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Journal articles on the topic 'Political program'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 5 May 2022

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1

Rihan, Mohammad. "‘Abdallah Al-Nadim’s Political Program." Hawliyat 18 (July 11, 2018): 33–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31377/haw.v18i0.77.

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This article examines ‘Abdallah al-Nadim’s political program in which he suggested a complete transformation in four major fields in Egypt: the political, economic, social, and educational. He thought that by adopting these reforms Egypt could face a mighty enemy like Europe and eventually become powerful and modernize itself. These reforms were inspired by European models, however they were to be Egyptianized before being adopted and employed. Al-Nadim believed that Egypt should not blindly imitate foreign models, it needed however to learn their secrets.

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Moustafa, Tamir. "Political Science at the NSF: The Politics of Knowledge Production." PS: Political Science & Politics 55, no. 2 (January 14, 2022): 335–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096521001487.

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ABSTRACTThe National Science Foundation (NSF) recently replaced its long-standing Political Science Program with two new programs: the Security and Preparedness Program and the Accountable Institutions and Behavior Program. This article evaluates the likely impact of the reform by way of original survey data. The NSF Program Change Survey asked past recipients of the Political Science Program Standard Grant to evaluate their own previously funded proposals according to the new NSF program descriptions. Respondents were asked whether they would apply for the same research project under the new thematic programs and, if they would, whether they believed it would be necessary to change the framing or substance of their proposal. Data from the survey suggest that the new NSF program themes are likely to discourage some political scientists from applying, while encouraging many more applicants to shift the framing or substance of their research to accommodate the new call for proposals. In particular, the new Security and Preparedness Program carries significant consequences for new knowledge production.

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3

Jewell, Malcolm E. "The Political Science Oral History Program." PS: Political Science and Politics 23, no. 2 (June 1990): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/420068.

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Milkov, Vladimir V. "Vladimir Monomakh’s ethical and political program." Philosophy Journal 13, no. 4 (2020): 134–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2072-0726-2020-13-4-134-147.

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The religious grounds of Vladimir Monomakh's political views are analyzed in the article. The author reconstructs the points of the political testament of Monomakh. The main ideas of his ethic and political program are reconstructed. The Grand Duke recommended to evade sin, to be a just judge, to protect the weak, to have a mortal memory and to keep in their heart the fear of God. Actions in such paradigm imposed considerable restrictions for governors of the power because they held down them in the choice of means. The author compares the ethical and political program of Monomakh with the facts of his biography. It is shown that in real political practice Monomakh retreated from his own moral program. The author concludes that Monomakh was the first Russian leader to formulate requirements to the power itself proposing an ideal image of the Christian Prince.

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Jewell, Malcolm E. "The Political Science Oral History Program." PS: Political Science & Politics 23, no. 02 (June 1990): 197–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500032789.

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Kasdin, Stuart, and Federica Iorio. "The Political Economy of Program Design." American Politics Research 45, no. 3 (March 17, 2016): 457–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x16638734.

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7

Osigweh, Chimezie A. B. "PROGRAM EVALUATION AND ITS "POLITICAL" CONTEXT." Review of Policy Research 6, no. 1 (August 1986): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1541-1338.1986.tb00650.x.

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8

Fry, Kate. "New Program Combines Political, Legislative Advocacy." ASHA Leader 16, no. 8 (August 2011): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/leader.an2.16082011.22.

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Toda, Kaori. "Political Process of Policy Program Termination:." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 70, no. 2 (2019): 2_336–2_360. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku.70.2_336.

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Mettler, Suzanne, and Jeffrey M. Stonecash. "Government Program Usage and Political Voice." Social Science Quarterly 89, no. 2 (June 2008): 273–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6237.2008.00532.x.

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Herman, Sandra E., Maureen O. Marcenko, and Kelly L. Hazel. "The political development of ‘Program realignment’." Journal of Mental Health Administration 23, no. 3 (June 1996): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02522310.

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12

Sugiyama, Natasha Borges. "Theories of Policy Diffusion." Comparative Political Studies 41, no. 2 (October 31, 2007): 193–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414007300916.

