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Journal articles on the topic 'Political protest movements'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 5 June 2025

Last updated: 2 August 2025

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1

Makinde, Ebenezer. "International Political Contexts, Digital Technologies, and Political Outcomes in Nigeria’s #EndSARS Movement." Protest 4, no. 1 (2024): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-bja10059.

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Abstract When do social movements achieve political outcomes? Extant literature has identified two broad factors that can explain the political outcomes of social movements: movements’ infrastructure, and political opportunities. Focusing on the 2020 #EndSARS protest in Nigeria, I build on this literature to understand how and why social movements may achieve policy outcomes when social movements’ infrastructure and domestic political opportunities are relatively absent. I analyzed the Twitter activities of protesters during the 2020 #EndSARS Movement in Nigeria. I argue that the #EndSARS Move

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2

Sika, Nadine. "Repression, Cooptation, and Movement Fragmentation in Authoritarian Regimes: Evidence from the Youth Movement in Egypt." Political Studies 67, no. 3 (2018): 676–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321718795393.

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How do authoritarian regimes fragment protest movements in the aftermath of mass protests? How do protest movements deal with these authoritarian measures in return? Based on qualitative fieldwork with 70 young people in Egypt from April until November 2015, I demonstrate that regimes which face major contentious events and transition back to authoritarian rule, utilize two main strategies for fragmenting protest movements: repression and cooptation. The main literature on protest movements contends that regimes respond to protest movements through a combination of repression and concession to

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3

Jung, Jai. "Disentangling Protest Cycles: An Event-History Analysis of New Social Movements in Western Europe." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 1 (2010): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.1.86260543m3110705.

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The theory of protest cycles has informed us that the external political environment and the internal competition among social movement organizations are distinct elements leading to the emergence, development, and decline of popular protest. This theory, however, has not been examined systematically. I conduct an event-history analysis to test and refine the theory of protest cycles using a well-known new social movement event dataset. While proposing a general way of operationalizing the core concepts in social movement studies, I show that political opportunity only matters during the initi

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Muliono, Muliono, and Nasuhaidi Nasuhaidi. "Gerakan Sosial Anak Muda dalam Proses Demokrasi Elektoral 2024: Studi Gerakan Protes atas Politik Dinasti." Jurnal Pemerintahan dan Politik 9, no. 4 (2024): 307–13. https://doi.org/10.36982/jpg.v9i4.4362.

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This study aims to explore the youth social movements in the electoral democracy process of 2024. The social movement was triggered by the various situations that are related to the issue of political dynasty which is seen as producing a sense of injustice and a threat to democracy existence. This study uses a qualitative approach. The data is obtained and osberved from various social media reports on the protests against political dynasty issue. This study shows that the protest movement was carried out by more than 700 universities spread across various regions in Indonesia. The protest move

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Lapina, Natalia. "People do not stop rebelling: actors, strategies, political lessons from social protests in modern France." Vlast i Elity (Power and Elites) 10, no. 2 (2023): 183–210. https://doi.org/10.31119/pe.2023.10.2.8.

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The entry of the countries of the world into the era of economic globalization was accompanied by the growth of new social inequality and mass protests. Over the past half century, France has seen three types of protest movements. Until 1968, traditional speeches for industrial society prevailed; 1970–1980s. were marked by the development of new social movements; since the early 2000s, France has witnessed a new generation of social movements based on the struggle for greater individual freedoms. Along with protest movements that can be classified, there have been protests in France that do no

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Charm, Theodore, and Tse-min Lin. "Post-Materialism and Political Grievances: Implications for Protest Participation in Hong Kong." Journal of Asian and African Studies 58, no. 1 (2023): 46–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096221124933.

