Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political satire. Popular culture Culture conflict

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Political satire. Popular culture Culture conflict'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 16 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Political satire. Popular culture Culture conflict"

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Kolář, Stanislav. "Everybody’s Holocaust? Tova Reich’s Satirical Approach to Shoah Business and the Cult of Victimhood." Genealogy 3, no. 4 (September 27, 2019): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3040051.

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This paper sets out to demonstrate the changes that post-Holocaust fiction has been undergoing since around the turn of the new millennium. It analyzes the highly innovative and often provocative approaches to the Holocaust and its memory found in Tova Reich’s novel My Holocaust—a scathing satire on the personal and institutional exploitation of Holocaust commemoration, manifested in the commodification of the historical trauma in what has been termed “Shoah business”. The novel can be seen as a reaction to the increasing appropriation of the Holocaust by popular culture. This paper focuses on Reich’s critical response to the cult of victimhood and the unhealthy competition for Holocaust primacy, corresponding with the growth of a “victim culture”. It also explores other thematic aspects of the author’s satire—the abuse of the term “Holocaust” for personal, political and ideological purposes; attempts to capitalize on the suffering of millions of victims; the trivialization of this tragedy; conflicts between particularists and universalists in their attitude to the Shoah; and criticism of Holocaust-centered Judaism. The purpose of this paper is to show how Tova Reich has enriched post-Holocaust fiction by presenting a comic treatment of false victimary discourse, embodied by a fraudulent survivor and a whole gallery of inauthentic characters. This paper highlights the novel’s originality, which enables it to step outside the frame of traditional Holocaust fiction.
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Mukherjee, Dhrubaa. "Singing-in-between spaces: Bhooter Bhabisyat and the music transcending class conflict." Studies in South Asian Film & Media 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/safm_00034_1.

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This article analyses Bhooter Bhabisyat, a Bengali political horror satire, as a counter-narrative to Bengali cinema’s monocultural bhodrolok branding. The article argues that Bhooter Bhabisyat is radical in its refusal to follow hegemonic homogenizing musical styles classified into genres such as folk, popular, traditional and modern, which tend to be ethnocentric and class based with serious value judgments about the superiority of certain musical forms over others. Instead, Bhooter Bhabisyat uses a variety of distinct Bengali musical traditions to problematize the historic role of capitalist media that work to homogenize and popularize the dominant culture of the ruling classes. The hybrid songs of the film disrupt a sense of homogeneous bhodrolok class position that Bengali cinema has historically sustained. Through the strategies of musical pastiche, Bhooter Bhabisyat offers a meta-historic narrative about Bengali cinema, which makes possible a critical investigation of the cultural discourses and historical narratives that are discursively embedded within the history of filmic production, circulation and consumption. If film histories are produced by repressing differences between social groups and constructing universal identification, then foregrounding film songs as decolonial storytelling methods that reemphasize local voices and subject matters can lead to an effort to read history from below. The vulgar representation of time as a precise and homogeneous continuum has […] diluted the Marxist concept of history. (Giorgio Agamben) The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. (Karl Marx)
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Berezin, Mabel, Zygmunt G. Baranski, and Robert Lumley. "Culture and Conflict in Postwar Italy: Essays on Mass and Popular Culture." Contemporary Sociology 21, no. 1 (January 1992): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2074789.

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SCRIVEN, TOM. "HUMOUR, SATIRE, AND SEXUALITY IN THE CULTURE OF EARLY CHARTISM." Historical Journal 57, no. 1 (January 29, 2014): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000186.

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ABSTRACTHistories of Chartism have tended to emphasize the hegemony of respectability within the movement, and with histories of the popular press have seen the 1830s as a decisive break with older radical traditions of sexual libertarianism, bawdy political culture, and a satirical, sometimes obscene print culture. However, the basis of this position is a partial reading of the evidence. Work on London Chartists has emphasized their moralistic politics and publications at the expense of their rich populist and satirical press and the clear survival of piracy and romantic literature well into the Chartist period. The neglect of an important early leader, Henry Vincent, has meant the bawdy, sensual, and sometimes scatological letters he sent to his cousin in London have been overlooked as a source on the moral life of the Chartist generation. This article will address this by studying Vincent's letters in the context of London's populist press, particularly the work of his friends John Cleave and Henry Hetherington. Vincent's humour and attitude towards sexuality clearly reflect a broader tendency in London radicalism, while his own efforts as a newspaper editor in Bath indicate that acerbic humour was an important aspect not just of Chartism's political critique, but of its appeal to the provincial working class.
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Md Sazedul, Islam. "POLITICAL PARTIES OF BANGLADESH AND THE CULTURE OF POLITICAL VIOLENCE." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-1-129-139.

