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Journal articles on the topic 'Political representation'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 July 2024

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1

Hamilton, Emma, and Alistair Rolls. "Vanilla and/or Vanilla Twist: Political Representation and Equilibrium in Assault on Precinct 13." Journal of Asia-Pacific Pop Culture 8, no. 2 (November 2023): 211–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jasiapacipopcult.8.2.0211.

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Abstract This article explores the nature of political representation in John Carpenter’s 1976 film Assault on Precinct 13. Previous scholars have taken divergent views of the representation, particularly racial representation, in this film, suggesting it is variously apolitical, conservative, or liberal. This article uses the lens of a “representational equilibrium” to explore the ways in which meaning is constructed in this film and, moreover, the ways in which seemingly contradictory interpretations and meanings can be held at once. A representational equilibrium helps us to understand how representations are distinctly historical and how it is possible, when viewing representation through the lens of its historical context, to understand how a film’s message can be both repressive and liberal, or, in other words, how we can see within the film’s representations evidence of enormous historical change, but no corresponding transformation in the relationships of power that the film conveys. Such a perspective accounts for complex, contradictory, and ambiguous representations and audience identifications, which seek to categorize a film not as either one thing or another but, rather, as capable of being many things at once.

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2

McKinnie, Michael. "King-Maker: Reading Theatrical Presentations of Canadian Political History." Theatre Research in Canada 15, no. 2 (January 1994): 164–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/tric.15.2.164.

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This essay examines Allan Stratton's Rexy! and Michael Hollingsworth's The Life and Times of Mackenzie King in the context of their historiographic representations of former Canadian Prime Minister Mackenzie King. The essay argues that the plays' different tropological strategies of representation determine their respective historical narratives, and explores some of the dramaturgical and theatrical implications of these strategies. Specifically, "Kingmaker" argues that Hollingsworth's narrative is constructed through metonymy, textually and scenographically drawing attention to the space between historical events and its own representation of those events. Stratton's narrative, in contrast, is guided by metaphor, and attempts to efface the representational methodologies at work in its construction of King.

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3

DALTON, RUSSELL J. "Political Parties and Political Representation." Comparative Political Studies 18, no. 3 (October 1985): 267–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414085018003001.

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Political representation in most Western democracies occurs through and by political parties. Based on parallel surveys of voters and party elites in nine West European nations, this article examines how well parties perform their representation role. The opinions of voters and party elites are compared for 40 party dyads. In some cases there is close correspondence between these opinions (e.g., economic and security issues), but in other instances the evidence of voter-party agreement is substantially weaker (e.g., foreign policy). An examination of party characteristics and contextual factors suggests that the clarity of party positions, represented by a centralized party structure and noncentrist ideology, strongly influences the efficiency of the party linkage process.

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Vasanthakumar, Ashwini. "Exile Political Representation." Journal of Political Philosophy 24, no. 3 (October 6, 2015): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jopp.12083.

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5

BRENNAN, GEOFFREY, and ALAN HAMLIN. "On Political Representation." British Journal of Political Science 29, no. 1 (January 1999): 109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123499000058.

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An essential feature of political representation is that a mediating assembly is set between the citizenry and political decision making. Representation involves indirect decision making or agency. Rational actor political theory often assumes representation in order to focus on problems of a principal–agent kind, but offers only relatively weak arguments for representation. We offer an alternative argument for representation that builds on our broader interpretation of rational actor political theory – an interpretation that emphasizes expressive considerations relative to instrumental considerations, and operates in a richer motivational setting. As well as providing an account of representation, we believe that our approach is capable of re-connecting rational actor political theory to many of the concerns of more traditional political theory.

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6

Sangchul Yoon. "Political Party System and Political Representation." Korea and World Politics 25, no. 1 (March 2009): 233–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17331/kwp.2009.25.1.009.

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7

Kjaer, Ulrik. "Urban Political Leadership and Political Representation." Urban Affairs Review 51, no. 4 (June 5, 2014): 563–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087414537610.