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In recent decades, Hong Kong witnessed a number of protest movements that drew high levels of participation, most of which revolved around political issues. Why did ordinary citizens protest? What were the underlying factors that motivated Hongkongers to protest? We argue that post-materialism and grievances toward the government increase the selective expressive benefits for individuals to participate in protests. We illustrate that the two factors contribute to the protest movements in Hong Kong in general. Using the World Values Survey data, we found that post-materialism interacted with gr

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Staes, Luna. "“WE WON’T BE DIVIDED, WE STAND UNITED!” MOVEMENTS’ PROTEST CLAIMS ON SOCIAL MEDIA." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 29, no. 1 (2024): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-29-1-1.

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For social movement organizations to create impact, broadcasting the dWUNCness (diversity, worthiness, unity, numbers, and commitment) of protest is crucial. Public representations of dWUNC are inherent to social movements’ existence and increase the legitimacy of their acts. However, to what extent do social movement organizations claim dWUNC? Which dWUNC elements do they focus on? And, which protest and social movement features explain their dWUNC claims? In this study, I analyze Twitter and Facebook messages (N = 2,849) of social movement organizations (N = 186) about street protests (N = 2

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Alekseev, Alexander V., and Alexander V. Belyaev. "Linguistic Corpus of Digital Lexical Units Related to Socio-Political Protest Movements." SibScript 27, no. 1 (2025): 97–109. https://doi.org/10.21603/sibscript-2025-27-1-97-109.

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The current globalization and digitalization keep reducing the gap between the virtual text and the event it describes. Protest movements are capable of changing the vector of national or regional political and sociocultural development. They have a serious communicative impact on modern society. The article describes a new linguistic corpus of digital lexical units based on socio-political protest movements and illustrates its operating algorithm. A digital lexical unit is a virtual hypertextual construction with a denotation, a signifier, and a lexeme. It includes a set of other digital and

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9

Doğu, Burak. "Political Use of Twitter in Post-Gezi Environmental Protests." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 12, no. 2 (2019): 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01202007.

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Abstract Twitter has often been associated with recent social movements, particularly in the Middle East region. It was also used widely in Turkey during and after the nationwide Gezi protests of 2013. In this article, I study the political engagement practices on Twitter with a particular focus on the post-Gezi environmental protests, and reflect on how emergent protest ecologies are shaped through the participation of the diverse stakeholders. Based on an analysis of three environmental protests in Yirca, Iztuzu and Cerattepe, I highlight the role of Twitter as a political platform connectin

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Kliuchnyk, Ruslan, and Olha Oleynik. "Relative deprivation and political protest." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 5, no. 5 (2020): 42–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2020-5-42-47.

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The article reveals political protest as one of the major factors of political system development in society. In particular, possibilities of methodological synthesis, deprivation theory in terms of political protest development are considered. Deprivation phenomenon's psychological nature is stressed. Distinc-tions between relative deprivation and absolute one are considered. The authors prove the deprivation's influence on mobilization of protest movements providing examples. The relative deprivation's classifica¬tion including progressive, aspirational and decremental deprivation is used. T

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Arhin, Gerald Emmanuel. "Understanding the Differential Nature of Protest Movements in Africa Through Political Settlements Analysis: the Case of the ‘Fixthecountry’ Movement in Ghana." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 63, no. 2 (2023): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2023-63-2-101-116.

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What explains why protest movements refuse the support of opposition parties despite the correlation in their demands? Answers to this question make up the content of this paper. In recent years, protest movements have dominated the political space of several sub-Saharan African countries, many of which have claimed to have no partisan ties. Relying on insights from the detachment thesis, this paper argues that the nature of the strategies adopted by protest movements in relation to political parties depends on the nature of the country’s political settlements. The study uses the FixTheCountry

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Zaman, Fahmida. "Protests in Hybrid Regime: The Shahbag and Road Safety Movement in Bangladesh." Journal of Governance, Security & Development 1, no. 2 (2021): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.52823/dnma6641.

