish Republican Army In Northern Ireland." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002849.

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29

O'Flynn, Padraigin Mary. "Colonization by Other Means: Consequences of Peace Agreements in Northern Ireland and Palestine." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1558056015928991.

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30

Frazier, Erica Lynn. "The Green New Deals of Great Britain, Ireland and Northern Ireland : A Critical Discourse Analysis." Thesis, Orléans, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017ORLE1159.

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Cette thèse suit l’évolution et la transmission du concept de GND à travers le temps et l’espace via l’analyse des documents produits par les groupes GND de Grande Bretagne, d’Irlande et d’Irlande du Nord dans une perspective comparative. La thèse intègre des méthodes quantitatives et qualitatives, dont des entretiens semistructurés, l’analyse lexicométrique et une forme adaptée de l’Analyse Critique du Discours afin de répondre à la question suivante : « Comment les discours et les idéologies des 'Green New Deals' de l'Irlande, la Grande-Bretagne et l'Irlande du Nord peuvent-ils être compris en relation les uns aux autres et dans leurs contextes respectifs ? » La thèse explore l'influence des contextes et des groupes sur les discours et le contenu idéologique des textes Green New Deal, et avance l’argument que bien que les Green New Deals aient, à des degrés divers, le potentiel pour constituer la première étape d'une transition sur le long terme vers une économie politique juste et verte, ils se doivent de développer certains thèmes pour permettre à leur potentiel transformateur d’opérer, au lieu de renforcer les idéologies actuellement dominantes
This thesis follows the evolution and transmission of the Green New Deal concept through time and space by examining the British, Irish and Northern Irish Green New Deal documents from a comparative perspective. It uses quantitative and qualitative methods including Corpus Linguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis and the collection of elite oral history interviews to respond to the guiding question, “How can the discourses and embedded ideologies of the Green New Deals of the Republic of Ireland, Great Britain and Northern Ireland be understood in relation to one another and their respective contexts?”. The thesis explores the influence of contexts and groups on the discourses and ideological contents of the Green New Deal texts, ultimately finding that though the Green New Deals have the potential to act as transitional documents in a move towards a just green political economy, further work must be done to develop key themes in the texts and ensure they realise their transformative potential rather than simply reinforcing currently dominant ideologies

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31

O'Brien, Robert. "The northern ireland conflict feasibility of 21st century reunification." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/487.

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The State of Northern Ireland has been home to a significant amount of violence between a minority of Catholic Irish nationalists and a majority of Protestant British unionists. As a result, violence has plagued the region, with the loss of over three thousand five hundred lives during the course of three decades, colloquially known as "the troubles." In 1998, the Belfast or "Good Friday" Agreement was signed by officials from The United Kingdom and The Republic of Ireland to ensure a diplomatic means of cooperation amongst the various political parties of Northern Ireland, and disarmament of paramilitary groups. However, the desire for nationalists to unify the island and to seek total independence from the United Kingdom still endures. In spite of a significant decrease in violence, dissident republicans continue to target the Police Service of Northern Ireland, with the intent to disrupt the peace process; the people of Northern Ireland are still polarized regarding their political and national standings, which decrease the chances of Irish reunification in the near future. The intent of this thesis is to explore the feasibility of Irish reunification in the 21st century, and its reasons why a united Ireland will not be obtained. By examining the global policy towards terrorism after September 11th 2001, the recent net-immigration to Ireland preceded by the "Celtic Tiger" period in The Republic of Ireland's economic boon, and the complexities of the perceived identities in Northern Ireland, the unlikelihood of reunifying Ireland under one government, independent from the United Kingdom will be reiterated.
B.A.
Bachelors
Political Science
Sciences
International Relations/Comparative Politics

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32

Nolan, S. J. "Communicative success in political wall murals in Northern Ireland : a critical discourse analysis." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403176.

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33

O'Kane, Damian Patrick. "Stress and the appraisal of political violence : a longitudinal study in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260477.

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34

Clancy, Mary Alice Connolly. "Peace without consensus : an analysis of political elites in post agreement Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.501248.

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35

Doyle, John. "Parity of esteem? : Ulster unionists and equality of citizenship in Northern Ireland, 1972-1998." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301702.

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36

Bryan, Dominic Paul. "Ritual, #tradition' and control : the politics of Orange parades in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390115.

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37

Kirby, Shane Christian. "Selling the Good Friday Agreement : developments in party political public relations and the media in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3184.