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Brazil's democratic constitution granted municipalities responsibility to design and implement social policies, allowing for tailored programs to meet local constituent demands. Yet instead of pursuing local diversity, many governments chose to emulate programs made famous elsewhere. What explains the diffusion of social programs across Brazil? This article investigates whether policy makers are motivated by political self-interest, ideology, or socialized norms. It draws on an event history analysis of two innovative programs that have diffused throughout Brazil's largest cities: Bolsa Escola, an education program, and Programa Saúde da Família, a family health program. The author argues that political incentives, such as electoral competition, cannot explain diffusion. Rather, diffusion occurs when left-of-center mayors are ideologically compelled to enact these programs and when public officials with connections to professional networks are socialized to follow professional norms.

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Joyce, Andrew, Celia Green, Sarah Kearney, Loksee Leung, and Debbie Ollis. "Alignment and political will: upscaling an Australian respectful relationships program." Health Promotion International 34, no. 5 (May 29, 2018): 892–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapro/day034.

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Summary Many small scale efficacious programs and interventions need to be ‘scaled-up’ in order to reach a larger population. Although it has been argued that interventions deemed suitable for upscaling need to have demonstrated effectiveness, be able to be implemented cost-effectively and be accepted by intended recipients, these factors alone are insufficient in explaining which programs are adopted more broadly. Upscaling research often identifies political will as a key factor in explaining whether programs are supported and up-scaled, but this research lacks any depth into how political will is formed and has not applied policy theories to understanding the upscaling process. This article uses a political science lens to examine the key factors in the upscaling process of a Respectful Relationships in Schools Program. Focus groups and interviews were conducted with project staff, managers and community organizations involved in the program. The results reveal how a key focusing event related to a highly profiled personal tragedy propelled family violence into the national spotlight. At the same time, the organization leading the respectful relationships program leveraged their networks to position the program within the education department which enabled the government to quickly respond to the issue. The study highlights that political will is not a stand-alone factor as depicted by up-scaling models, but rather is the end point of a complex process that involves many elements including the establishment of networks and aligned programs that can capitalize when opportunities arise.

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Callaghan, Timothy, and Adam Olson. "Unearthing the Hidden Welfare State: Race, Political Attitudes, and Unforeseen Consequences." Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics 2, no. 1 (February 6, 2017): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rep.2016.26.

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AbstractThis paper incorporates the role of race into our understanding of the hidden welfare state by exploring the implications of racialization of hidden welfare state programs for mass attitudes. We explain how traditional welfare programs have been racialized historically and the implications of that racialization on attitudes towards welfare programs. We then discuss how the same fate could befall hidden programs for the poor if “unearthed” as hidden welfare state scholars have suggested. Finally, we carry out an experiment racializing a hidden welfare state program in the same way that traditional welfare state programs have been racialized historically. Our analysis finds that only when the hidden welfare state program is described using traditional racial stereotypes, support for the program drops significantly among racially resentful. Our findings suggest that the inclusion of race into the hidden welfare state narrative alters our understanding of attitudes towards some of these programs.

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Barthe, Gilles, Juan Manuel Crespo, and César Kunz. "Product programs and relational program logics." Journal of Logical and Algebraic Methods in Programming 85, no. 5 (August 2016): 847–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jlamp.2016.05.004.

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Haroon, Sana, and Noshina Saleem. "TV Talk Shows in Pakistan: Politically Engaged or Politically Skeptic?" Global Digital & Print Media Review IV, no. IV (December 30, 2021): 24–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gdpmr.2021(iv-iv).03.

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The present research explores the political content of TV talk shows under the theoretical frameworks of framing and cultivation analysis. The content analysis of systematically selected 100 programs of five top rated serious and five comedy talk shows broadcast on Pakistani TV Channels during October-December 2019 were analyzed to detect the tropes of political engagement and political skepticism. The research established that days of the week, duration of the program, and the program's genre influenced the tropes of programs. There search concludes that serious talk shows contributed to political engagement, whereas comedy talk shows created more politically skeptical tropes.

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Opp, Karl-Dieter. "Collective Political Action." Analyse & Kritik 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2001): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/auk-2001-0101.

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AbstractThis paper describes a research program that focuses on the explanation of political protest and its causes. The starting point is Mancur Olson’s theory of collective action. This theory is modified, extended and applied to explain political protest. In particular, it is argued that only a wide version of Rational Choice theory that includes ‘soft’ incentives as well as misperception is capable of providing valid explanations of protest behavior. Another part of the research program is the utilization of survey research to test the predictions about protest behavior that are generated from the wide version of Rational Choice theory. The research program further aims at (a) comparing empirically Rational Choice and alternative propositions, (b) providing micro-macro explanatory models, (c) dynamic theoretical models, and (d) explaining preferences and beliefs which are usually treated as exogenous variables. The paper further reports, some results of the research program.