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Following the third wave of democracy, several countries got stuck in their transition to full-fledged democracy. These countries have been labeled, among others, as hybrid regimes. Hybrid regimes are neither fully democratic nor entirely autocratic, thus incorporate elements of both democratic and authoritarian systems and these present valuable research questions for political scientists. One avenue for research is legitimization and protests movements in a hybrid political environment. This paper explores how hybrid regimes respond to protests movements and the relationship between protest

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Koopmans, Ruud, and Paul Statham. "Political Claims Analysis: Integrating Protest Event and Political Discourse Approaches." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 4, no. 2 (1999): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.4.2.d7593370607l6756.

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Starting from a critique of protest event and political discourse analysis, we propose an extended methodological approach that has the quantitative rigor of event analysis but also retrieves the qualitative discursive elements of claims. Our political claims approach extends the sample of contentious actions beyond protest event analysis by coding institutional and civil society actors, and conventional and discursive action forms, in addition to protests by movement actors, This redefines the research object to acts of political claims making in a multi-organizational field. We use examples

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Panwar, Kanika, and Vikas Kumar Sihag. "Protest Movements, Social Media, and the Role of Law Enforcement." International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 14, no. 1 (2023): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijissc.314590.

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From the Iranian green movement (2009) through the London riots (2011) and the recent anti-hijab protests in Iran, protest movements have been accompanied by considerable social media activity globally. Social media users have been involved in the quick production and distribution of audio-visuals online with protest hashtags, rumors, and sometimes fabricated information. The impact of these movements demonstrates that social media can potentially play an important role in organizing large-scale socio-political events, posing a challenge for law enforcement agencies. This research aims to eval

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15

Ilyin, Ilya. "Policies for Responding to Protest Movements as a Basis for Preventing Demonstration-Protest Crimes." Russian Journal of Criminology 16, no. 3 (2022): 320–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2022.16(3).320-328.

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An effective policy of the states reaction to protest movements should form the basis for the prevention of demonstration-protest crimes. Such policy is a specific area of preventing protest movements that 1) follows protests, but is not limited to the use of punitive legal measures; 2) minimizes protests, but does not influence the causes and conditions of protests; 3) is aimed at maximizing the cost of participating in the protest movement and making the state reaction to the protest maximally effective without resorting to the classical and economically costly measures of criminological and

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Kleshchenko, Liudmila Leonidovna. "The role of national symbols in the political protests: case of Mexico." Политика и Общество, no. 2 (February 2021): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0684.2021.2.36973.

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This article explores the specificity of using national symbols in the political protests. The construction of the new meanings of national symbols by protest movements is viewed in the frame of collective memory. The goal of this research is to determine the peculiarities of involving unofficial national symbols in the protest discourse by the opposition political forces on the example of modern Mexico. It is demonstrated how the radical protest Neozapatismo movement uses the image of the country's national hero Emiliano Zapata for legitimizing the own agrarian program and rule in the state o

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17

Mahourbacha, Abdlhalim. "The Algerian city is a space for protest movements: A study in the sociology of protest." Journal of Umm Al-Qura University for Social Sciences 14, no. 2 (2022): 67–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.54940/ss63539717.

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This study aims to provide a sociological view of the protest movements known to Algeria. And how the city streets turned in to a space for protest movements. In the first element, we discussed the urban policies and planning tools adopted by political actors in controlling the urban growth of cities. The relation of these policies to the economic and social transformations that Algerian society has known, Where we divided the study into three main historical stages, We explained at each stage the impact of urban policies on the society of the city, in the second element we studied the protest

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18

Wrede, Julia. "Protest polityczny w globalizacji." Civitas. Studia z Filozofii Polityki 18 (June 30, 2016): 324–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2016.18.16.

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The article shows relations between the philosophical idea of global civil society and civil engagement which transcends national borders – a trend that is being observed in recent years. The article characterizes contemporary social movements including two particular protest movements – Indignados of Spanish origin and the American Occupy movement. A detailed study of these movements helps with understanding the main trends in modern international politics and shows the fundamental mechanisms that shape the modern social world. As an element of global political culture, modern social movement

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19

Tkach, Oleg, and Ihor Skrypchenko. "MODERN PROTEST MOVEMENTS IN THE USA AS A SUBJECT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE RESEARCH." Bulletin of Yaroslav Mudryi National Law University. Series: philosophy, philosophy of law, political science, sociology : The collection of scientific papers 54, no. 3 (2022): 164–74. https://doi.org/10.21564/2663-5704.54.265740.