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8

Lee, Hyeon-Woo. "Women's Political Representation and Political Parties." Korean Journal of International Relations 42, no. 3 (October 31, 2002): 337–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14731/kjir.2002.10.42.3.337.

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9

Saputri, Rini Archda, Mada Sukmajati, and Desintha Dwi Asriani. "POLITICAL REPRESENTATION OF WOMEN IN PARLIAMENT: A LITERATURE REVIEW AND FUTURE RESEARCH OPPORTUNITIES." JWP (Jurnal Wacana Politik) 8, no. 2 (October 28, 2023): 213. http://dx.doi.org/10.24198/jwp.v8i2.46956.

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Over the past twenty-five years, gender and politics scholars have engaged in extensive theoretical and empirical discussions about women’s political representation. This article provides a comprehensive literature review of these studies. This study is divided into three themes: descriptive representation of women, substantive representation of women, and the correlation between descriptive and substantive representation of women. The literature review method is carried out by exploring and compiling studies on women’s political representation from various countries, classifying them based on specific topics, and mapping out what has been explored in these studies. The results of the study show that most of the research on women’s political representation is in the realm of women’s descriptive representation, which generally discusses the factors that affect the level of women’s political representation, obstacles and challenges in women’s political representation and the strategies used by women candidates in electoral politics. Meantime, studies on women’s substantive representation still need to be explored, especially in the context of countries in Asia, especially Indonesia. Then, studies on the relationship between descriptive and substantive representations of women show two debate patterns. Some experts believe a positive correlation exists between increasing the number of women’s representation and its substantive effect. Some others find no correlation between the descriptive and substantive representations of women.

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10

FOSSEN, THOMAS. "Constructivism and the Logic of Political Representation." American Political Science Review 113, no. 3 (May 14, 2019): 824–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000273.

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There are at least two politically salient senses of “representation”—acting-for-others and portraying-something-as-something. The difference is not just semantic but also logical: relations of representative agency are dyadic (x represents y), while portrayals are triadic (x represents y as z). I exploit this insight to disambiguate constructivism and to improve our theoretical vocabulary for analyzing political representation. I amend Saward’s claims-based approach on three points, introducing the “characterization” to correctly identify the elements of representational claims; explaining the “referent” in pragmatic, not metaphysical terms; and differentiating multiple forms of representational activity. This enables me to clarify how the represented can be both prior to representation and constituted by it, and to recover Pitkin’s idea that representatives ought to be “responsive” to the represented. These points are pertinent to debates about the role of representatives, the nature of representative democracy, and the dynamics of revolutionary movements.

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11

Гарник Вагинакович, Туманян, Лыгденов Буда Зоригтоевич, and Толпышева Валерия Федоровна. "REPRESENTATION IN ACCEPTED COMMUNICATIVE POLITICAL PRACTICES." STATE AND MUNICIPAL MANAGEMENT SCHOLAR NOTES 1, no. 3 (September 2022): 313–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2079-1690-2022-1-3-313-318.

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The article devoted the scientific problem concerning the symbolic representation of political subjects (parties, leaders) in the political media reality. To solve it, two political and communicative practices are studied: ideological and figurative representation in social networks. At the same time, political ideology is understood as a new horizontally shaped communication. The network image of a politician gravitates towards traditional models and role content. The conclusion testifies to the fundamental importance of the political representation of subjects that should be present in all types of political reality. But the empirical part indicates that the ideological representation of Russian parties is insufficient, and the figurative representation of politicians sins with image monotony.

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12

Mandarini, Matteo. "The Vicissitudes of Representation." Jus Cogens 2, no. 3 (July 30, 2020): 281–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s42439-020-00023-0.

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Abstract This article turns to the issue of political representation that I argue is central to all forms of political thought and practice of the modern period. Taking political representation as its object, I argue that its crisis—that comes to a head in the travails of the Weimar Republic—provided the opportunity for forms of neoliberal representation to displace political representation with purportedly “neutral”, non-partisan and thus “fair” representational tools. In contrast, I seek to develop the idea of “self-representation” with a discussion of paths not chosen at Weimar and via Italian operaismo’s reflections on “class composition”, which combines collective self-representation with political organization. Representing each member of a collective to another as it develops epistemic and cartographic tools, it constructs group solidarity, organization and the capacity to act as it reclaims the collectivity alienated in modern political forms of representation and excluded from neoliberal ones.