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18

Kvashnin, Y. "Greece Political Crisis: New Parties and Old Ideas." Voprosy Ekonomiki, no. 7 (July 20, 2012): 154–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.32609/0042-8736-2012-7-154-160.

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The article deals with the programs of Greek political parties and key results of snap elections in May and June 2012. The main questions are: will the austerity policy, implemented since 2010, continue, what is in store for Greece, if further reforms become politically unacceptable, and what are the chances that the Greek political crisis spreads to other South European states. The author concludes, that neither Greek nor EU decision-makers can propose effective program to establish economic growth. In these circumstances we see the rise if radical and populist political parties. If other European countries face the same economic problems, their political landscapes can undergo significant changes.

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Wajzer, Mateusz, and Monika Cugier-Syguła. "Analiza regresji z programem R – przykład użycia w badaniach politologicznych." Studia Politologiczne 2020, no. 55 (March 21, 2020): 396–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2019.55.19.

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The aim of the article is to present the basic functionalities of the R program for the creation of regression models describing political phenomena. A database of voter turnout during the 2014 U.S. Congress elections categorised according to voters’ age was used for the analyses. The statistical procedures (linear and second-degree polynomial models) applied were discussed in detail, with paths to their respective commands being provided. The article is addressed primarily to postgraduate students in political science and related disciplines, as well as to researchers who have never used the R program before.

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20

Soss, Joe. "Lessons of Welfare: Policy Design, Political Learning, and Political Action." American Political Science Review 93, no. 2 (June 1999): 363–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585401.

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This article explores the links between welfare participation and broader forms of political involvement. Adopting a political learning perspective, I present evidence that policy designs structure clients' program experiences in ways that teach alternative lessons about the nature of government. Through their experiences under a given policy design, welfare clients develop program-specific beliefs about the wisdom and efficacy of asserting themselves. Because clients interpret their experiences with welfare bureaucracies as evidence of how government works more generally, beliefs about the welfare agency and client involvement become the basis for broader political orientations. I conclude that the views of government that citizens develop through program participation help explain broader patterns of political action and quiescence.

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21

Shatalin, S. "The Economic Program of the Political Party." Problems in Economics 33, no. 9 (January 1991): 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/pet1061-199133096.

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22

Casanovas, Pompeu. "An implicit program in Balmes’ political thought." Enrahonar. Quaderns de filosofia 56 (March 1, 2016): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/enrahonar.563.

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23

SCHNEIDER, JOANNE KRAENZLE, MARTHA MILLER SHAWVER, and ARNEATHA MARTIN. "Applying a Political Model to Program Development." Nursing Management (Springhouse) 24, no. 10 (October 1993): 52???55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00006247-199310000-00012.

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24

Fermon, Nicole. "Domesticating Women, Civilizing Men: Rousseau's Political Program." Sociological Quarterly 35, no. 3 (August 1994): 431–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-8525.1994.tb01737.x.

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25

KROHN, ROGER. "Is sociobiology a political or research program?" Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie 22, no. 2 (July 14, 2008): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-618x.1985.tb00077.x.

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26

Smirnova, I. V. "Means of discourse manipulations in political party programs in Spain." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(34) (February 28, 2014): 270–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-1-34-270-276.

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Thanks to different mass media sources, members of any society are well aware of political developments and events and politicians. Every person has his or her own formed political beliefs and affirmations, interpreters other people's actions during political developments and evaluates events that take place. Political forces, in turn, see a person (a potential elector) as an object of external information influence. This lets them use political communication when competing for the power. In the modern democratic society this competition is carried out via parliamentarian debates, politicians' speeches, examining political parties' programs, political agitation and voting. General audience-oriented political discourse implements its function of political information influence. As the goal of any political party's program (as an independent form of text in the system of political discourse) is to win the elections and come to power, thus the audience influence function is one of the most fundamental and serve as the basis for the text. The text of a program itself is characterized by its persuasive orientation towards the audience, which reveal itself in such methods as convincing, argumentation, manipulation and evaluation. All the political programs pertain to parties which are at the power or which are in opposition. The main characteristic of oppositional programs is the criticism of the power, vice versa, the dominant party's programs confirm the correctness of their policy. All the political programs are multi-authored. The written form of any political program lets put into practice a detailed text analysis. This article presents the analysis of the texts of two leading Spanish political parties (the Spanish socialist worker's party and the people's party of Spain).