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<em>The article analyzes the main approaches to defining and understanding modern protest movements in the USA. The role of political protest as one of the forms of </em><em>contentiouspolitics</em><em>is defined. The key importance of protest in the formation of mass social movements is clarified. The main theoretical approaches to defining the essence of the phenomenon and the concept of </em><em>«</em><em>social movement</em><em>»</em><em> are presented. The stages of development of modern protest movements and their key importance in the political life of the United States of <

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20

Serbulo, Leanne C. "Anatomy of a Violent Protest Wave: Understanding the Mechanisms of Escalation and De-Escalation in Far-Right and Anti-Fascist Street Clashes." Youth and Globalization 2, no. 2 (2020): 186–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895745-02020004.

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Abstract With the rise of right-wing populist ideologies and ensuing social polarization, political violence has become more widespread. Between 2017 and 2019, far-right extremists and anti-fascists engaged in more than twenty violent protest clashes in Portland, Oregon, USA. Through a protest event analysis of those clashes supplemented with a case study of the protest wave, this paper explores how the mechanisms of radicalization and de-radicalization operate when two violent protest movements collide and interact with state security forces. The three-way interaction among a movement, counte

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Salmi, Charlotta. "The Global Graphic Protest Narrative: India and Iran." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 136, no. 2 (2021): 171–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812921000018.

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AbstractThis article situates the graphic narrative form within the current politics of protest movements. It argues that the graphic narrative captures the forms of civil disobedience that shape late-twentieth-century and twenty-first-century protest. Protest movements increasingly operate within, or in accordance with, the systems they seek to challenge. The graphic narrative, similarly, combines complicity and critique in its narrative style and structure. The argument draws on two examples from different regional and political contexts—Vishwajyoti Ghosh's graphic narrative about the years

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Lunev, S. I. "SOCIAL PROTEST IN INDIA." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(43) (August 28, 2015): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-4-43-198-207.

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Economic globalization creates unfavorable conditions for some countries and social groups while the situation in other countries and social is becoming worse. That is why social problems are on the rise worldwide. Thus, social protest became the major cause of the Arab spring is. Social wave overwhelmed Western Europe and the USA. The solution of social problems depends not on the political will of the elite, but on the activity of the population, as the ruling circles will not adopt a policy of self-restrictions and concessions to the majority without the hard push from the bottom. The pecul

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23

Klein, Graig R., and Patrick M. Regan. "Dynamics of Political Protests." International Organization 72, no. 2 (2018): 485–521. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818318000061.

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AbstractThe links between protests and state responses have taken on increased visibility in light of the Arab Spring movements. But we still have unanswered questions about the relationship between protest behaviors and responses by the state. We frame this in terms of concession and disruption costs. Costs are typically defined as government behaviors that impede dissidents’ capacity for collective action. We change this causal arrow and hypothesize how dissidents can generate costs that structure the government's response to a protest. By disaggregating costs along dimensions of concession

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Marks, Zoe. "African Popular Protest and Political Change." Journal of Democracy 35, no. 3 (2024): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2024.a930430.

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Abstract: In the twenty-first century, African countries have hosted more mass movements than any other region in the world. In the last decade, one in every three nonviolent revolutionary campaigns has taken place in Africa. The region also has the highest short-term success rate for people power. But is this success predicated on the mobilizational force of "protest democracy" to hold elites accountable? Or are African social movements' remarkable successes an environmental artefact, the result of ordinary protests in contexts of extraordinary instability? The evidence suggests that African

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Isaac, Jeffrey C. "Occupations, Preoccupations, and Political Science." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 1 (2012): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711004956.

