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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political representation

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Academic literature on the topic 'Political representation'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Political representation"

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Hamilton, Emma, and Alistair Rolls. "Vanilla and/or Vanilla Twist: Political Representation and Equilibrium in Assault on Precinct 13." Journal of Asia-Pacific Pop Culture 8, no. 2 (November 2023): 211–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jasiapacipopcult.8.2.0211.

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Abstract This article explores the nature of political representation in John Carpenter’s 1976 film Assault on Precinct 13. Previous scholars have taken divergent views of the representation, particularly racial representation, in this film, suggesting it is variously apolitical, conservative, or liberal. This article uses the lens of a “representational equilibrium” to explore the ways in which meaning is constructed in this film and, moreover, the ways in which seemingly contradictory interpretations and meanings can be held at once. A representational equilibrium helps us to understand how representations are distinctly historical and how it is possible, when viewing representation through the lens of its historical context, to understand how a film’s message can be both repressive and liberal, or, in other words, how we can see within the film’s representations evidence of enormous historical change, but no corresponding transformation in the relationships of power that the film conveys. Such a perspective accounts for complex, contradictory, and ambiguous representations and audience identifications, which seek to categorize a film not as either one thing or another but, rather, as capable of being many things at once.

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McKinnie, Michael. "King-Maker: Reading Theatrical Presentations of Canadian Political History." Theatre Research in Canada 15, no. 2 (January 1994): 164–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/tric.15.2.164.

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This essay examines Allan Stratton's Rexy! and Michael Hollingsworth's The Life and Times of Mackenzie King in the context of their historiographic representations of former Canadian Prime Minister Mackenzie King. The essay argues that the plays' different tropological strategies of representation determine their respective historical narratives, and explores some of the dramaturgical and theatrical implications of these strategies. Specifically, "Kingmaker" argues that Hollingsworth's narrative is constructed through metonymy, textually and scenographically drawing attention to the space between historical events and its own representation of those events. Stratton's narrative, in contrast, is guided by metaphor, and attempts to efface the representational methodologies at work in its construction of King.

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DALTON, RUSSELL J. "Political Parties and Political Representation." Comparative Political Studies 18, no. 3 (October 1985): 267–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414085018003001.

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Political representation in most Western democracies occurs through and by political parties. Based on parallel surveys of voters and party elites in nine West European nations, this article examines how well parties perform their representation role. The opinions of voters and party elites are compared for 40 party dyads. In some cases there is close correspondence between these opinions (e.g., economic and security issues), but in other instances the evidence of voter-party agreement is substantially weaker (e.g., foreign policy). An examination of party characteristics and contextual factors suggests that the clarity of party positions, represented by a centralized party structure and noncentrist ideology, strongly influences the efficiency of the party linkage process.

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Vasanthakumar, Ashwini. "Exile Political Representation." Journal of Political Philosophy 24, no. 3 (October 6, 2015): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jopp.12083.

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BRENNAN, GEOFFREY, and ALAN HAMLIN. "On Political Representation." British Journal of Political Science 29, no. 1 (January 1999): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123499000058.

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An essential feature of political representation is that a mediating assembly is set between the citizenry and political decision making. Representation involves indirect decision making or agency. Rational actor political theory often assumes representation in order to focus on problems of a principal–agent kind, but offers only relatively weak arguments for representation. We offer an alternative argument for representation that builds on our broader interpretation of rational actor political theory – an interpretation that emphasizes expressive considerations relative to instrumental considerations, and operates in a richer motivational setting. As well as providing an account of representation, we believe that our approach is capable of re-connecting rational actor political theory to many of the concerns of more traditional political theory.

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Sangchul Yoon. "Political Party System and Political Representation." Korea and World Politics 25, no. 1 (March 2009): 233–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17331/kwp.2009.25.1.009.

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Kjaer, Ulrik. "Urban Political Leadership and Political Representation." Urban Affairs Review 51, no. 4 (June 5, 2014): 563–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087414537610.

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Lee, Hyeon-Woo. "Women's Political Representation and Political Parties." Korean Journal of International Relations 42, no. 3 (October 31, 2002): 337–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14731/kjir.2002.10.42.3.337.

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Saputri, Rini Archda, Mada Sukmajati, and Desintha Dwi Asriani. "POLITICAL REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN PARLIAMENT: A LITERATURE REVIEW AND FUTURE RESEARCH OPPORTUNITIES." JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) 8, no. 2 (October 28, 2023): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jwp.v8i2.46956.