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A.K. Kurmangali and A.T. Baiturbayeva. "Political science factors of leadership formation." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 70, no. 2 (June 25, 2020): 40–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-2.1728-8940.06.

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In political management practice, the formation of the image of a politician begins with the development of a preliminary program of action, which is determined by elections. To create such a program, the contingent is carefully studied or (as it is commonly called in political science literature) the “target audience” of a political image. This process occurs using various sociological and socio-psychological technologies for analyzing representations, opinions and other manifestations of mass consciousness, conducting expert surveys, observation focus groups, etc. Using these methods, the so-called “ideal image” of a given audience is calculated.

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Ortikova, Nargiza. "POLITICAL ELITE AS A SCIENTIFIC PROBLEM." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CONSENSUS 2, no. 1 (January 30, 2021): 49–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-0788-2021-1-6.

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The article deals with the problems like capability and experience of development of political elite theory, the notion of political elite specialized in ruling a country and other problems in this sphere. The author of the article throws light on the activity of political elite members, groups of people who are occupied at ruling the government, state, political parties and other political institutions. Main factors which indicate tendencies and mechanisms of state development are also discussed in the article. The author of the article suggests that political elite is a ruling layer of a society and functions in the sphere of state administration. The author of the article approaches theoretically to the notions of political elite, which in most cases, consists of professional politicians, who had professional training on working out program and strategies of state administration.Key words: state administration, strategy, program, politician, political institution, analysis of problems, activity of groups

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Ortikova, Nargiza. "POLITICAL ELITE AS A SCIENTIFIC PROBLEM." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CONSENSUS 2, no. 1 (January 30, 2021): 49–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26739/2181-0788-2021-1-6.

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The article deals with the problems like capability and experience of development of political elite theory, the notion of political elite specialized in ruling a country and other problems in this sphere. The author of the article throws light on the activity of political elite members, groups of people who are occupied at ruling the government, state, political parties and other political institutions. Main factors which indicate tendencies and mechanisms of state development are also discussed in the article. The author of the article suggests that political elite is a ruling layer of a society and functions in the sphere of state administration. The author of the article approaches theoretically to the notions of political elite, which in most cases, consists of professional politicians, who had professional training on working out program and strategies of state administration.Key words: state administration, strategy, program, politician, political institution, analysis of problems, activity of groups

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30

Laitin, David D., and Aaron Wildavsky. "Political Culture and Political Preferences." American Political Science Review 82, no. 2 (June 1988): 589–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1957403.

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Aaron Wildavsky has argued that it is theoretically more useful to think of political preferences as rooted in political culture than to entertain alternative bases such as schemas or ideologies. In the APSA presidential address in which he made his case, Wildavsky also advocated a program of research on political cultures, and welcomed “challenges and improvements.” David Laitin accepts the invitation; he variously takes issue with Wildavsky's concept of political culture.

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Biržietienė, Skirmantė, and Eglė Gabrėnaitė. "Candidate Programs as a Genre of Political Rhetoric." Respectus Philologicus, no. 39 (44) (April 23, 2021): 46–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/respectus.2020.39.44.76.

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Candidate programs are a publication of political parties during the agitation campaign, which presents the political attitudes of a political actor and influence voters’ motivation to vote in elections. The electoral candidate program illustrates a politician’s relationship with voters. It is an element of political communication, part of the image of a political figure. The article deals with the rhetoric of electoral candidate programs announced before the elections to the Seimas, the European Parliament, and Municipal Councils (2014–2019). The aim is to identify and expand the characteristic rhetorical elements that allow qualifying political electoral programs as a specific genre of political rhetoric: at the inventive level, the study of rhetorical strategies includes the analysis of rhetorical reasoning, the relationship between a political actor and a voter; at the dispositional level, the composition of programs is analyzed; and finally, at the elocutionary level, the specifics of the linguistic expression of discourse are investigated. A rhetorical study of discourse revealed that, in many cases, the electoral candidate program functions as a tool for building the image of a political actor, a tool for discrediting opponents and spreading populist promises.