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Political parties are crucial for the development of democracy in Bangladesh. They represent interests of different social groups and, by means of participation in elections, affect the development of political and socio-economic power strategies. Thus, political parties provide guarantee of equal rights of all the country’s citizens and contribute to their involvement in the democratic process. The democratic institutions in Bangladesh are represented by 40 officially registered parties, among which the largest and most popular are the Awami League, the Nationalist Party, the Jatiya Party and the Jamaat-i-Islami. The article studies political parties’ participation in the life of the country since the establishment of Bangladesh and compares the four main political parties in terms of their ideology, organizational structure, leadership and popular support during elections. Throughout the country’s political history, the winning party has always enjoyed the monopoly of power, which has contributed to the aggravation of conflict between opposition parties and authorities. This situation significantly hinders the country’s socio-economic development. Strikes, often accompanied by extremist violence, are taking place in different parts of the country. The author uses the historical method to analyze the nature of the opposition of various political forces in Bangladesh.
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Mulder, Stephennie. "Beeshu’s Laugh." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 11, no. 2 (July 26, 2018): 174–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01102005.

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Abstract Although the Syrian uprising initially seemed poised to proceed along a path similar to that of revolutions in other parts of the Arab world, the situation quickly devolved into one of the bloodiest and most destructive conflicts since World War II. Against the backdrop of nearly unprecedented devastation and harsh repression, a popular ‘arts of self-satire’ has flourished, creating a form of visual critique directed simultaneously at the regime and the self. On the surface, such works appear to be deeply cynical but in fact serve as a means of visual and social empowerment. In this article I argue that self-satire—and the ‘involvement’ it reveals, exposes and displays—creates a distinctly Syrian form of popular artistic production whose goal is to create a sense of agency and provoke intra-communal and public empathy with the suffering of the Syrian people. Thus, in Syria, the arts of the uprising are often darkly cynical and self-mocking, but that very self-satire becomes the means by which Syrians insist to themselves, and the world, that their circumstances must be revealed, witnessed and radically identified with.
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Guneratne, Anthony R. "Religious conflict, popular culture and the troubled spectators of recent Indian film." Contemporary South Asia 6, no. 2 (July 1997): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584939708719812.

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Deets, Stephen. "Wizarding in the Classroom: Teaching Harry Potter and Politics." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 04 (September 25, 2009): 741–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909650999014x.

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This article describes teaching a course called Harry Potter and Politics. Focusing on aspects of political culture, the class tackled themes of identity, institutional behavior, and globalization. Teaching Harry Potter has several benefits. Students are both familiar with the wizarding world and yet have enough distance to examine it dispassionately. The book is driven by ethnic conflict, political power struggles, and dysfunctional bureaucracies. Finally, there is an academic literature on the books. Beyond Harry Potter, teaching politics through popular culture is not only natural for addressing political culture, but taps into the ways undergraduates are increasingly experiencing politics.
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Berard, Timothy J., and James K. Meeker. "Irony, Conflict, and Tragedy in Cultural Analysis: Hip-Hop between Bourdieu and Nietzsche." Critical Sociology 45, no. 2 (May 19, 2018): 183–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920518774605.

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Culture has increasingly been analyzed ironically in relation to social conflict, emphasizing themes of ideology, co-optation, and complicity in reproducing inequalities. Arguably the most sophisticated ironic cultural critique is provided by Bourdieu. Bourdieu’s critique is often criticized for reductionism, but without pursuing what is neglected by ironic reductionism. Nietzsche provides a remarkable counterpoint, offering both seminal resources for modern social criticism, and profound reflections on culture’s potential to affirm life with integrity and authenticity. Nietzsche’s analysis of classical Greek tragedy suggests how culture can collectively affirm life through art without illusions. The relative emphases and insights of these two critics are contrasted here in relation to the cultural phenomenon of hip-hop, addressing latent ideological baggage but also its social activism and tragic-realist aesthetic. Grounded in this discussion of hip-hop as predictably compromised, but also incisively defiant and painfully honest, a challenge is posed for cultural analysis to be critical without being dismissive of existential and aesthetic questions, or blind to the potentials of popular culture. Culture is neither as derivative as much social criticism would suggest, nor as autonomous as many artists and art critics would suggest. Cultural studies therefore must find a middle way, navigating between cynicism and naiveté.
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Higgins, Michael. "Political masculinities and Brexit." Journal of Language and Politics 19, no. 1 (January 15, 2020): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19090.hig.