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This study documents the rise of party political public relations in Northern Ireland and explores its impact on the media and the peace/political process more generally. While this research primarily charts and describes the chronological development of public relations pertaining to Northern Ireland's four main political parties (the SDLP, Sinn Fein, the DUP and the UUP), it also explores the media-source relations or interactions between journalists and public relations personnel. Significantly, political public relations has expanded considerably in Northern Ireland since the mid-90s, and political parties are increasingly utilising PR to enhance their media relations capabilities and improve their image (or `brand') with the public. What was once mainly the remit of the British government and its agencies in Northern Ireland (that is, political public relations) has now become an area in which the four main political parties (to varying degrees of success) have become increasingly more professional and well-resourced. The result of this expansion of party political public relations has seen the regional media in Northern Ireland become increasingly more vulnerable to the promotional efforts of `spin doctors' or media relations personnel from all four parties. This research, while acknowledging that there are undoubtedly multiple factors involved in how people decide to vote, argues that the 71.12% Yes vote in favour of the Good Friday Agreement can be partly explained by the significant impact of public relations strategies and techniques employed by a number of key behind-the-scenes players and conducted publicly by influential, high-profile figures. Essentially, it challenges the argument prevalent in the vast majority of literature on elections that public relations campaigns have very little `effect' on voting behaviour or that those changes of voting behaviour are due either to other factors or to long-term media campaigns and influences. This research also argues, on the one hand, that the electoral success of both Sinn Fein and the DUP in recent years (the two parties `hungry' for political power, who became the leading political parties in nationalism and unionism respectively) can be partly explained by their `courting' of the media and their development of strong and efficient communications structures. On the other hand, the recent electoral failure of both the SDLP and the UUP can be partly explained by their laissez-faire or complacent approach to both public relations and the media, and their weak and inefficient communications structures in comparison to both Sinn Fein and the DUP.

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38

Ives-Allison, Nicole D. "P stones and provos : group violence in Northern Ireland and Chicago." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6925.

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Although the government of the United States of America was established to protect the rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness among all American citizens, this thesis argues intractable gang violence in inner-city Chicago has persistently denied these rights, in turn undermining fundamental (and foundational) American political values. Thus, gang violence can be argued to represent a threat to both civil order and state legitimacy. Yet, where comparable (and generally lower) levels of community-level violence in Northern Ireland garnered the sustained attention and direct involvement of the United Kingdom's central government, the challenge posed by gang violence has been unappreciated, if not ignored, by the American federal government. In order to mobilise the political commitment and resources needed to find a durable resolution to Chicago's long and often anarchic 'uncivil war', it is first necessary to politicise the problem and its origins. Contributing to this politicisation, this thesis explains why gang violence in Chicago has been unable to capture the political imagination of the American government in a way akin to paramilitary (specifically republican) violence in Northern Ireland. Secondly, it explains how the depoliticisation of gang violence has negatively affected response, encouraging the continued application of inadequate and largely ineffective response strategies. Finally, it makes the case that, while radical, a conditional agreement-centric peace process loosely modelled on that employed in Northern Ireland might offer the most effective strategy for restoring the sense of peace and security to inner-city Chicago lost over half a century ago.

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39

Reilly, Paul John. "Framing online communications of civil and uncivil groups in post-conflict Northern Ireland." Connect to e-thesis. Move to record for print version, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/131/.

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Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Glasgow, 2008.
Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Faculty of Law, Business and Social Sciences, Department of Politics, University of Glasgow, 2008. Includes bibliographical references. Print version also available.

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40

Miller, David. "The struggle over, and impact of, media portrayals of Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1994. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1146/.

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This thesis examines the process of mass communication from media strategies to audience belief in relation to the conflict in Ireland. It documents the media strategies used by the various actors and participants in the conflict, from the Northern Ireland Office, Royal Ulster Constabulary, Foreign Office and Army to Sinn Fén and the Irish Republican Army, via the Ulster Defence Association, other political parties, Civil liberties and human rights organisations and many others. It reveals the continuing disinformation efforts of the British government, examines how source organisations interact with journalistsw, how journalists and their editors operate and looks at the outcome of their endeavours by analysing international coverage of the Northern Ireland conflict. Finally, the research examines the reception of media information amongst people living in Northern Ireland and Britain. Key questions here included the extent to which `violence' acted as a key organising category in British perceptions of the conflict and the effectiveness of propaganda in structuring public (mis)understandings.