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In recent issues of Perspectives, we have sought to highlight the themes of inequality, exclusion, and the challenges facing democratic politics. We have done this because these themes resound throughout the current political world. Economist and Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz nicely summed up this state of affairs in a November 4, 2011 column circulated by Project Syndicate: “The protest movement that began in Tunisia in January, subsequently spreading to Egypt, and then to Spain, has now become global, with the protests engulfing Wall Street and cities across America. Globalization and moder

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Rucht, Dieter. "The changing role of political protest movements." West European Politics 26, no. 4 (2003): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380312331280728.

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27

Porta, Donatella. "Protest on Unemployment: Forms and Opportunities." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 13, no. 3 (2008): 277–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.13.3.y71j150k654mm863.

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The "return" of poor people movements encourages reflection on the impact of changes in the social structure, the availability of organizational resources, and political and discursive opportunities for collective action. Based on a quantitative and qualitative claim analysis in six European countries, this article maps unemployment-related protest actions in three areas: (a) long-term unemployment; (b) massive dismissals; and (c) unemployment and labor policies within more general cycles of protest. The article discusses the actors, the forms and claims of the protests, and the social and pol

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Paivandi, Saeed. "Unaccomplished Protest Movements in Iran and the Challenge of Building a Collective Imaginary of Political Change." Freedom of Thought Journal, no. 13 (June 2023): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.53895/ftj1301.

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The post-green movement years in Iran are marked by the emergence of a new generation of protest movements that no longer aim to reform the Islamic Republic by calling for a radical change in the political system. The two popular Movements in 2017 and 2019, severely repressed by the state, are examples of this political rupture and this paradigmatic shift. These popular protest movements, largely using social networks, were spontaneous, without leadership or political project. The Woman, Life and Freedom Movement that emerged from September 2022 in the context of a society in political impasse

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Maher, Thomas V., Andrew Martin, John D. McCarthy, and Lisa Moorhead. "Assessing the Explanatory Power of Social Movement Theories across the Life Course of the Civil Rights Movement." Social Currents 6, no. 5 (2019): 399–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2329496519850846.

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Social movements are constantly evolving. Protest activity waxes and wanes as movements suffer through prolonged periods of frustration, win occasional gains, and turn to new goals and issues. While theoretical models of protest activity are often sensitive to this reality, empirical models typically treat these explanations as time-invariant, rather than situated in specific moments in movements’ histories. Quite simply, we suspect that the effect of important predictors of movement activity, notably access to resources, political opportunities, repression, and competition, varies depending o

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Hoffrogge, Ralf. "Emanzipation oder Bildungslobby?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 34, no. 134 (2004): 149–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v34i134.646.

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At the end of 2003 German students started their biggest protest-movement since the year 1997. The article gives a short inside-view of the actual protests, combined with a historical analysis of German student movements in the past. The analysis shows that the students dilemma between demanding "more money for our university" and further emancipatoric aims. Mter a period of educational lobbyism in the nineties, today students seem to re-invent the political protest.

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Bursztyn, Leonardo, Davide Cantoni, David Y. Yang, Noam Yuchtman, and Y. Jane Zhang. "Persistent Political Engagement: Social Interactions and the Dynamics of Protest Movements." American Economic Review: Insights 3, no. 2 (2021): 233–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aeri.20200261.

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We study the causes of sustained participation in political movements. To identify the persistent effect of protest participation, we randomly indirectly incentivize Hong Kong university students into participation in an antiauthoritarian protest. To identify the role of social networks, we randomize this treatment’s intensity across major-cohort cells. We find that incentives to attend one protest within a political movement increase subsequent protest attendance but only when a sufficient fraction of an individual’s social network is also incentivized to attend the initial protest. One-time

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Wahyuningroem, Sri Lestari, Rheinhard Sirait, Uljanatunnisa Uljanatunnisa, and Dudy Heryadi. "Youth political participation and digital movement in Indonesia: the case of #ReformasiDikorupsi and #TolakOmnibusLaw." F1000Research 12 (May 24, 2023): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.122669.1.