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Abstract This article examines the discourses of masculinity to pervade debates on the United Kingdom’s exit from the European Union. The article outlines an association between excessive forms of masculinity and popular cultural discourses around conflict and war, constructing and reproducing a popular lexicon on the British experience of World War II in ways that are widely interpreted as symptomatic of a coarsening of political discussion. However, the article also emphasises the performative quality of these masculine discourses in line with the personalisation of politics, and stresses the scope for contestation and ridicule. The article thereby identifies the articulation of a performative masculinity with a nation-based politics of the right. While disputable and occasionally subject to derision, this produces a gendered component in any antagonistic turn in contemporary political culture.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political satire. Popular culture Culture conflict"

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Dungan, Drew W. "South Park and absurd culture war ideologies the art of stealthy conservatism /." To access this resource online via ProQuest Dissertations and Theses @ UTEP, 2009. http://0-proquest.umi.com.lib.utep.edu/login?COPT=REJTPTU0YmImSU5UPTAmVkVSPTI=&clientId=2515.

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Tay, Geniesa. "Embracing LOLitics: Popular Culture, Online Political Humor, and Play." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Media and Communication, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/7091.

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The Internet, and Web 2.0 tools can empower audiences to actively participate in media creation. This allows the production of large quantities of content, both amateur and professional. Online memes, which are extensions of usually citizen-created viral content, are a recent and popular example of this. This thesis examines the participation of ordinary individuals in political culture online through humor creation. It focuses on citizen-made political humor memes as an example of engaged citizen discourse. The memes comprise of photographs of political figures altered either by captions or image editing software, and can be compared to more traditional mediums such as political cartoons, and 'green screens' used in filmmaking. Popular culture is often used as a 'common language' to communicate meanings in these texts. This thesis thus examines the relationship between political and popular culture. It also discusses the value of 'affinity spaces', which actively encourage users to participate in creating and sharing the humorous political texts. Some examples of the political humor memes include: the subversion of Vladimir Putin's power by poking fun at his masculine characteristics through acts similar to fanfiction, celebrating Barack Obama’s love of Star Wars, comparing a candid photograph of John McCain to fictional nonhuman creatures such as zombies using photomanipulation, and the wide variety of immediate responses to Osama bin Laden's death. This thesis argues that much of the idiosyncratic nature of the political humor memes comes from a motivation that lies in non-serious play, though they can potentially offer legitimate political criticism through the myths 'poached' from popular culture.
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Muthee, Martin Kimathi Muthee. "An Echo to a People's Culture: Ken Walibora's Kidagaa Kimemwozea as a Representation of the Kenyan Socio-Political Environment." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1494864795378801.

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Books on the topic "Political satire. Popular culture Culture conflict"

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G, Margarita R. Pacheco. La fiesta liberal en Cali. Cali, Colombia: Ediciones Universidad del Valle, 1992.

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Culture. 2nd ed. New York, NY: Routledge, 2004.

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Jenks, Chris. Culture. 2nd ed. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxfordshire: Routledge, 2005.

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Culture. London: Routledge, 1993.

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Peña, Manuel H. The Mexican American orquesta: Music, culture, and the dialectic of conflict. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1999.

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Forbes, Amy Wiese. The satiric decade: Satire and the rise of republicanism in France, 1830-1840. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2010.

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Museum politics: Power plays at the exhibition. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002.

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Köves, József. Bambi, fecske, szocreál: Szubjektív szótár. Budapest]: Arión Kiadó, 2013.

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Reinventing Richard Nixon: A cultural history of an American obsession. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2008.

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The satiric decade: Satire and the rise of republicanism in France, 1830-1840. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2010.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political satire. Popular culture Culture conflict"

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Park-Primiano, Sueyoung. "Censorship and the Unfinished Past: Political Satire in Contemporary South Korean Cinema." In Popular Culture in Asia, 65–87. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137270207_4.