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Over the past twenty-five years, gender and politics scholars have engaged in extensive theoretical and empirical discussions about women’s political representation. This article provides a comprehensive literature review of these studies. This study is divided into three themes: descriptive representation of women, substantive representation of women, and the correlation between descriptive and substantive representation of women. The literature review method is carried out by exploring and compiling studies on women’s political representation from various countries, classifying them based on specific topics, and mapping out what has been explored in these studies. The results of the study show that most of the research on women’s political representation is in the realm of women’s descriptive representation, which generally discusses the factors that affect the level of women’s political representation, obstacles and challenges in women’s political representation and the strategies used by women candidates in electoral politics. Meantime, studies on women’s substantive representation still need to be explored, especially in the context of countries in Asia, especially Indonesia. Then, studies on the relationship between descriptive and substantive representations of women show two debate patterns. Some experts believe a positive correlation exists between increasing the number of women’s representation and its substantive effect. Some others find no correlation between the descriptive and substantive representations of women.

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FOSSEN, THOMAS. "Constructivism and the Logic of Political Representation." American Political Science Review 113, no. 3 (May 14, 2019): 824–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000273.

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There are at least two politically salient senses of “representation”—acting-for-others and portraying-something-as-something. The difference is not just semantic but also logical: relations of representative agency are dyadic (x represents y), while portrayals are triadic (x represents y as z). I exploit this insight to disambiguate constructivism and to improve our theoretical vocabulary for analyzing political representation. I amend Saward’s claims-based approach on three points, introducing the “characterization” to correctly identify the elements of representational claims; explaining the “referent” in pragmatic, not metaphysical terms; and differentiating multiple forms of representational activity. This enables me to clarify how the represented can be both prior to representation and constituted by it, and to recover Pitkin’s idea that representatives ought to be “responsive” to the represented. These points are pertinent to debates about the role of representatives, the nature of representative democracy, and the dynamics of revolutionary movements.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political representation"

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Loudes, C. M. H. "Increasing women's political representation : law into politics." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.273116.

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Childs, Sarah. "Women's political representation in contemporary British politics." Thesis, Kingston University, 2000. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20645/.

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The 1997 British general election saw the return of 120 women Members of Parliament. The central question of this thesis is whether this unprecedented number of women MPs makes a difference to the political representation of women. The research is applied political theory, in which conceptual analysis is informed by and informs the empirical research. Pitkin's seminal contribution The Concept of Representation and Phillips' The Politics of Presence are both considered. In particular, Phillips' 'shot in the dark thesis', which makes a link between women's numerical representation and the substantive representation of women by women representatives, is subjected to empirical analysis. The data are drawn from interviews with half of the Labour women MPs elected for the first time in the 1997 election. The introduction in Chapter 1 includes discussions of the research objectives and the research design and methods. Chapter 2 explores women's legislative recruitment within the Labour Party, focusing upon its policy of all-women shortlists. Chapters 3 and 4 examine Pitkin's and Phillips' ideas respectively. The next three chapters (Chapters 5, 6 and 7) utilise the empirical data to analyse in tum symbolic, microcosmic and substantive conceptions of representation. The last of these chapters centres upon the question of whether women representatives seek and are able to act for women at constituency, parliamentary and governmental levels. The analysis broadly supports Phillips' thesis. However, the intersection of party and gender identities is emphasised to a greater extent. It is also argued that women MPs may not have, at least as yet, secured the 'safe spaces' from which to act for women. These conclusions suggest both that the complexity of the concept of representation must be recognised and that combining conceptual and empirical analysis engenders a more sophisticated understanding of women's political representation.