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Telin, K. O. "One-Eyed King: Phenomenon of “Positive Program” in Russian Politics." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 101, no. 2 (June 23, 2021): 68–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2021-101-2-68-96.

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One of the central issues of the Russian politics is whether its participants have the so-called “positive program”, and the representatives of both the ruling regime and opposition regularly talk about the need for such program. The article examines three interrelated issues: 1) what a “positive program” means and how this phenomenon is interpreted in the Russian political space; 2) to what extent it is correct to accuse Russian parties in their lack of a “positive program”; 3) whether the current government, which articulates the demand for a positive program more often than others, has such a program. In this article the author shows that, being a specifically Russian phenomenon, a “positive program” today presupposes not only the advancement of concrete proposals and initiatives that look into the future and represent an alternative to the current political course. Its most important feature is the acceptance of the status quo: in order for the initiatives of an individual politician or a party to be recognized as “positive”, they should not infringe on the legitimacy of the existing order. It is this criterion alone, according to which the programs of a number of parties can be deemed “non-positive”. In terms of their concrete, alternative and future-oriented programs, many parties are not inferior, if not superior, to the United Russia that largely devotes its party program to the chronicle of the achievements made by the country (not the party) as well as to Vladimir Putin who did not offer to the public a single document called “program” in any of his presidential campaigns.

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Sri Wahyuningsih and Fadriati. "Kesepakatan Etik dan Interpersonal dalam Evaluasi Program Pendidikan." Al-fahim : Jurnal Manajemen Pendidikan Islam 4, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54396/alfahim.v4i1.224.

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Evaluation of educational programs aims to find improvements needed in education. In practice, program evaluation also has a political aspect that needs to be paid attention to by the evaluator and the participants being evaluated. In addition, there is also an ethical agreement and interpersonal agreement in program evaluation, which is part of the code of ethics in carrying out evaluation activities. The purpose of this article is to provide an explanation of the importance of a code of ethics and political aspects in the implementation of educational program evaluation. The research method used is library research, where the author collects information related to the code of ethics and political aspects in the implementation of the evaluation of educational programs. The results of the study stated that there are several factors that influence ethics and interpersonal in the evaluation of education, namely religion that is believed, morals that develop in culture, educational treatment, messages in the mass media and environmental situations.

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Biggs, Jeff. "The Center: A Look at the Centennial Center for Political Science & Public Affairs." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 01 (January 2012): 158–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096511001971.

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You could call it serendipity or a mutually felicitous target of opportunity, but the APSA Congressional Fellowship Program and the Centennial Center for Political Science & Public Affairs—now under my and Veronica Jones' direction—found productive common ground in November 2011 that will continue into the programs' future. In addition to physical proximity—the two programs share the same floor at APSA—the similar content areas and background shared by Centennial Scholars and Congressional Fellows Program has overlapped since the center's founding seven years ago. Centennial Center scholars have been routinely invited to participate in any segment of the fellowship's six-week orientation program that was of interest to them. And, over the years, several of the scholars later became congressional fellows.

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35

Roumeliotis, Filip. "Drug Use and Affective Politics." Contemporary Drug Problems 43, no. 4 (August 19, 2016): 331–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0091450916660818.

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This article examines how a Swedish program for social emotional learning establishes a relationship between the subject and emotions and the political implications of this relationship. This includes an examination of how emotions fit with notions of “evidence-based policy” in the field of drug policy. The key questions are: (1) How are emotions constituted in programs of social emotional training (SET)? (2) How is the subject and its relationship to emotions and social norms constituted in this program? (3) What are the political implications of the relationship between the subject and emotions? The article shows that the SET program seeks to instill in the subject the ability to identify and control emotions in order to become an emotionally mature subject. The program establishes a neurodisciplinary regime where the subject is to “rewire” its synaptic links through repetition, decoupling emotions from their cultural context. Emotions are thus reified as internal entities arising from the central nervous system. The SET program constructs a social bond that demands adherence to specific social norms governing democratic participation. The subject is expected to control its emotions and engage in cooperation, negotiation, and conflict resolution within a model of democratic communication. Refusal or inability to adhere to the norms implicit in this model of communication risks relegating the subject to the sphere of the irrational, thereby disqualifying certain practices and responses from the sphere of the political. This is what happens to drug users, as drug use is constructed as an expression of irrationality. The SET program also pacifies individuals politically by turning issues such as drug use, unemployment, and education into matters of acquiring skills rather than political action.