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The younger generations have always been at the forefront of and contributed significantly to social movements that are critical of state policies or respond to socio-political situations. This is also what happened in large movements involving young people in Indonesia, conventionally in the form of demonstrations and digital movements. This study seeks to explore the relationship between youth political participation, digital media, and the development of youth political identity by analyzing young people’s engagement in some of the most significant political protests in Indonesia during the

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Wahyuningroem, Sri Lestari, Rheinhard Sirait, Uljanatunnisa Uljanatunnisa, and Dudy Heryadi. "Youth political participation and digital movement in Indonesia: the case of #ReformasiDikorupsi and #TolakOmnibusLaw." F1000Research 12 (April 25, 2024): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.122669.3.

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The younger generations have always been at the forefront of and contributed significantly to social movements that are critical of state policies or respond to socio-political situations. This is also what happened in large movements involving young people in Indonesia, conventionally in the form of demonstrations and digital movements. This study seeks to explore the relationship between youth political participation, digital media, and the development of youth political identity by analyzing young people’s engagement in some of the most significant political protests in Indonesia during the

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34

Wahyuningroem, Sri Lestari, Rheinhard Sirait, Uljanatunnisa Uljanatunnisa, and Dudy Heryadi. "Youth political participation and digital movement in Indonesia: the case of #ReformasiDikorupsi and #TolakOmnibusLaw." F1000Research 12 (April 9, 2024): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.122669.2.

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The younger generations have always been at the forefront of and contributed significantly to social movements that are critical of state policies or respond to socio-political situations. This is also what happened in large movements involving young people in Indonesia, conventionally in the form of demonstrations and digital movements. This study seeks to explore the relationship between youth political participation, digital media, and the development of youth political identity by analyzing young people’s engagement in some of the most significant political protests in Indonesia during the

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35

Olzak, Susan, and S. C. Noah Uhrig. "The Ecology of Tactical Overlap." American Sociological Review 66, no. 5 (2001): 694–717. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240106600504.

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Does sharing protest tactics influence the trajectory of protest activities among social movements? Focusing on the New Social Movements (NSMs), the authors apply concepts that have proven useful in the study of organizations. These concepts suggest that legitimation and competition processes influence both the upward and downward trajectories of protest. The sharing of tactics is specified in terms of increased overlap in the tactical repertoire of social movements composing a given cohort. A tactical overlap index is calculated between women's protest activities and activities generated by a

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Kitschelt, Herbert P. "Political Opportunity Structures and Political Protest: Anti-Nuclear Movements in Four Democracies." British Journal of Political Science 16, no. 1 (1986): 57–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000380x.

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Since the 1960s, successive protest movements have challenged public policies, established modes of political participation and socio-economic institutions in advanced industrial democracies. Social scientists have responded by conducting case studies of such movements. Comparative analyses, particularly cross-national comparisons of social movements, however, remain rare, although opportunities abound to observe movements with similar objectives or forms of mobilization in diverse settings.

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HÄBERLEN, JOACHIM C., and RUSSELL A. SPINNEY. "Introduction." Contemporary European History 23, no. 4 (2014): 489–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000289.

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It might seem trivial and mere common sense to note that revolts and revolutions are deeply emotional moments. In history books and newspapers, we read about the tense and emotionally charged atmosphere that leads to violence when protestors confront police forces, or about furious and passionate crowds acting in defiance of the ideal of rational and coldblooded politics. But rage and anger are not the only emotions involved in the politics of protest. Consider the iconic photographs of the summer strikes during the French Popular Front in 1936, depicting smiling workers occupying their factor

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Fabio, Andrés Díaz Pabón. "Right-wing populism and the mainstreaming of protests:The case of Colombia." Revista Española de Sociología 29, no. 3 (2020): 169–77. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4432023.