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Ueda, Michiko. "Essays on political representation." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/35543.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2006.
Includes bibliographical references.
The central goal of this dissertation is to contribute to our understanding of the link between political representation and policy outcomes. In particular, this collection of essays examines how the institutional arrangements and formal processes that precede and initiate political representation either promote or hinder the representation of various interests in society and thus determine whose interests shape public policies. The first chapter studies the relationship between descriptive representation of traditionally underrepresented minority groups and substantive representation of their interests. Examining the impact of increased African American representation from the early 1970s to the late 1990s, the chapter demonstrates that legislative representation of historically marginalized groups can lead to tangible changes in public policies. The second chapter attempts to understand why legislative representation of minority groups in American society remains low, even to this day. This chapter disentangles the impact of candidates' race on voting decisions from that of candidates' ideology, by focusing on the case of the representation of African Americans.
(cont.) Using extensive individual-level voting data as well as a unique data set on candidates' ideological positions, the chapter shows that minority candidates' race negatively influences voting decisions of white voters only when partisan and ideological cues are absent. The third chapter analyzes the impact of electoral institutions on political representation and policy outcomes. It provides empirical evidence that political units receive larger intergovernmental transfers, when represented by at-large delegations than when represented by delegations elected from single-member districts.
by Michiko Ueda.
Ph.D.

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CINTOLESI, Andrea. "Essays in political economy." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/65524.

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Defence date: 9 December 2019
Examining Board: Prof. Andrea Mattozzi, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof. Andrea Ichino, European University Institute (Co-supervisor); Prof. James M. Snyder, Jr., Harvard University; Prof. Tommaso Nannicini, Università Bocconi
In the first chapter, I study whether the introduction of primary elections induces more or less political polarization. Before 1976, only representatives from Indiana had to pass through the primaries, whereas the reform introduced primaries for Indiana’s US senators too. Using a difference-in-differences, I show that primaries deliver less-polarized politicians and account for one-fifth of the pre-reform average ideological gap between parties. I interpret the results in the light of a conceptual framework in which primaries lower the cost of participating in candidate selection procedures, giving incentives to participate to moderate voters as well. The second chapter is coauthored with D. Iorio and A. Mattozzi. We use a newly collected dataset from 63 democracies, and we construct the tenure accumulated by the ruling party while in office. We merge these data with fiscal policy indicators. We find an expenditure elasticity of 0.061 and a deficit elasticity of 0.055 over the period 1972-2014. Our findings point into the direction of a honeymoon effect: the older is the coalition of parties, the more divisive tend to be the available policy choices, which require costly transfers in the form of public expenditure to keep coalition members together later on. In the third chapter, I exploit newly collected data on ties between local politicians in Italy from 1985 onwards, to study the relation between cross-party connections and future career prospects. Exploiting a difference-in-discontinuities design, I find that ruling coalition members connected with the runner-up are twice as likely to be promoted to the council in which the runner-up leads the opposition. The effect of connections with the leader of the rivals disappears when I consider appointments to boards of state-owned enterprises. These findings suggest that connected politicians act as political brokers and smooth the relationship between government and opposition.
1. Political Polarisation and Primary Elections 2. Good Old Spendthrift. The Fiscal Effects of Political Tenure 3. 'Keep Friends Close, But Enemies Closer': Connections and Political Careers

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Nazerian, Lua. "Rethinking representative democracy : Representation beyond contestation & partisan politics." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Internationella relationer, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-38583.

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The current forms of representative democracy have come to face various fundamental challenges such as: decrease in political participation, distrust in partisan politics and politicians and perhaps increase of ideological polarization. To take solace in the belief that the current democratic tools are far from perfect yet the finest in modern societies, has not contributed to solution-oriented modifications of its efficacy. In this thesis Lua Nazerian intends to address the inadequacies and inherent limitations in the current form of representative democracy, by analyzing its underlying assumptions through a critical examination of the fundamental challenges in Classical pluralism, Agonist and Deliberative democratic theory. Furthermore, it proposes some modifications drawn from the Socratic idea of the non-pursuit of power, the bottom-up political approach and the learnings from the worldwide Baha’i community. The study is carried out within the field of international relations with a normative approach as well as it incorporates a case study of the Baha’i electoral and decision-making principle. Nevertheless, by using the Socratic idea together with the Baha’i principles in a bottom-up approach shifts then the paradigm from the inherent competitive culture of representative democracy to a more inclusive solution-oriented culture of learning.