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41

Murphy, David. "The Unionist quest for political legitimacy within the dynamics of Irish politics." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363194.

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42

Templer, Sara Michelle. "Personal pain and public problems : victims and political transition in Zimbabwe and Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.603417.

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This thesis examines the relationship between victims of political violence and state-driven responses to their needs in contexts of political and social transition, in the interest of motivating better policy practice in this area. The research draws on fieldwork conducted in case studies that demonstrate the impact of victims' policy in both its application and its absence. It examines the development and implementation of policy for victims in Northern Ireland (1998-2012), and explores the circumstances of a dearth of such activity in Zimbabwe (1980-2012). In doing so, it engages directly with the claim that 'there is no blueprint for victims' policy' and proposes a theoretically grounded approach to understanding some of the opportunities and pitfalls involved in developing top-down responses to victims in the fragile context of transition. The central argument is that pol icy for victims is a double-edged sword, both responsive to and constitutive of the challenges that they face . Such policy can have positive consequences; however, it also constructs conceptual frameworks that can reify debates, generate new social conflicts, and create an • artificial distinction between victims and the rest of society. The research concludes that while governments cannot heal victim s, and while their recuperation is not exclusively dependent on top-down intervention, by developing a robust strategy for engaging with political victims, governments can make important contributions to creating an environment conducive to some recovery. The thesis argues that two factors are important for a sense of progress in this regard: first, managing expectations; and second, accepting that, as part of the process of resolving the intractable problems associated with political victim hood, new sites of struggle will inevitably emerge. The research contends that these challenges require a reflective approach on the part of political leaders who, time and again, must commit fresh energy and innovation to the peacebuilding process.

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Ellis, Kate. "The impact of community and political violence on children in Northern Ireland and Israel." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.554240.

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The following body of work consists of 4 studies examining the impact of community and political violence on children in Northern Ireland and Israel. The first study is an examination of mother's reports of their children's experiences and examines a number of factors including social identity, emotional security as well as emotional and behavioural adjustment. The first phase of the study involved conducting four focus groups in Belfast to guide the construction of two measures of sectarian and non sectarian anti social behaviour in Northern Ireland. The second phase then involved the administration of the questionnaire battery to mothers living in Londonderry with at least one child under the age of 17 years old. The second study was an investigation into children's experiences of political and community violence carried out with a sample of school children aged 15-18 years old living in Belfast and Londonderry. The study examined the impact of exposure on outcomes such as emotional and behavioural adjustment and depressive symptomology. This was a quantitative study of children's self reports. The third study was a replication of the Northern Irish school study with Israeli children. All measures were translated into Hebrew in order to allow a cross cultural comparison of two countries experiencing varying levels of political conflict. Finally, an investigation of the psychometric properties of the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (Good man, 1996). Both the Northern Irish sample and the Israeli sample responses were examined and a comparison made of the different factor structures obtained through factor analysis.

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de, Pretis Maura. "Women, politics and political violence in Northern Ireland : a study in historical feminist criminology." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368719.

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Caulfield, Thomas E. "Nonviolent Resistance to Security Policy in Nationalist Northern Ireland, 1970-1981." ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/6186.

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Political division has plagued Northern Ireland since its partition from the rest of Ireland in the 1920s. Current literature recounts the role of nationalist actors in the violent struggle that erupted in 1969 initiating a 3-decade period of civil strife described as the Troubles. However, very little scholarly coverage exists providing details of nonviolent resistance on the part of some community members. The purpose of this interpretive phenomenological study was to examine the meanings and perceptions evoked from Irish nationalists from Belfast and Derry who chose to challenge security policies through nonviolent actions from 1970 through 1981. Using a chain sampling approach, 14 protesters volunteered to tell their stories. Benet's polarities of democracy unifying model was used as the theoretical framework for the study. The data collected were analyzed using the modified Stevick-Colaizzi-Keen method, which involved a synthesis of meanings generated from respondents. Data analysis revealed 4 major themes that underpinned informant experiences of protest: social identity, coping, perseverance, and empowerment. Data showed in many instances that more aggressive security tactics used against demonstrators incited more intense antistate activities. Public administrators, through a combination of written policy and security personnel training, should, therefore, address sociopolitical grievances in a manner that will promote mediation in an effort to avoid instigation of further and more physical protest actions. State officials, as well as elected legislators who write and analyze public policy, may incorporate the findings of this study to expediate the delivery of more democratic government services and to support and promote nonviolent active citizenry.

