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Academic literature on the topic 'Political refugees – Rwanda'
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Journal articles on the topic "Political refugees – Rwanda"
1
Hedlund, Anna. "“There Was No Genocide in Rwanda”." Conflict and Society 1, no. 1 (2015): 23–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arcs.2015.010104.
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This article analyzes how the 1994 genocide in Rwanda is recalled and described by members of a Hutu rebel group, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) whose leadership can be linked to the 1994 atrocities in Rwanda. The article explores how individuals belonging to this rebel group, currently operating in the eastern territories of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), articulate, contest, and oppose the dominant narrative of the Rwandan genocide. Based on ethnographic fieldwork with members of the FDLR in a rebel camp, this article shows how a community of exiled fighters and second-generation Hutu refugees contest the official version of genocide by constructing a counterhistory of it. Through organized practices such as political demonstrations and military performances, it further shows how political ideologies and violence are being manufactured and reproduced within a setting of military control.
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Ndayisaba, Augustin. "Rwanda - Burundi: Political Dialogue as a Method of Achieving Agreement." RUDN Journal of Political Science 22, no. 1 (2020): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2020-22-1-105-115.
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The article analyzes the problem associated with the deterioration of relations between Rwanda and Burundi, which, according to various resources, are due to Rwanda’s interference in the internal affairs of Burundi. Special attention is paid to the role of political dialogue in the search for agreement between the two states. Thus, relations deteriorated further after the Bujumbura regime accused Rwanda of involvement in destabilizing the Bujumbura regime as a result of an attempt to support and arm Burundian refugees fleeing Burundi after the failed coup on May 13, 2015, committed against Burundi’s President Pierre Nkurunziza. Rwanda also accuses Burundi of supporting the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). This diplomatic crisis requires a regional effort to bring both countries to the negotiating table. In this way, the role of interregional organizations, especially the East African Community (EAC), is more significant in order to encourage both countries to engage in dialogue, taking into account that current diplomacy requires multilateralism to discuss and solve the problem. Political dialogue will help relieve tensions and remedy the situation. However, historical, cultural and linguistic rapprochement, are the basic prerequisites that allow both countries to come to their senses and coexist peacefully. The current situation between Burundi and Rwanda is a time bomb, which poses a threat to the security, political and socio-economic stability of the entire Great Lacs region of Africa. For this, regional communities must ensure that Member States respect the principle of good neighborliness and peaceful coexistence, all in the interest of preventing the risk of any conflict and ensuring geopolitical stability.
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Jassim, Ahmed Majed, and Nawaf Abdulqadir Jawad. "Paul Kagame's Role in Building the Rwandan State (2000-2018)." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 21 (September 28, 2020): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i21.235.
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After Kagame came to power, he set two clear goals: first, to unite the Rwandan people, and to eradicate poverty in the country. The government's various plans succeeded in reconciling members of society, the refugees returned home, and local courts were organized to restore rights and remove grievances. With the advances in social issues, the government directed its energy to the development and development of the economy, through the transformation of the "Vision 2020" economic, which included 44 goals in different areas. The political leadership in Rwanda has been able to achieve these goals, which were considered a miracle, at different levels (political, economic, social, educational).
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Reed, Wm Cyrus. "The Rwandan Patriotic Front: Politics and Development in Rwanda." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 23, no. 2 (1995): 48–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502030.
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The past twelve months have witnessed the devastation of Rwanda. More than one half million people were murdered by the Rwandan army and the associated civilian militias, while over two million people fled the country after the death of former President Juvenal Habyarimana. The Rwandan Patriotic Front, which emerged in exile over the past thirty years and now dominates the government in Kigali, faces a dilemma: how does it consolidate its position amongst its core supporters, many of whom grew up in exile and recently returned to Rwanda, while at the same time gain the confidence of the domestic population, many of whom have recently fled? Resolving this dilemma is the central task for the regime, and is critical to the future political and economic development of the country.In spite of its stated desire to create a broad-based government, the core of RPF support lies on a perilously narrow base, located as much outside of the country as inside. Domestically, the country is in ruins. The exodus of refugees resulted in the collapse of production and of the state.
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Newbury, Catharine. "Suffering and Survival in Central Africa." African Studies Review 48, no. 3 (2005): 121–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0032.
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In this remarkable book, Marie Béatrice Umutesi recounts what she saw and experienced in Rwanda before and during the 1994 genocide, and as a refugee in Zaire after the genocide. With its intense local level perspective, her study provides fresh insights into the Rwanda genocide and its antecedents, the massacre of Rwandan refugees during the war in Zaire of the mid-1990s, and the utter failure of the international media to understand what was happening there on the ground. Eschewing extremism of all sides, Umutesi records the experiences of ordinary people buffeted by violent events and broader political dynamics they could not control. She is a perspicacious observer—astute, courageous, engaged, and compassionate. One of the remarkable features of this narrative, however, is how little Umutesi appears in this text; it is about her experiences, to be sure, but not about “her.” It is as a testimonial to the times and the human experiences of those times that this tale has such force.The initial chapters ofSurviving the Slaughterrecount Umutesi's experiences as a student in the 1970s and mid-1980s and (having completed her university education) as a young adult managing rural development programs. Ethnic distinctions between Hutu and Tutsi held litde importance for Umutesi and her friends while she was growing up. Instead, as a Hutu from the north, she found that regional tensions among Hutu were important during the 1980s, under the Second Republic of Juvenal Habyarimana, when she witnessed regionalism in high school and college in Rwanda. Only later, when studying in Belgium, did ethnic distinctions and discrimination between Hutu and Tutsi come into play. The examples she describes show both the contingent nature of ethnic categorization and identities in Rwanda, and the importance of politics in shaping their salience.