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FARIA, ALESSANDRA MAIA TERRA DE. "THE SOCIAL AND THE POLITICAL: THEORIES OF POLITICAL REPRESENTATION." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2008. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=12444@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO
COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
O presente estudo abordará as teorias da representação política como expostas por Bernard Manin, Nadia Urbinati e Pierre Rosanvallon, sob a perspectiva de que a relação entre democracia e representação política é marcada por uma tensão inerente, como retomada por Bernard Manin. A retórica que acompanha a escalada do sufrágio universal como solução da tensão entre representação política e democracia faz com que a forma de entendimento da institucionalidade representativa esteja cercada de superstições quanto à eficácia e pujança de seus métodos. Interpelar a representação política enquanto um processo mediador destas tensões entre a esfera social e política é um movimento que aproximaria os três autores estudados. A questão é que para os dois primeiros, o processo de representação seria pré-estabelecido e, portanto, fechado e não permeável às mudanças, onde o mundo da política é claramente delimitado. Enquanto que para o terceiro, por uma postura diferenciada no que concerne à relação entre o social e o político, parece haver uma perspectiva singular de processo em aberto a ser considerada, traduzida em uma concepção de política expandida e contraditória, ou seja, do social e do político em intersecção.
The research herein deals with the theories of political representation as they are exposed by Bernard Manin, Pierre Rosanvallon and Nadia Urbina ti, considering the perspective of a tense existing relationship between democracy and political representation, as it was recovered by Bernard Manin. There is a rhetoric that follows the universal suffrage adoption in which it is seen as a solution to the tense relationship among political representation and democracy, what has led general understanding of representative institutionality to be surrounded by superstitions regarding its mechanisms effectiveness and responsiveness. It is possible to approximate the three studied theorists if political representation is inquired as a process that mediates these tensions between political and social spheres. The question is that for both former authors, the political representation process is pre-established and, thus, closed and not permeable to changes, where the world of politics is clearly delimitated. While to the later, a different attitude towards the relationship between the social and the political seems to assure a singular perspective of open process to be considered, traduced in an expansive and contradictory conception of politics, in others words, of social and political intersection.

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Lee, K. H. "Political legitimacy, representation, and confucian Virtue." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2014. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1429891/.

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This thesis first examines the compatibility of political development and Confucian traditional thought in East Asia, and South Korea in particular, and then suggests an alternative methodology for the study of political theory in regards to culture. In order to accomplish these goals, this research focuses on three concepts: legitimacy, representation, and Confucian virtue. This research proposes political legitimacy as the most fundamental basis in the study of the relationship between political development and culture. Legitimacy is essential in every government and cannot be borrowed externally. Rather, it must be established through the practices and customs of the people and thus, involves culture. From this view, Confucian traditional thought should be considered the foundation of political development in Confucian East Asia. In most cases in modern politics, representation is the only legitimate form of democratic governments. While in principle, representation seems to conflict with democracy, in the sense that not all people participate in the decision-making procedure and representatives are required to have some level of competence, in modern representative democracy, it has been accepted as reasonable by the people. This is possible through an epistemic understanding of democracy whereby democracy is regarded as a system in which people pursue better decisions. Although the concepts of representation and democracy conflict, and the linking of the two in representative democracy shows the double-sided characteristics of representation, this double-sidedness emerges from the conceptual nature of representation in politics—the representation of the people’s interest and will. While representation of will seems to be the intrinsic element in the democratic principle of equality, the epistemic understanding of modern representative democracy implies that the representation of the people’s interest is also important. Based on this view of representative democracy, this thesis argues that Confucian representative theory, that only good people make good representatives, is not in conflict with modern representative democracy. It is often alleged that Confucian virtues do not coincide with the virtues required for modern democracy, even though representative democracy also demands competence in its representatives. However, Confucian virtue is based on the theory of conditional government founded on the Mandate of Heaven. This idea of limited government requires rulers to hear and to respect the people because Heaven only speaks and hears through the people. Therefore, the concepts that are regarded as essential in representative democracy - responsibility, responsiveness, and cooperation - are also important elements in Confucian representative theory, both in principle and practice. The coherence of virtue, one of the characteristics of Confucianism, is not unique to Confucian East Asia. The concept that integrated virtue is necessary in a good representative can also be found in western tradition. Some western theorists have been interested in this topic in regards to whether the good representative in reference to virtue is relevant in modern democracy. For this reason, there seems to be no reason to deny the Confucian view of the virtue of a representative in regards to the coherence of virtue. Although this thesis mainly discusses democratic legitimacy and Confucian virtue, one of the most important implications of this research is the existing methodology used in the comparative research of political theory. This thesis suggests the concept of legitimacy as the foundation of comparative political theory study. Second, this research argues that in comparative political theory research, it is necessary to focus on practice as the accumulation of the people’s behaviours in belief-systems, rather than formal institutions. Third, this thesis proposes that there is a need to find and use more neutral concepts for comparative study, such as representation, which is common in both modern western democracy and Confucian traditional thought. In such neutral categories, an interactive understanding is conceivable in any political system. First, this thesis argues that comparative research of political theory, particularly of different cultures, should start from an understanding of the nature of political legitimacy. This suggests that there should be relative conceptions in political theory and that they should be distinguished from others. For example, while the framework of legitimacy as a belief-system may be common to every government, the contents of the belief-systems are varied, insofar as the way of life is different in different societies. In the same way, though democracy is the only legitimate system of politics, there are varied forms of electoral systems, party systems, and government systems. Second, this thesis suggests that if politics are to be understood in the relationship between legitimacy and culture at a radical level, the practice and custom of the people in each belief-system must also be examined, since legitimacy cannot directly or automatically be established through institutions, nor can it be borrowed from institutions. Although institutions can be established by cultural aliens, a procedure of legitimation created through the practices of the people themselves is necessary. Without practice, the institution cannot be a foundation of political legitimacy. If we focus on institutional aspects, especially those based on the standards of modern values, the comparison may become an unfair one since modern values must be conceptualized in the West first. For this reason, it is necessary to examine the contextual understanding of practice and custom within the belief-system. Third, existing research on different systems of political thought frequently seem to compare different theories on the basis of certain values and ideologies, such as democracy, liberal democracy, or human rights. Based on these standards, theories were compared by statistical indexes in empirical studies, or by institutional or conceptual differences in normative research. Some theorists have tried to clarify whether there is a common idea of equality, liberty, or rights. Some have been interested in institutional similarity and differences. However, since much of the concepts are conceptualized in the context of the modern West, such research easily succumbs to misunderstanding or misjudging non-western theories. Even though we must also be conscious of the prejudice of non-western concepts or ideas, the continued use of western originated standards can lead to unfair comparisons. For this reason, neutral concepts are useful for fair comparison. Along this vein, this thesis offers the concept of representation, a necessary element for legitimate government in both the West and Confucian East. In this case, the main task is to examine the ways in which each tradition is compatible with modern standards of political legitimacy, such as democracy.