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Capillé, Cauê. "Political Interiors: The Case of Public Libraries." Space and Culture 21, no. 4 (November 3, 2017): 408–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331217739825.

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Political and cultural agendas determine the programs of public libraries, implying complex and often conflicting requirements in terms of their functioning. On one hand, they intend to materialize a political discourse of open and equal access to knowledge. On the other, they have functional and epistemological needs that might restrict or condition the distribution and access of books, equipment, and people. This article looks at how space, program, and use interrelate in the emergence of public libraries as a building type, focusing on how they express an intended public message and fulfil specific social and cultural effects. It is argued that each of these three aspects underpins power relations in libraries. By embedding an epistemology of science, space also embeds social and cultural hierarchies. Through defining an educational agenda for public libraries, program endorses the idea that citizenship depends on instruction and literacy, implying technocracy. Finally, by becoming collective under the frames of space and program, use materializes the idea of a “self-regulated society,” which embeds a twofold process: to be regulated by all others and to engage in a process of participatory action and regulation. The article reviews the literature on the historical emergence of public libraries and recommends that studies of contemporary libraries should consider how this building type originally framed social relationships through its architecture, materializing specific ideologies of politics and culture.

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Manacorda, Marco, Edward Miguel, and Andrea Vigorito. "Government Transfers and Political Support." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 3, no. 3 (July 1, 2011): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.3.3.1.

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This paper estimates the impact of a large anti-poverty cash transfer program, the Uruguayan PANES, on political support for the government that implemented it. Using the discontinuity in program assignment based on a pretreatment eligibility score, we find that beneficiary households are 11 to 13 percentage points more likely to favor the current government relative to the previous government. Political support effects persist after the program ends. Our results are consistent with theories of rational but poorly informed voters who use policy to infer politicians' redistributive preferences or competence, as well as with behavioral economics explanations grounded in reciprocity. (JEL D72, H23, H53, I38, O15, O17)

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Zuryani, Nazrina, Ikma Citra Ranteallo, and Ni Luh Nyoman Kebayantini. "The Role of Study Program In Political Education." Udayana Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities (UJoSSH) 1, no. 1 (February 27, 2017): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24843/ujossh.2017.v01.i01.p16.

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Research grant/HUPS for Sociology Department from Udayana University utilized FGD to frame up the political education utilized by internship and learning via text book of ‘Political Parties Accountability’ published in 2015 at FISIP Unud that is compared with general lecture delivered by Nazrina Zuryani1) as guest lecturer at Bina Nusantara International (communication Department) in Jakarta. Bina Nusantara International University has not Faculty of Social and Political Sciences as in UNUD but all the students get double degree with overseas universities and Communication department belongs to Faculty of Computing and Media of Binus International. Political education at Sociology department of UNUD has not yet increase the critical thinking of students by argumentation while Binus International urge their students to be more critical for any social changes and global politics. Utilizing the organizational of political parties by Basedeau dan Stroh (2008), as well as the critics from Heywood (2013) who said that political parties have not yet successfully implementing politic of education for people especially the youth. This research is the result of comparing the political education that has been minor in critical thinking at Sociology department at Unud Bali but in contrary, it becomes a major critical thinking for global politics topic at Binus International in Jakarta. Both participants of Focus Group Discussion/FGD were 26 students and 21 students for general lecture. Almost 85% of FGD participants had undertaking subject of Political Sociology while participants of ‘Political Globalization’ never undertaking it. The result of FGD shows that most of students unaware of global politics as they focus only at subjects’ correlations while at Binus International, the general lecture participants shows the ability to synthesize the social and political engineering to face the dilemma of right wings that now are pandemic in the global world.

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Baird, James Douglas. "Kuyper, Abraham. Our Program: A Christian Political Manifesto." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 28, no. 1 (2016): 180–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2016281/213.

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Petrunina, Olga. "The Greek «Great Idea» as a Political Program." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 27, no. 4 (2002): 57–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2002-27-4-57-67.

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Deardorff, Michelle D. "Assessing over Time: The Political Science Program Review." PS: Political Science & Politics 49, no. 01 (January 2016): 103–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096515001328.

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Seaton, Jim. "A Political-Warrior Model: The Combined Action Program." Armed Forces & Society 20, no. 4 (July 1994): 549–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9402000404.