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Unlike other Latin American countries, Colombia has consistently been governed by centre-right or right- wing political parties. The absence of political space for the Left in this country allowed governments to portray protests as subversive and criminal. However, starting in 2008, right-wing politicians have embraced, supported and used the protest as a tactic; undertaking, calling for, and giving support to various protest movements across the country. This has had an unexpected consequence: right-wing parties, government institutions, and even s

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Kunene, Phindile. "The Crisis Committee, post apartheid protest and political mobilisation in Phomolong Township, Free State." New Contree 67 (December 30, 2013): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v67i0.290.

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Often depicted in images of violence, burning tyres, destruction of property and looting of private businesses, service delivery protests have captured the imagination of many scholars interested in South Africa’s post apartheid politics. There are two main approaches to the study of service delivery protests. On the one hand are studies that argue that service delivery protests directly spring from an economic reality that privileges the market as a provider of services. The strength of this analysis is that it draws an important link between neoliberal capitulation and the rise of protest an

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Hill, Tim, Robin Canniford, and Peter Millward. "Against Modern Football: Mobilising Protest Movements in Social Media." Sociology 52, no. 4 (2016): 688–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038516660040.

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Recent debates in sociology consider how Internet communications might catalyse leaderless, open-ended, affective social movements that broaden support and bypass traditional institutional channels to create change. We extend this work into the field of leisure and lifestyle politics with an empirical study of Internet-mediated protest movement, Stand Against Modern Football. We explain how social media facilitate communications that transcend longstanding rivalries, and engender shared affective frames that unite diverse groups against corporate logics. In examining grassroots organisation, c

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Roth, Silke, and Clare Saunders. "Gender Differences in Political Participation: Comparing Street Demonstrators in Sweden and the United Kingdom." Sociology 53, no. 3 (2018): 571–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038518803008.

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Research on gender and politics has primarily focused on women’s participation in women’s movements and institutional politics separately. Our article is innovative in multiple respects: first, employing a comparative perspective we analyse what impact gender regimes have on participation in street protests. Second, we study the relationship between participation in electoral and protest politics and how this relationship is gendered. Third, we compare the participation of men and women in social movements. We are able to do this by drawing on nuanced survey data of five street demonstrations

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Díaz Pabón, Fabio Andrés. "Right-wing populism and the mainstreaming of protests: The case of Colombia." Revista Española de Sociología 29, no. 3 - Sup2 (2020): 169–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.22325/fes/res.2020.81.

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Unlike other Latin American countries, Colombia has consistently been governed by centre-right or right-wing political parties. The absence of political space for the Left in this country allowed governments to portray protests as subversive and criminal. However, starting in 2008, right-wing politicians have embraced, supported and used the protest as a tactic; undertaking, calling for, and giving support to various protest movements across the country. This has had an unexpected consequence: right-wing parties, government institutions, and even some sectors within the security and armed forc

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Piatakov, Andrei. "Chilean and French Social Protests of 2018‒2020: A Comparative Analysis." Contemporary Europe 99, no. 6 (2020): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope62020119128.

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The article provides a comparative analysis of the Chilean protests, which began in 2019 and the Yellow Vests actions, which had started a year earlier. In the 2019 global protest wave, the Chilean and French social crises have some unique characteristics, which include the sustainability of protest activity and the advancement of fundamental demands going beyond the current problems. The author analyzes both protests’ interaction and their impact on each other. Several similarities of both protests revealed: lack of political leadership; the horizontal format of movements built upon the netwo

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Karyotis, Georgios, and Wolfgang Rüdig. "The Three Waves of Anti-Austerity Protest in Greece, 2010–2015." Political Studies Review 16, no. 2 (2017): 158–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929916685728.

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The apparent ubiquity of protest in recent years and the rise of Occupy movements across the world have fuelled claims that a new style of mobilisation is emerging which is markedly different from previous social movements. Analysing a series of original survey data, this article engages with this debate by providing a panoramic account of how the anti-austerity movement evolved in Greece, comparing the drivers of protest in three distinct protest waves. Contrary to expectations, the rise of the Greek version of the Indignados during 2011 did not decisively transform the anti-austerity movemen

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Earl, Jennifer, and Katrina Kimport. "Movement Societies and Digital Protest: Fan Activism and Other Nonpolitical Protest Online." Sociological Theory 27, no. 3 (2009): 220–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9558.2009.01346.x.