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13

Ankersmit, Frank. "Sovereignty and Political Representation." Redescriptions: Political Thought, Conceptual History and Feminist Theory 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2014): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/r.17.1.2.

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14

Willis, F. Roy, Philip E. Converse, and Roy Pierce. "Political Representation in France." American Historical Review 92, no. 5 (December 1987): 1223. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1868557.

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15

Weymans, Wim. "Freedom through Political Representation." European Journal of Political Theory 4, no. 3 (July 2005): 263–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885105052705.

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16

dobson, andrew, and lawrence hamilton. "representation and political theory." European Political Science 15, no. 4 (November 15, 2016): 570–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/eps.2016.1.

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17

Holmberg, Sören. "Political Representation in Sweden." Scandinavian Political Studies 12, no. 1 (October 1, 2007): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.1989.tb00079.x.

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18

Kusche, Isabel. "Reflection on Political Representation." Comparative Sociology 16, no. 5 (October 9, 2017): 634–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341437.

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Abstract This article compares how Members of Parliament in the United Kingdom and Ireland reflect on constituency service as an aspect of political representation. It differs from existing research on the constituency role of mps in two regards. First, it approaches the question from a sociological viewpoint that emphasizes the process character of role-taking and its need for validation by others. Second, instead of relying on interviews and surveys it analyses how mps refer to aspects of constituency work in parliamentary debate. This choice of empirical material opens up a long-term view on reflections of constituency service that either validate or question understandings of the constituency role. Although mps in both countries are heavily engaged in constituency work, the analysis reveals important differences in this regard, with Irish mps recurrently criticizing their own role in the constituency, while British mps unequivocally see it in a positive light.

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19

Westphal, Kenneth R. "Hegel on Political Representation." Owl of Minerva 25, no. 1 (1993): 111–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/owl199325135.

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20

Weber, Eugen. "Political representation in France." History of European Ideas 8, no. 6 (January 1987): 715–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(87)90167-7.

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21

Celis, Karen, and Sarah Childs. "Women’s Good Political Representation." Genero : časopis za feminističku teoriju i studije kulture 27, no. 1 (2023): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18485/genero.2023.27.1.1.

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22

Ruedin, Didier. "INDIVIDUAL REPRESENTATION: A DIFFERENT APPROACH TO POLITICAL REPRESENTATION." Representation 48, no. 1 (April 2012): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2012.653248.

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23

Guasti, Petra, and Brigitte Geissel. "Rethinking Representation: Representative Claims in Global Perspective." Politics and Governance 7, no. 3 (September 24, 2019): 93–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i3.2464.

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The established notion of political representation is challenged on multiple accounts—theoretically, conceptually, and empirically. The contributions to this thematic issue explore the constructivist turn as the means for rethinking political representation today around the world. The articles included here seek to reconsider representation by theoretically and empirically reassessing how representation is conceptualized, claimed and performed—in Western and non-Western contexts. In recognition that democratic representation in Western countries is in a process of fundamental transformation and that non-Western countries no longer aim at replicating established Western models, we look for representation around the world—specifically in: Belgium, Brazil, France, Germany, China, and India. This enables us to advance the study of representative democracy from a global perspective. We show the limits and gaps in the constructivist literature and the benefits of theory-driven empirical research. Finally, we provide conceptual tools and frameworks for the (comparative) study of claims of representation.

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24

Verma, Vidhu. "A Crisis of Representation: Interests, Identities and Politics." Journal of Social Inclusion Studies 5, no. 1 (June 2019): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2394481119849289.