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Mor, Shany Moshe. "Law's author, things personated, political representation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:142e4065-de3c-47ff-a940-f85215fad920.

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This dissertation proposes a normative theory of political representation grounded in popular sovereignty and positive law, rather than in democracy and efficient labour allocation. The first three chapters assess the contributions to the idea of representation of three early modern thinkers. Hobbes proposes a formal model of authorised action at a distance, but, contrary to a long-standing consensus in political thought, not an actual theory of representation. Rousseau, a well-known opponent of representation, proposes ideas about government, sovereignty, and positive law, which, despite his contrary intentions, form a foundation for a normative theory of representation. Sieyes refines concepts from both to create a more mature practical statement on representation which he attempts to implement in three revolutionary constitutions in France in the 1790's. The next three chapters make an argument connecting representation to law creation. First the concept of a decision is defined, and then abstracted through various levels of political authority and action. Law creation is distinguished from all other classes of authorised political decision making by four unique properties which tie in with problems initially raised by the early modern philosophers regarding popular sovereignty. Various numbers of authorised actors are considered as constituting political bodies credentialed to carry out the relevant decisions identified as meeting the minimal conditions of law, and ultimately only assembly — a body numbering in the hundreds, with a reserved place for making recognised decisions, and a formal connection to expressed popular preferences — meets the conceptual requirements of the class of decisions mooted. The thesis ends with an argument connecting law to representation as the solution to the problem of plurality.

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Lee, Thomas. "Tracing Hobbesian Sovereignty in Political Representation." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/16777.

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This thesis examines how contemporary political thought has deployed the concept of political representation. I argue that the leading contemporary accounts of Hanna Pitkin, Michael Saward and Nadia Urbinati overlook the constitutive relationship between political representation and political sovereignty. This relationship is rooted in their founding inheritance from Thomas Hobbes’ accounts of political representation and political sovereignty. The silence of these accounts about their Hobbesian inheritance means that the contemporary grasp of the concept of political representation is more tenuous than admitted. Without dealing with the question of Hobbesian sovereignty, contemporary political thought on political representation comes to be a silent carrier of its elements and vulnerable to exploitation by its defenders and proponents. The resolution of this inheritance and its accompanying tensions has significant consequences for how politics is to be conceived and understood today.