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Sociologists of culture studying “fan activism” have noted an apparent increase in its volume, which they attribute to the growing use of the Internet to register fan claims. However, scholars have yet to measure the extent of contemporary fan activism, account for why fan discontent has been expressed through protest, or precisely specify the role of the Internet in this expansion. We argue that these questions can be addressed by drawing on a growing body of work by social movement scholars on “movement societies,” and more particularly on a nascent thread of this approach we develop that th

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Smith, Jackie. "Globalizing Resistance: The Battle of Seattle and the Future of Social Movements." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 6, no. 1 (2001): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.6.1.y63133434t8vq608.

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The massive protests at the Third Ministerial Meeting of the World Trade Organization in November 1999 resulted from broad and accelerating changes in global social and political relations. Many protesting groups had been involved in previous struggles for global economic justice that shaped their identities and strategies in Seattle. This study examines the participants, activities, and political context of the "Battle of Seattle." It explores the transnational activist linkages and suggests that a division of labor was present whereby groups with local and national ties took on mobilization

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Young, Michael P. "Confessional Protest: The Religious Birth of U.S. National Social Movements." American Sociological Review 67, no. 5 (2002): 660–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240206700502.

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Western forms of protest were fundamentally altered in the early nineteenth century. Scholars from a “contentious politics” perspective have identified this rupture in protest forms with the emergence of the “national social movement” and explain the rupture as the result of interactions with national states. Scholars from a “life politics” perspective argue that the paradigmatic movements of today have moved beyond the political struggles of the nineteenth century and toward a new form of protest that unfolds within civil society and fuses matters of personal and social change. Protests in th

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Schritt, Jannik. "Urban Protest in Oil-age Niger: Towards a Notion of ‘Contentious Assemblages’." Urbaner Protest im globalen Süden 69, no. 1 (2019): 19–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3790/soc.69.1.19.

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Abstract The opening of the first oil refinery in Niger at the end of November 2011 spurred protests and violent clashes between youths and police. These protests turned into urban riots in the days following. In this extended case study, I analyse the processual, performative and affective dimensions of the protests and discuss urban protest and contentious politics in Niger against the backdrop of political machines, a hybrid civil society, the dynamics of intersectionality, and the role of ordering technologies. I argue that influential theories of social movements tend to overlook the hete

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Walgrave, Stefaan, and Rens Vliegenthart. "The Complex Agenda-Setting Power of Protest: Demonstrations, Media, Parliament, Government, and Legislation in Belgium, 1993-2000." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 17, no. 2 (2012): 129–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.17.2.pw053m281356572h.

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We conducted pooled time-series analyses to assess how number and size of demonstrations affect the political agenda in Belgium (1993-2000). Taking twenty-five issues into account, this study finds that protest matters for the political agenda setting. This study also advances scholarly understanding of the agenda-setting power of protest by showing that the causal mechanisms of protest impact are complex and contingent. The parliamentary, governmental, and legislative attention for issues is significantly and differently affected by preceding protest activities. The media act as an intermedia

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Gahr, Joshua, and Michael Young. "Evangelicals and Emergent Moral Protest." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 19, no. 2 (2014): 185–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.19.2.r51v21rj4527m450.

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This article provides a comparative analysis of two religiously inspired protests that fed broader social movements: the "rebellion" of immediate abolitionists at Lane Seminary in Cincinnati in 1834 and the new-left "breakthrough" at the Christian Faith-and-Life Community in Austin in 1960. The two cases are examples of moral protests breaking out of Protestant institutions and shaping social movements. From the comparison, we draw general lessons about the meso- and micro-level processes of activist conversions. We show how processes of "rationalization" and "subjectivation" combined in the e

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