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Barreto, Amílcar Antonio. "Culture, Identity, and Policy." In The Politics of Language in Puerto Rico, 1–6. University Press of Florida, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683401131.003.0001.

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More than means of communication, languages are integral parts of our cultural identities and feature frequently in intercultural conflict. Language policy has been a thorny issue in federal-territorial relations since the early twentieth century. There is a hallowed place for the Spanish language in Puerto Rican identity. At the same time, Puerto Ricans view English as a critical tool for upward mobility. The tug-of-war between the heart and wallet meant that most Puerto Ricans accepted official bilingualism. Then suddenly, in 1991, the island’s government declared Spanish its only official language. Political expediency was not the point. After all, it was not a popular move. Rather, the political operatives pushing this shift in language policy were involved in a complex game bypassing votes for a much larger political prize.
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Foss, Colin. "The Boulevards Lose their Theaters." In The Culture of War, 25–50. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789621921.003.0002.

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During the Siege of Paris, Parisian theaters had to escape their reputation as places of leisure for the elites of Europe and re-imagine their purpose within a city at war and in the throes of political tumult. When the Siege began, a municipal decree closed all theaters within the capital. Their re-opening was predicated on an orientation towards civic life, a repertoire that more closely reflected the revolutionary spirit of the Siege, and a willingness to open their doors to popular and populist gatherings that had previously been the purview of political clubs. This chapter relates the conflict between institutional independence and a changing public opinion, focusing on Édouard Thierry, the director of the Comédie-Française, in his attempt to sell the Parisian public on the idea that his institution was a place of populist discourse, not just a distraction in times of war. To do so, he had to argue that French theatrical patrimony was the best defense against the enemy. In other words, he argued that going to the theater was patriotic.
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Bulfin, Ailise. "‘In that Egyptian den’: situating The Beetle within the fin-de-siècle fiction of Gothic Egypt." In Richard Marsh, popular fiction and literary culture, 1890-1915. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526124340.003.0007.

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This chapter analyses the relationship between Marsh’s bestselling novel of Egyptian malevolence, The Beetle: A Mystery (1897), and a subgenre of Gothic Egyptian fiction which developed partially in response to contentious Anglo-Egyptian political relations. Marsh began writing his novel in 1895, the same year General Herbert Kitchener launched his famous and ultimately successful campaign to quell Islamic-nationalist rebellion in northern Sudan, then indirectly under Anglo-Egyptian control. This chapter exposes the links between the novel and colonial politics, placing The Beetle within the context of Anglo-Egyptian and Sudanese conflict, rather than broadly reading it against general imperial concerns. The chapter provides a fuller picture of both the remarkable revival of the Gothic literary mode at the fin de siècle and the society in which this literary phenomenon occurred. The chapter also reveals how Marsh’s text dramatically exceeded Gothic Egyptian genre conventions in its emphasis on pagan as well as colonial monstrosity.
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Dueck, Jennifer M. "An Enduring Dilemma: Teaching National Identity in Lebanon." In The Claims of Culture at Empire's End. British Academy, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264478.003.0005.

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The situation in Lebanon shared many features with that in Syria. Education and language were symbolic pillars of political power and collective identity in both countries. That said, there were marked differences between the educational systems in Syria and Lebanon. In spite of the occasional threat of violence, schools in Lebanon did not become targets for popular aggression as they did in Syria. Struggles over education were confined to the political sphere where the debates were sometimes intense. The actual practice of politics was dominated by intra-sectarian conflict in which Christians and Muslims formed cross-confessional allegiances to further their interests within their own communities. The discussion also considers how educational provision affected the network of relationships between the French government, the French missionaries, the Maronite Patriarchy, and the Maqāsid Islamic Charitable Association.
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Tucker, Terrence T. "Introduction." In Furiously Funny. University Press of Florida, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813054360.003.0001.

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This chapter establishes the definition of comic rage and traces the history of humor and militancy in African American literature and history. It distinguishes between comic rage and satire, culminating in an examination of George Schuyler’s Black No More. It details how comic rage acts as an abjection (from Julia Kristeva) that breaks down simplistic ideas about race and representations that appear in literature and popular culture. While identifying Richard Pryor as the most recognizable employer of comic rage, this chapter also points to figures like Sutton Griggs, Ishmael Reed, and Malcolm X; who embody the multiple combinations of anger and comedy that appear in the chapters of the book. It outlines the contents of the chapters that trace the development of comic rage in relation to the various political and literary moments in American and African American life.
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Taylor, David Francis. "Harlequin Napoleon; or, What Literature Isn’t." In The Politics of Parody, 210–48. Yale University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300223750.003.0007.