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Forjwuor, Bernard A. "Between democractic promises and socio-political realities the challenges of political representation in Ghana and Nigeria /." Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1244222282.

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Books on the topic "Political representation"

1

Ian, Shapiro, ed. Political representation. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009.

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Political representation. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2009.

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Bühlmann, Marc. Political Representation. New York, NY : Routledge, 2016. | Series: Routledge research: Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315665788.

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Shapiro, Ian, Susan C. Stokes, Elisabeth Jean Wood, and Alexander S. Kirshner, eds. Political Representation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511813146.

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The trace of political representation. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1995.

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Joni, Lovenduski, and Baudino Claudie, eds. State feminism and political representation. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2005.

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Roy, Pierce, ed. Political representation in France. Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1986.

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Hadna, Agus Heruanto. Political linkages and models of political representation in Indonesia. Gorongan, Caturtunggal, Depok, Sleman, Yogyakarta: Indie Book Corner, 2017.

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1948-, Bakvis Herman, and Canada. Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing., eds. Representation, integration, and political parties in Canada. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1991.

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Grazia, Alfredo De. Public and republic: Political representation in America. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 1985.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political representation"

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Kamgain, Olivia. "Representation: Political." In Encyclopedia of the Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy, 3066–71. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6519-1_1027.

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Allen, Michael. "Political Representation." In Encyclopedia of Global Justice, 877–80. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-9160-5_173.

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Bellinger, Nisha. "Political Representation." In Governing Human Well-Being, 35–60. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-65391-4_2.

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Locke, Chris. "Political representation." In GPs, Politics and Medical Professional Protest in Britain, 1880–1948, 40–68. New York: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003438274-3.

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Kamgain, Olivia. "Representation: Political." In Encyclopedia of the Philosophy of Law and Social Philosophy, 1–6. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-6730-0_1027-1.

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Shorten, Andrew. "Representation." In Contemporary Political Theory, 75–106. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-29916-1_4.

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Zalewski, Marysia. "Survival/Representation." In International Political Economy and Poststructural Politics, 25–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230800892_2.

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Lindahl, Hans. "Intentionality, Representation, Recognition." In Political Phenomenology, 256–76. New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge research in phenomenology; 14: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429259852-14.

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Serafini, Paolo. "Legislative Political Representation." In Mathematics to the Rescue of Democracy, 87–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-38368-8_11.

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Mota, Fabiola. "Parliamentary Political Representation." In Political Power in Spain, 141–62. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63826-3_8.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political representation"

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Sari, Lusi, and Ilham Havifi. "Minangkabau Women's Political Identity In Political Representation." In Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Gender, Culture and Society, ICGCS 2021, 30-31 August 2021, Padang, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.30-8-2021.2316272.

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Angin, Ria, and Himawan Bayu Patriadi. "Political Parties and the Indonesian Policy of Women Political Representation." In International Conference on Ethics in Governance (ICONEG 2016). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/iconeg-16.2017.92.

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Jiang, Yan. "The Political Representation of Time in Museum." In Proceedings of the 2018 International Symposium on Humanities and Social Sciences, Management and Education Engineering (HSSMEE 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/hssmee-18.2018.91.

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Kiuru, Konstantin Valerievich. "Representation Of Political Concepts In Tainment Technologies." In International Scientific Congress «KNOWLEDGE, MAN AND CIVILIZATION». European Publisher, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.05.109.

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Šimovičová, Simona. "Higher Representation of Women on Candidate Lists - The Key to More Gender-Balanced Municipal Politics?" In XXVI. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0311-2023-51.

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This article aimed to examine the determinants that influence the representation of women in town councils in Slovakia. We extended the current research by examining the influence of the gender composition of male and female candidates for local council seats and analysing the impact of liberal political orientation. The influence of socio-economic, cultural, political and institutional factors on the percentage of female councillors in municipal politics was analysed through the econometric model and multiple regression method. We found that the representation of women in municipal councils is positively affected by the increase of female candidates for this position and by political culture measured through the representation of female councillors in the last term. Political and institutional determinants, such as the size of the local council and the political orientation of the members in the council, did not prove to be statistically significant.

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Amir, Johar, Akbar Bachtiar, and Aswati Asri. "Ideological Values Representation in Online Media Political Discourse." In Proceedings of the Seventh International Conference on Languages and Arts (ICLA 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icla-18.2019.96.