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Fails, Matthew D., and Byungwon Woo. "Unpacking Autocracy: Political Regimes and IMF Program Participation." International Interactions 41, no. 1 (January 2015): 110–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2015.969370.

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Shiffman, Jeremy. "Political Management in the Indonesian Family Planning Program." International Family Planning Perspectives 30, no. 01 (March 2004): 27–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1363/3002704.

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Gondolf, Edward W., and Robert A. Foster. "Pre-program attrition in batterer programs." Journal of Family Violence 6, no. 4 (December 1991): 337–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf00980537.

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Cellyana Nainggolan, Agnes, Titi Stiawati, and Juliannes Cadith. "IMPLEMENTASI PROGRAM SEMBAKO." Jurnal Governansi 8, no. 1 (April 21, 2022): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.30997/jgs.v8i1.5627.

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Poor people in Indonesia finds difficulties in fulfilling their nutritional food needs. The Ministry of Social Affairs has implemented “sembako” program aimed at reducing the burden of the poor and vulnerable people in fulfilling some main food items. This research aims to describe the implementation of “sembako” program in Lebak Regency, Banten Province. This research regarding the implementation of “sembako” program is based on theory of policy implementation that emphasizes six dimensions, namely standards and objectives, resources, characteristics of implementing agencies, disposition of implementors, interorganizational commu-nication, and economic, social and political conditions. This research uses descriptive-qualitative method. Samples of this research are drawn on purposive and snowball sampling. The collection of data uses interview, observation, literature study, and documentation. The collected data are qualitatively described. Results of this research indicate that the implementation of “sembako” program in Lebak Regency, Banten Province, is not optimally conducted on dimensions of standards and objectives, resources, characteristics of implementing agencies, disposition of implementors, interorganizational communication, and economic, social and political conditions. Some causes are related to the lack of discipline of the local government apparatus, the lack of people’s awareness in completing assistance administration, the lack of inter-implementor coordination and communication, the occurrence of social jealousy because of poor people that do not obtain assistance yet, and the presence of political motives in selecting e-Warong and poor people that obtain assistance.

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Sytar, Hanna, and Maryna Rohova. "Language features of program by S. Tihipko, Candidate for President of Ukraine (based on 2010 presidential election of ukraine information)." Vìsnik Marìupolʹsʹkogo deržavnogo unìversitetu. Serìâ: Fìlologìâ 12, no. 21 (2019): 182–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-3055-2019-12-21-182-186.

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The article investigates linguistic features in program of presidential candidate S. Tihipko. Communicative roles of a political figure, implemented in program, identified and analyzed; language, representing these roles, is emphasized. The purpose of the article is to define the language features of program by S. Tihipko, candidate for President of Ukraine (based on 2010 presidential election of Ukraine information). It found that the image of a politician is an integral part in modern politics, and the so-called communicative image is a special consideration. One of his manifestations is the communicative role. Namely, the ability of a politician «to play» (to explain, to describe, to convey an idea, to idealize himself) in public. Because of that the phenomenon of communicative image is not well researched, there is not consensus on the definition of communicative role. In our survey we use O. Chorna’s classification, which distinguishes 16 communicative roles of a political leader, each of them has its own verbalizers and is characterized by a number of manipulative strategies. It was revealed, that features in program of 2010 presidential candidate S. Tihipko, the communicative role of «Competent Leader» is dominating. Vivid objectivators are: «I am the statements», perfect verbs to indicate future actions (analytical form of the future tense), verbs with the meaning of effectiveness, efficiency. The main image-creating communicative strategies are: appealing to basic needs (life, health, safety, peace); appealing to family values; accumulation of problems that implies future changes; a strategy of inclusive, unity with the people. Among figurative appeals, metaphors attract attention. Distinctive of the candidate's election program was the use of several interconnected communicative roles (Competent Leader, Responsible, Unity Leader and Believer). The political tagline of S. Tihipko is analyzed, on which the main idea of his election campaign is concentrated. Dominant communicative role of S. Tihipko «Competent Leader» represents the candidate as a worthy head of state, coordinator of all political processes, emphasizes his professionalism, determination, responsibility. S. Tihipko's election program appeals to both the minds of Ukrainian citizens and emotions. Exactly, the latter are drawn to the figurative references used in the text of the political agenda. The prospect of further research is to trace the linguistic features of the political programs of other well-known Ukrainian politicians, as well as to compare the communicative roles played and the linguistic means used to design them.