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Tamm, Henning. "Status competition in Africa: Explaining the Rwandan–Ugandan clashes in the Democratic Republic of Congo." African Affairs 118, no. 472 (2018): 509–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/ady057.
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Abstract Yoweri Museveni’s rebels seized power in Uganda in 1986, with Rwandan refugees making up roughly a quarter of his troops. These refugees then took power in Rwanda in 1994 with support from Museveni’s regime. Subsequently, between 1999 and 2000, the Rwandan and Ugandan comrades-in-arms turned on each other in a series of deadly clashes in the Democratic Republic of Congo, a country they had invaded together only one year earlier. What explains these fratricidal clashes? This article contends that a social–psychological perspective focused on status competition between the Rwandan and Ugandan ruling elites provides the most compelling answer. Long treated as ‘boys’, the new Rwandan rulers strove to enhance their social status vis-à-vis the Ugandans, seeking first equality and then regional superiority. Economic disputes over Congo’s natural resources at times complemented this struggle for status but cannot explain all of its phases. The article draws on interviews with senior Rwandan, Ugandan, and former Congolese rebel officials, and triangulates them with statements given to national and regional newspapers at the time of the clashes. More broadly, it builds on the recently revitalized study of status competition in world politics and makes a case for integrating research on inter-African relations.
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Allen, Tim. "The United Nations and the homecoming of displaced populations." International Review of the Red Cross 34, no. 301 (1994): 340–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400078669.
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According to UNHCR figures, in 1970 there were 2.5 million refugees in the world. In 1980, the figure was 11 million. By the early 1990s, the alarming spread of civil wars was prompting an average of 10,000 people a day to flee across an international border. In 1993, the estimated number of refugees had risen to 18.2 million. In addition there were at least 24 million people who been forcibly displaced within their own countries (UNHCR, 1993:1). In 1994, the situation has deteriorated further, particularly in Africa. In the past few weeks, well over a million refugees have fled the fighting in Rwanda.
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Charpentier, Émeline. "L’Éthiopie des Congolais, Burundais et Rwandais réfugiés." African Diaspora 8, no. 1 (2015): 51–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725465-00801003.
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Ethiopia as a land of asylum is still little known. Welcoming in 2014 about 400,000 people with refugee status, it represents one of the largest countries of asylum in the Horn of Africa. Among this population, is a tiny minority of Congolese, Burundians and Rwandese. In this article, I wish to analyze, through an anthropological approach, their integration in the host country. The relationship that this refugee population has with the Ethiopian space, with Ethiopia as a political and legal structure, and finally, with the Ethiopians will be questioned. It appears that the political and social relationships between Congolese, Burundians and Rwandans with Ethiopia are characterized by a kind of “mutual disinterest”. In conclusion, the “Ethiopia of the Congolese, Burundian and Rwandan refugees” will emerge, largely based on the sharing of a common origin (Great Lakes) and a common status (the refugee status).
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ROSENTHAL, JILL. "FROM ‘MIGRANTS’ TO ‘REFUGEES’: IDENTITY, AID, AND DECOLONIZATION IN NGARA DISTRICT, TANZANIA." Journal of African History 56, no. 2 (2015): 261–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853715000225.
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AbstractThis article argues that international aid to Rwandan refugees in Ngara district during decolonization unfolded as part of a broader project of nation-state formation and regulation – one that deeply affected local narratives of community and belonging. While there is an extensive scholarship on decolonization and nationalism, we know less about the history of the nation-state as a refugee-generating project, and the role of international aid agencies therein. The history of Rwandan refugees in Ngara district, Tanzania, reveals the constitutive relationship between nation-building and refugee experiences, illustrating that during decolonization local political imaginations congealed around internationally-reified categorizations of the ‘refugee’ and the ‘citizen’.
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Oxman, Bernard H., and Brigitte Stern. "Universal jurisdiction over crimes against humanity under French law—grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions of 1949—genocide—torture—human rights violations in Bosnia and Rwanda." American Journal of International Law 93, no. 2 (1999): 525–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2998008.
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In rejavor. In re Munyeshyaka.French Cour de cassation, Criminal Chamber, March 26, 1996.In Re Munyeshyaka. 1998 Bull, crim., No. 2, at 3.French Cour de cassation, Criminal Chamber, January 6, 1998.In the Javor case, certain Bosnian victims of the policy of “ethnic cleansing” that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who were refugees in France, tried to rely on the universal jurisdiction of the French courts in order to file a criminal complaint (plainte avec constitution departie civile) with an investigating magistrate (juge d'instruction) against their Serb torturers.