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This concluding chapter begins by addressing the image of Napoleon as Harlequin. In appropriating the iconography of pantomime, conscripting it in the service of wartime propaganda, Harlequin-Napoleon prints and broadsides are involved in a complex form of cultural negotiation. They map onto military conflict the vocabulary of a longstanding culture war whereby the highly charged and always renewed binaries of high–low, literature–entertainment, and elite–popular become a means of comprehending the military and political confrontation between Britain and Napoleonic France. Moreover, images of Harlequin Napoleon implicitly mobilize and affirm particular conceptions of “literature” and “the literary” even as they strenuously avoid visibly naming or referencing them. The chapter then considers pantomime, a form of popular theater at the core of long-standing and pervasive anxieties about the dissolution of British culture.
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Zhu, Yun. "Fantastic Laughter in a Socialist-Realist Tradition?" In Maoist Laughter, 89–104. Hong Kong University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888528011.003.0006.

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With an aim to shed some light on the regulated yet not necessarily homogenized laughter of the pre-Cultural Revolution Maoist years, this chapter examines the nuanced deployment of laughter in the popular children’s novella The Magic Gourd (Bao hulu de mimi) by the literary humorist Zhang Tianyi (1906–1985) and its eponymous film adaptation by Yang Xiaozhong (1899–1969). Contextualizing these texts both in the larger tradition of modern Chinese literature and culture and in the specific socio-cultural milieu of the late 1950s and the early 1960s, I look into how, without apparently challenging the dominant socialist-realist model, they tactfully relieve the stress between the politically repudiated comic mode of “satire” (fengci) and the purposefully promoted mode of “extolment” (gesong). Whether intended or not, the keen relevance the texts bear to the political and economic hyperboles of the Maoist era adds further ambiguities and ironies to the already layered laughter.
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Middleton, Paul. "The Scarecrow Christ." In Martyrdom. Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789462988187_ch07.

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Paul Middleton deals with the contested homosexual martyr Matthew Shepard. Matthew Shepard, a gay twenty-one year old political science student at the University of Wyoming, was robbed and brutally beaten by two other men on the night of Tuesday, 6 October 1998. The men tied him to a fence after the attack, while he was bleeding profusely in freezing temperatures. He died a few days later, on 12 October 1998, and was called a martyr in Time Magazine, just a week after his death. Middleton examines the popular martyr-making process in respect of Matthew Shepard, arguing that both the making of the martyr and the reaction it provoked reflect American ‘culture wars’, because martyrology is conflict literature, foremost about the conflict between the story-tellers and their opponents. Ironically, both LGBT activists and right-wing religious groups have in some ways sought to undermine Shepard’s martyr status by focusing on his life rather than his death. Such efforts, as Middleton argues, had a limited effect because in martyrologies any interest in the lives of their heroes is incidental, merely setting up the scene for a significant death.
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Luskey, Brian P. "Bargains Worse than Fraudulent." In Men Is Cheap, 44–77. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469654324.003.0003.

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Antebellum Americans’ experiences in and debates about intelligence offices reflected and shaped the broader debate about northern and southern political economy occurring in the years prior to the Civil War. As politicians worried—and comic publications laughed—about the consequences of the nation divided, intelligence offices and the intense conversations swirling around them revealed the ways Americans were confronting the fact that their households were divided between kitchen and parlor, upstairs and downstairs. The secession crisis and the beginning of the Civil War exacerbated these concerns, because respectable men of business as well as impoverished workers desperately sought safe and steady positions as sources of credit and capital ran dry. Intelligence office transactions illuminated what wage labor was in well-to-do households, popular culture, and political economy in critically important ways just as northerners and southerners came into conflict about labor—how it was recruited, moved, and exploited—in the Civil War. Even though Americans despised intelligence offices, they nevertheless adopted them as models upon which to speed the flow of soldiers and workers throughout the country during the war. Out of crisis, some northerners imagined opportunity in the movement of people to accrue credit and capital.
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