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Coulter, Colin. "A sociological analysis of the electoral integrationist movement with particular reference to the Northern Ireland conservatives." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359019.

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Lago, Rita Mafalda Torrao. "Political communication and news coverage : the case of Sinn Fein." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/913.

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This thesis examines the development of Sinn Féin's communication strategies and considers how news coverage of the party has evolved in recent years, and in particular with the advent of the Irish peace process from the mid-1990s onwards. The aim of the research presented here is to establish the relationship between the development of the party's professional communication apparatus and the evolution of its news coverage and to determine the extent to which the emergence of a sophisticated approach to communication has impacted upon media coverage. The thesis argues that the development and implementation of the party's professional communication apparatus has been the result of a much wider process of republican reappraisal that took place during the 1980s. This culminated in the 1990s with the transformation of the republican movement into a more constitutional and negotiation-oriented party, while progressively moving away from the armed struggle as a means to achieve Irish re-unification. Moreover, in emphasising that there has been a considerable improvement in the reporting of Sinn Féin; namely that the news media have become progressively more interested in republican predicaments, less biased and more critical of unionism, it also suggests that the improved media coverage must be seen as a result of the political re-alignment of the movement itself. Ultimately, the main argument of this thesis is that we are now witnessing a new phase of the republican movement and, by proxy, of Northern Irish politics and its coverage in the media. This has meant that Sinn Féin has become more wiling to reach a political compromise and to find a peaceful solution to the conflct, and has attempted to affirm itself as a party with political and social interests, other than Irish re-unification. This has also forced the British government to reappraise its own view of the conflict and of Sinn Féin, recognising above all that the party and Northern Irish politics have evolved from a situation of war to one where it is dominated by careful and sensitive diplomacy. The result is that most of the common assumptions held about Sinn Féin including those of some academics, its political communication and its news coverage, must now be reconsidered in light of the radical transformations that have taken place.

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Brock, Christopher. "Political violence and inter-ethnic conflict : An analysis with reference to Chechnya and Northern Ireland." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.523009.

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Reilly, Paul. "Framing online communications of civil and uncivil groups in post-conflict Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2008. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/131/.

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This thesis explores the ways in which civil and uncivil groups in Northern Ireland use the Internet to generate soft power. This research assesses whether the Internet creates a critical multiplier effect for marginal groups, such as terrorists and interface communities. A coding scheme, adapted from previous studies of political part websites, is used to determine whether these groups have realised the potential of the Internet as a tool for political mobilisation. The dissertation considers whether there are any qualitative differences between the online framing of terrorist-linked parties and the constitutional parties in the region. The phenomenon of amateur terrorism is also analysed through the lens of Loyalist and Republican solidarity actors. The analysis determines whether solidarity actors were more likely to justify political violence on their websites than their respective political fronts. In addition, the websites of rival residents’ groups are examined to determine whether the Internet can help generate social capital across sectarian interfaces. The analysis determines whether residents’ groups use the Web to strengthen in-group identities, or to engage in dialogue with rival interface communities. In doing so, the research tests the cyberoptimist assertion that the Internet will facilitate forms of communication that undermine unequal power relations within nation-states. The online audience for Northern Irish terrorists is modelled using Internet usage patterns and the ranking systems used by Internet search engines. Internet usage patterns are examined to define the potential audience available to Northern Irish terrorists via their websites. The study suggests that there is little to differentiate between the websites of terrorist-linked groups, such as Sinn Fein, and the websites of constitutional parties, such as the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). In contrast, Loyalist and Republican amateurs often use paramilitary insignias on their websites to demonstrate their opposition to the peace process. However, these websites do not constitute a new dimension of terrorist threat to the peace process. Analysis of residents’ group websites suggests that they further the competition of ‘victimhoods’ between Loyalist and Republican interface communities. Both sides use their web presence to claim that they were constantly under threat of attack from the community situated at the other side of the ‘peaceline.’ Moreover, the thesis suggests that there will be a limited online audience for both civil and uncivil actors in Northern Ireland. The online audience for these actors is likely to consist of Internet users who use the Web for political research and Loyalist and Republican supporters in the ‘offline’ world.

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Murphy, M. C. "The European Union dimension to devolution in Northern Ireland : continuity and change in the policy-making process." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273212.

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