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The controversy over political representation of marginalised groups and the implementation of quotas or reservations for historical injustice constitutes the most salient current battlefront in the conflict over the politics of social justice. Debates about the assumptions of theories of political representation tend to focus on political institutions, and for the most part, tend to debate them within nation-states. I begin by examining the debate on group representation in the Indian context. This article suggests that there is much to be gained in understanding how representation is challenged by following the politics of disadvantaged groups involved in this debate. To overcome the limitations in these theories we need to challenge the basic categories in thinking about political representation, that is about formation of interests, participation, sites of politics, and assertions of claims for representation. The second section focuses on formation of Dalit interests and the arguments for political representation. It examines the way representations of social divisions become problematic and resisted in institutionalized practices and political discourses. The third section point to limitations in our current thinking about theories of representation and the challenges they face. I argue that differences and disagreements within marginalised groups and the potential for intra-group conflicts of interests is challenging. Since shared membership of a disadvantaged group is not sufficient to have success in political representation, we argue that group justice depends in part on the ability to overcome differences and to forge a common political strategy. I argue that representations are eventually battles for meaning in politics through which social identities are constructed in ways that support or contest systems of inclusion and exclusion.

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25

Crémer, Jacques, and Thomas R. Palfrey. "Political Confederation." American Political Science Review 93, no. 1 (March 1999): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2585761.

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This article extends the spatial model of voting to study the implications of different institutional structures of federalism along two dimensions: degree of centralization and mode of representation. The representation dimension varies the weight between unit representation (one state, one vote) and population-proportional representation (one person, one vote). Voters have incomplete information and can reduce policy risk by increasing the degree of centralization or increasing the weight on unit representation. We derive induced preferences over the degree of centralization and the relative weights of the two modes of representation, and we study the properties of majority rule voting over these two basic dimensions of federalism. Moderates prefer more centralization than extremists, and voters in large states generally have different preferences from voters in small states. This implies two main axes of conflict in decisions concerning political confederation: moderates versus extremists and large versus small states.

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26

Zevnik, Andreja, and Andrew Russell. "Political Representation and Empowerment of Roma in Slovenia: A Case for National Reserved Representation." Treatises and Documents, Journal of Ethnic Studies / Razprave in Gradivo, Revija za narodnostna vprašanja 84, no. 84 (June 1, 2020): 51–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.36144/rig84.jun20.51-71.

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Abstract Some democratic societies use reserved representation mechanisms to address the under-representation of marginalised minority groups. We analyse the case of Slovenian Roma – a marginalised minority group afforded limited representational rights by the state. Drawing on the theoretical framework of reserved representation and minority rights, we argue that extending reserved representational rights for Roma to the national level would correct a fundamental institutional design oversight. It would constitute a significant step towards recognising Roma as a minority and an equal political actor in Slovenia and create an opportunity for political empowerment of the community and allow Roma to begin to address their socio-economic marginalisation.

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27

Cappelli, Ottorino. "The Soviet representative system at the crossroads: Towards political representation?" Journal of Communist Studies 7, no. 2 (June 1991): 170–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279108415083.

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28

Poe, Watufani M. "Representação vs. Representatividade: Analyzing Black LGBTQ+ Identity Politics in Brazil." Women Gender and Families of Color 10, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 156–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/23260947.10.2.04.

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Abstract Since the turn of the twenty-first century, a growing number of Black LGBTQ+ political candidates have run for electoral positions in Brazil. In the last five years, a significant number of these candidates have won their campaigns from varying political leanings, despite the rise of neofascist, homophobic, and transphobic waves throughout the election and the subsequent failed reelection attempt of Brazilian ex-president Jair Bolsonaro. While many of these Black LGBTQ+ candidates ran on platforms that centered their own social location as a power analysis to help them understand and react to the inequalities and social hierarchies in the country, some candidates strategically weaponized their identities to work against a politics of social equity. The candidates in the latter category rejected the idea that identity has anything to do with politics. These conflicts arising in the political sphere point to tensions about the purpose of representational politics for the communities who share identities with the politician. In this article, I look at the various iterations of representation that have taken place for Black LGBTQ+ politicians in recent years, analyzing how different candidates weaponize their identities. I ask what Black LGBTQ+ representational politics looks like and argue that a fundamental difference exists between representação, a simple form of representation where Black LGBTQ+ people are entering the political sphere regardless of their politics, and representatividade, a radical form of representation that ensures that Black LGBTQ+ candidates work politically for the interests of their community and all those who are oppressed like them. In my article I use interviews I conducted with one leftist Black trans state representative, Erica Malunguinho, as well as news articles, campaign videos, and other materials produced by the campaigns of both Malunguinho and right-wing Black gay politician Douglas Garcia to understand how the two politicians mobilize identity politics in their policy work and produce radically different meanings of representational politics for Black LGBTQ+ communities.