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Solihah, Ratnia, Yusa Djuyandi, and Siti Witianti. "Women's Political Participation through Representation in The Legislature." In Third International Conference on Social and Political Sciences (ICSPS 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icsps-17.2018.79.

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Lykoa, Janusz, and Arkadiusz Maciuk. "Minimal and maximal representation of degressively proportional allocation." In International Conference on Political Science, International Relations and Sociology. Cognitive-crcs, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2016.05.03.2.

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Anggalimea, Angeline, and Myrtati Dyah Artaria. "The Representation of Persons with Disabilities in Indonesian Reality Shows." In International Conference on Contemporary Social and Political Affairs. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0008817901320136.

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Basri, Hasan, Muhsin Efendi, Achmad Surya, Hajar Ashwad, and Nanda Zunafriesma. "Uken – Toa's Political Identity and Political Representation in the Pilkada of Central Aceh Aceh Province, Indonesia." In Proceedings of the 6th Batusangkar International Conference, BIC 2021, 11 - 12 October, 2021, Batusangkar-West Sumatra, Indonesia. EAI, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.11-10-2021.2319520.

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Reports on the topic "Political representation"

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Enke, Benjamin, Raymond Fisman, Luis Mota Freitas, and Steven Sun. Universalism and Political Representation: Evidence from the Field. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w31265.

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Kállai, Péter. How to Lose (the Almost) Guaranteed Representation – Recent Developments concerning Roma Parliamentary Representation in Hungary. European Centre for Minority Issues, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/djpm0924.

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As the Roma National Self-Government in Hungary failed to draw up its electoral list for the 2022 elections, it seemed that nobody would represent the most populous minority in Parliament; at least not within the framework of the preferential mandate system. This blog post covers the circumstances and developments behind this paradoxical situation and explains how uncompromising political wings have caused this outcome. The incumbent Roma minority advocate in Parliament and his allies worked hard to prevent anyone else from obtaining the first position on the electoral list and thus becoming a member of parliament, while the other political wing within the Roma self-government ruled out the re-election of the sitting advocate. As the author points out, however, the main problem lies in the very nature of the system, namely in the lack of real internal competition. Interestingly, as recent developments show, other Roma politicians may get elected on the party lists of both sides of the political spectrum.

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Lucas, Brian. Lessons Learned about Political Inclusion of Refugees. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.114.

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Most refugees and other migrants have limited opportunities to participate in politics to inform and influence the policies that affect them daily; they have limited voting rights and generally lack effective alternative forms of representation such as consultative bodies (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33). Political participation is ‘absent (or almost absent) from integration strategies’ in Eastern European countries, while refugees and other migrants in Western Europe do enjoy significant local voting rights, stronger consultative bodies, more funding for immigrant organisations and greater support from mainstream organisations (Solano & Huddleston, 2020a, p. 33).This rapid review seeks to find out what lessons have been learned about political inclusion of refugees, particularly in European countries.In general, there appears to be limited evidence about the effectiveness of attempts to support the political participation of migrants/refugees. ‘The engagement of refugees and asylum-seekers in the political activities of their host countries is highly understudied’ (Jacobi, 2021, p. 3) and ‘the effects that integration policies have on immigrants’ representation remains an under-explored field’ (Petrarca, 2015, p. 9). The evidence that is available often comes from sources that cover the entire population or ethnic minorities without specifically targeting refugees or migrants, are biased towards samples of immigrants who are long-established in the host country and may not be representative of immigrant populations, or focus only on voting behaviour and neglect other forms of political participation (Bilodeau, 2016, pp. 30–31). Statistical data on refugees and integration policy areas and indicators is often weak or absent (Hopkins, 2013, pp. 9, 28–32, 60). Data may not distinguish clearly among refugees and other types of migrants by immigration status, origin country, or length of stay in the host country; may not allow correlating data collected during different time periods with policies in place during those periods and preceding periods; and may fail to collect a range of relevant migrant-specific social and demographic characteristics (Bilgili et al., 2015, pp. 22–23; Hopkins, 2013, p. 28).

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Frisancho, Veronica, Evi Pappa, and Chiara Santantonio. When Women Win: Can Female Representation Decrease Gender-Based Violence? Inter-American Development Bank, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004513.