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Popovych, A., and A. Sabovchyk. "Ecological trends of political and electoral programs in Ukraine." Ukrainian Journal of Ecology 9, no. 4 (November 30, 2019): 465–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2019_776.

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Changing the political elite in Ukraine as a result of the 2019 presidential and parliamentary elections raises interest in what will be the state's policy in various fields, including the environment. After all, the effectiveness of state environmental policy has not been achieved in previous years. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to determine the environmental trends of election (presidential, parliamentary) programs. In terms of research tasks, an attempt has been made to find out which of the types of environmental consciousness are the preferences of election programs; to trace the relationship between the environmental components of the programs of Presidential candidates and the political parties they represent; to find out whether the objectives of the state environmental policy of Ukraine for the period up to 2030 are taken into account in the election programs. The study was based on the environmental components of the election programs of the top 5 presidential candidates and the top 5 political parties that entered the parliament. The results of the analysis revealed that they were not filled enough: some did not contain such information or were formulated as a slogan of a single sentence. It is revealed that the content of election programs legitimizes the postmodern (harmonious) type of environmental consciousness. Only one program combines characteristics of all three types, including traditionalist and modernist (technocentric). It has been found that the environmental provisions of the programs of the presidential candidates and their political parties in the parliamentary elections are only partially correlated. The authors' special attention is focused on the consistency of election program provisions with the strategic goals of the state environmental policy. This aspect of the study shows that greening the worldview of the society as one of the five strategic goals of Ukraine's state environmental policy is not mentioned in the documents analyzed. Good environmental governance is only declared during a presidential campaign in one program regarding responsibility for environmental damage. The other two goals (sustainable development of natural resource potential, reduction of environmental risks and a safe environment) are fragmented. In both campaigns, greening of management decisions on socio-economic development is the most significant. The authors conclude about old trends of formal, ideologically unformed attitude of the political elite towards the environment in the election programs, the emergence of a business component as a relatively new trend in one of the election programs, and also express the opinion about the debate over the complex environmental policy and the new power of the new authorities management decisions in this area.

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Mladenov Jovanović, Srđan. "A New Political Scarecrow? The Political Program and Activity of the ”Serbian Right“." Suvremene teme 11, no. 1 (2020): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.46917/st.11.1.1.

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The organization known as Srpska desnica (SD; the Serbian Right Wing) during 2019 become increasingly seen in the Serbian media, as well as receiving augmented visibility on posters throughout the country. With their recent electoral success in the town of Medveđa, as well as their announcement that they are turning into an official party that would enter the 2020 parliamentary elections, coupled with the troublesome past of their leader, Miša Vacić, the situation calls for investigation. In this article, we are putting Miša Vacić’s public and political engagement under a magnifying glass, positioning him within the broader nationalist political spectrum of the country, engaging his official political program. We shall furthermore define the concept of the political scarecrow, a political party or figure that serves primarily to frighten, as shall be clear from the case study that this is the role of his organization.

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Korosteleva, L. V. "POLITICAL DISCOURSE AS AN ACADEMIC DISCIPLINE IN PROFESSIONAL TRAINING." Bulletin of Nizhnevartovsk State University, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.36906/2311-4444/20-3/07.

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The article argues the relevance of such aca-demic subject as Political Discourse within the framework of philological disciplines of the main educational programs for some bachelor’s degrees. The object of study was Political Dis-course as an area of research in political linguis-tics. The subject of study was the communica-tive components of political discourse, which, if mastered, can contribute to the formation of necessary competencies for the confident navi-gation of the communicative environment. Analysis, synthesis, and historical approach were the main theoretical research methods that helped study different approaches to the study of political discourse and its functions. To de-velop the methodological part (the academic program of the proposed discipline), we used structural analysis, which makes it possible to study the structure of elements constituting po-litical discourse; discourse analysis, which al-lows focusing on both the individual character-istics of the addressant and the contextual analysis; comparative analysis, which com-pares various examples of political discourse, identifies their similarities and differences; modeling, to develop the training program of the Political Discourse discipline. The result of the study was training program ‘Fundamentals of Political Discourse,’ recommended for the Journalism major in institutions of higher edu-cation.

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