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29

Räber, Michael I. "Political Representation from a Pragmatist Perspective: Aesthetic Democratic Representation." Contemporary Pragmatism 16, no. 1 (February 22, 2019): 84–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18758185-0161119.

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In this article I discuss the advantages of a theory of political representation for a pragmatist theory of (global) democracy. I first outline Dewey’s disregard for political representation by analyzing the political, epistemological and aesthetic underpinnings of his criticism of the Enlightenment ideal of democracy and its trust in the power of the detached gaze. I then show that a theory of political representation is not only compatible with a pragmatist Deweyan-pragmatist perspective on democratic politics but also that Dewey’s concept of “publics”, if applied to contemporary circumstances of globalized politics, requires such a theory. I suggest a pragmatic theory of political representation that combines elements of Dewey’s aesthetics, particularly his own theory of vision, with Michael Saward’s conception of representative claim-making into the notion of aesthetic democratic representation.

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30

Beckwith, Karen, and Kimberly Cowell-Meyers. "Sheer Numbers: Critical Representation Thresholds and Women's Political Representation." Perspectives on Politics 5, no. 03 (August 16, 2007): 553. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759270707154x.

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31

Hayat, Samuel, and José María Rosales. "The Modernity of Political Representation." Contributions to the History of Concepts 15, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 69–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/choc.2020.150104.

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Representation is a major and multifaceted concept of modern politics. Through open and regular elections, it shields the democratic character of representative governments, compelling politicians to pursue the interests of their constituencies and become responsive to their demands. But since the concept of representation is so embedded in the day-to-day workings of democratic regimes, it has largely lost significant traces of its history that shed light on its political dawn. The instrumentalization of the concept by representative governments in order to assess their democratic legitimacy obfuscates its seminal ambiguities and the history of conflicts about its meaning and institutional functions.

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32

Gómez, Christina. "Latino Diversity and Political Representation." Journal of Latino/Latin American Studies 1, no. 2 (January 2004): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18085/llas.1.2.c12l725674224012.

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Gómez, Christina. "Latino Diversity and Political Representation." Journal of Latino/Latin American Studies 2, no. 1 (January 2006): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18085/llas.2.1.lq565124472610q1.

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34

Pasquino, Gianfranco. "Research handbook on political representation." Contemporary Italian Politics 13, no. 3 (July 3, 2021): 388–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23248823.2021.1955443.

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35

Mendola, Tara, and Jacques Lezra. "Introduction: Allegory and Political Representation." Yearbook of Comparative Literature 61 (December 2017): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ycl.61.1.

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36

De Nys, Martin J. "Political Representation and Econornic Liberty." Journal of Philosophy 84, no. 10 (1987): 565–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jphil1987841029.

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37

Kartik, Navin, Richard Van Weelden, and Stephane Wolton. "Electoral Ambiguity and Political Representation." American Journal of Political Science 61, no. 4 (July 10, 2017): 958–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12310.

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38

Mitra, Anirban. "Mandated Political Representation and Redistribution." Economica 85, no. 338 (July 28, 2017): 266–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ecca.12249.

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Schwartz, Andrew S. "Equality, Exclusion, and Political Representation." Social Philosophy Today 15 (2000): 361–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday2000156.

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40

Powell, G. Bingham. "POLITICAL REPRESENTATION IN COMPARATIVE POLITICS." xxxx 7 (June 15, 2004): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.50505/nlmtest4.