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Every day, three women are murdered in the United States by a current or former partner. Yet policy action to prevent gender-based violence has been limited. Previous studies have highlighted the effect of female political representation on crimes against women in the developing world. This paper investigates whether the election of a female politician reduces the incidence of gender-based violence in the United States. Using a regression discontinuity design on mixed-gender races, we find that the election of a female House Representative leads to a short-lived decline in the prevalence of femicides in her electoral district. The drop in femicides is mainly driven by a deterrence effect that results from higher police responsiveness and effort in solving gender-related crimes.

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Saiegh, Sebastián. Partisanship, Ideology, and Representation in Latin America. Inter-American Development Bank, August 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011656.

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This paper uses joint scaling methods and similar items from three large-scale surveys to place voters, parties and politicians from different Latin American countries on a common ideological space. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, the findings reveal that the "median" voter in Latin America is located to the left of the ideological spectrum, and that voter's ideological locations are highly correlated with their partisan attachments. The location of parties and leaders suggests that three distinctive clusters exist: one located at the left of the political spectrum, another at the center, and a third to the right. The results also indicate that legislators in Brazil, Chile, Mexico and Peru tend to be more "leftist" than their voters. The ideological drift, however, is not large enough to substantiate the claim that a representation gap exists in those countries.

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Aggio, Carlos. 'Lady Leaders': The Case of Quotas for Women's Representation in Argentina. Inter-American Development Bank, July 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006873.

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Argentina has taken steps to increase women's participation in politics. In 1991, it established that 30% of the candidate list for the Chamber of Deputies had to be women. As a consequence of the measure, the percentage of women deputies has increased from 5.44% in 1991/93 to 27% in 1995/97. At the same time, the country was under Menem's presidency that was considered to neglect democratic institution such as Parliament. The main aim of this paper is to answer the question: Does a quota system enhance women's participation in weak democracies? The main argument is given that the numeric increase of women has occurred in a weak and or neglected Parliament, the potential achievements of the initiatives has been neutralized. Additionally, the study argues that women have begun to make their voices heard in a political space that was traditionally controlled by men and this, in itself, constitutes a remarkable achievement.

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Kosec, Katrina, Jordan Kyle, and Hiroyuki Takeshima. When women hold local office: Women’s representation and political engagement amid conflict and climate shocks across Africa. Washington, DC: International Food Policy Research Institute, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2499/p15738coll2.137086.

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Lamsal, Kamal Raj. Federalism as a means of political participation of minorities. Fribourg (Switzerland): IFF, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51363/unifr.diff.2023.38.

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In Nepal, women, indigenous peoples, Dalits, and other marginalized communities have a small representation in politics however they cover the larger portion of the population. To address that, the federal constitution of Nepal (2015) has several provisions for accommodating people from marginalized groups into the mainstream. The main objective of this article is to identify how the idea of constitutional protection in federal Nepal has positive implications. For that, this article employs secondary data from various sources and primary data from the field. Data from the two local-level elections of federal Nepal have been analyzed. Out of 77 districts, Surkhet has been presented as a case. This article also uses a qualitative approach and descriptive style. The key finding of the study is that the federal form of governance accommodates cultural and ethnic minorities in the decision-making processes at the local level.

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Ingelaere, Bert, Réginas Ndayiragije, and Marijke Verpoorten. Political representation in the wake of ethnic violence and post-conflict institutional reform: Comparing views from Rwandan and Burundian citizens. UNU-WIDER, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35188/unu-wider/2022/275-1.

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Pachón, Mónica, Roberto Junguito, and Mauricio Cárdenas. Political Institutions and Policy Outcomes in Colombia: The Effects of the 1991 Constitution. Inter-American Development Bank, February 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011279.

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The 1991 Colombian Constitution strengthened the checks and balances of the political system by enhancing the role of Congress and the Constitutional Court, while somewhat limiting the powers of the President (who nonetheless remains extremely powerful even by Latin American standards). As a consequence of the larger number of relevant players, and the removal of barriers that restricted political participation, the political system has gained in terms of representation. However, political transaction costs have increased, making cooperation harder to achieve. The authors show that this has been typically the case in fiscal policy, where the use of rigid rules, the constitutionalization of some policies, and a reduction in legislative success rates-due to the presence of a more divided and fragmented Congress-have limited the adaptability and flexibility of policies. In contrast, in other areas of policy that were formally delegated to the technocracy, policies have been more adaptable to economic shocks, delivering better outcomes.

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