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41

Körösényi, András. "Political Representation in Leader Democracy." Government and Opposition 40, no. 3 (2005): 358–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2005.00155.x.

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AbstractThe essay focuses on the neglected problem of democratic politics, i.e. on the role of leadership. Although in democracies public office holders are controlled to a certain extent, leaders still have wide room for political manoeuvre and decide without any ‘instruction’ of the citizens. Re-working Weber's and Schumpeter's theory, the author aims to build the model of leader democracy. He highlights the major traits of it in a comparison with the deliberative and the aggregative–utilitarian concepts of democratic theory. The theory of leader democracy is applied to the problem of representation, which, in contrast to mechanical mirroring, gains a new, dynamic and qualitative meaning.

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42

Runciman, David. "The Paradox of Political Representation." Journal of Political Philosophy 15, no. 1 (March 2007): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9760.2007.00266.x.

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43

Giacaman, Faris. "Political Representation and Armed Struggle." Journal of Palestine Studies 43, no. 1 (2013): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2013.43.1.24.

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44

Celis, Karen, and Sarah Childs. "Conservatism and Women's Political Representation." Politics & Gender 14, no. 01 (March 2018): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x17000575.

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Abstract Conservative political actors appear rather troubling for many gender and politics scholars and feminist activists. What should we make of their claims to represent women? How should we best understand their actions? This article, based on a critical rereading of the empirical literature and informed by contemporary representation theory, develops a new conceptual framework for assessing the quality of women's substantive representation by conservatives. We find that under specified conditions, conservative representatives do further women's substantive representation. A first set of conditions relates to conservative claims to represent women. These are considered to be “for women” when they marry conservative women's concerns in society; when conservative representatives act and do not simply engage in rhetoric; and when their actions are not undercut by other acts, policies, or outcomes unfavorable to women. A second set of criteria considers the quality of the process of women's substantive representation. We contend that a feminist process of deliberation about women's interests can include conservative claims as long as they meet the requirements of responsiveness, inclusiveness, and egalitarianism.

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45

Harder, Lois. "State Feminism and Political Representation." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 2 (June 2007): 537–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070515.

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State Feminism and Political Representation, Joni Lovenduski, ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. xix, 315.Lovenduski's edited volume is an 11-country (10 western European countries and the US), analysis of the effects of women's policy agencies on efforts to increase the representation of women in the political process—in legislatures, on party lists and in public administration. The book is the product of a 10-year collaboration among scholars involved in the Research Network on Gender Politics and the State and it exhibits the rich rewards that such a lengthy and involved affiliation among like-minded scholars can produce.

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46

Vickers, Jill. "State Feminism and Political Representation." Perspectives on Politics 5, no. 03 (August 16, 2007): 665. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592707072039.

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47

Gelman, Andrew. "Voting, Fairness, and Political Representation." CHANCE 15, no. 3 (June 2002): 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09332480.2002.10554807.

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48

Brezovšek, Marjan. "Changing Attitudes Towards Political Representation." Javnost - The Public 4, no. 2 (January 1997): 105–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13183222.1997.11008649111.

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49

Levine, Jeremy R. "The Privatization of Political Representation." American Sociological Review 81, no. 6 (October 13, 2016): 1251–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0003122416670655.

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SCHWEBER, HOWARD. "The Limits of Political Representation." American Political Science Review 110, no. 2 (May 2016): 382–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000137.

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Abstract:

A representation is always a selective and limited reproduction of the thing represented, an idea captured in the metaphor of a map. What is left out of a representation is as important as what is included. A specifically political conception of representation implies limits to the scope of that conception, the nature and character of the represented constituency, and the relationship between constituent and representative, irrespective of variations in institutional design and practice. The limits of political representation reflect normative commitments; consequently, a focus on those limits is central to an evaluation of representative practices. While it is important to look beyond familiar institutional forms, excessively inclusive descriptions of “representative,” “constituency,” or “representation” deprive those conceptions of their substantive content. The limits of political representation are not defects to be overcome by an ever-expanding definition of representation, they are an essential focus in the normative or empirical analysis of representative institutions and practices.

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