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Kolář, Stanislav. "Everybody’s Holocaust? Tova Reich’s Satirical Approach to Shoah Business and the Cult of Victimhood." Genealogy 3, no. 4 (September 27, 2019): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3040051.
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This paper sets out to demonstrate the changes that post-Holocaust fiction has been undergoing since around the turn of the new millennium. It analyzes the highly innovative and often provocative approaches to the Holocaust and its memory found in Tova Reich’s novel My Holocaust—a scathing satire on the personal and institutional exploitation of Holocaust commemoration, manifested in the commodification of the historical trauma in what has been termed “Shoah business”. The novel can be seen as a reaction to the increasing appropriation of the Holocaust by popular culture. This paper focuses on Reich’s critical response to the cult of victimhood and the unhealthy competition for Holocaust primacy, corresponding with the growth of a “victim culture”. It also explores other thematic aspects of the author’s satire—the abuse of the term “Holocaust” for personal, political and ideological purposes; attempts to capitalize on the suffering of millions of victims; the trivialization of this tragedy; conflicts between particularists and universalists in their attitude to the Shoah; and criticism of Holocaust-centered Judaism. The purpose of this paper is to show how Tova Reich has enriched post-Holocaust fiction by presenting a comic treatment of false victimary discourse, embodied by a fraudulent survivor and a whole gallery of inauthentic characters. This paper highlights the novel’s originality, which enables it to step outside the frame of traditional Holocaust fiction.
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Mukherjee, Dhrubaa. "Singing-in-between spaces: Bhooter Bhabisyat and the music transcending class conflict." Studies in South Asian Film & Media 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/safm_00034_1.
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This article analyses Bhooter Bhabisyat, a Bengali political horror satire, as a counter-narrative to Bengali cinema’s monocultural bhodrolok branding. The article argues that Bhooter Bhabisyat is radical in its refusal to follow hegemonic homogenizing musical styles classified into genres such as folk, popular, traditional and modern, which tend to be ethnocentric and class based with serious value judgments about the superiority of certain musical forms over others. Instead, Bhooter Bhabisyat uses a variety of distinct Bengali musical traditions to problematize the historic role of capitalist media that work to homogenize and popularize the dominant culture of the ruling classes. The hybrid songs of the film disrupt a sense of homogeneous bhodrolok class position that Bengali cinema has historically sustained. Through the strategies of musical pastiche, Bhooter Bhabisyat offers a meta-historic narrative about Bengali cinema, which makes possible a critical investigation of the cultural discourses and historical narratives that are discursively embedded within the history of filmic production, circulation and consumption. If film histories are produced by repressing differences between social groups and constructing universal identification, then foregrounding film songs as decolonial storytelling methods that reemphasize local voices and subject matters can lead to an effort to read history from below. The vulgar representation of time as a precise and homogeneous continuum has […] diluted the Marxist concept of history. (Giorgio Agamben) The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. (Karl Marx)
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Berezin, Mabel, Zygmunt G. Baranski, and Robert Lumley. "Culture and Conflict in Postwar Italy: Essays on Mass and Popular Culture." Contemporary Sociology 21, no. 1 (January 1992): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2074789.
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SCRIVEN, TOM. "HUMOUR, SATIRE, AND SEXUALITY IN THE CULTURE OF EARLY CHARTISM." Historical Journal 57, no. 1 (January 29, 2014): 157–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000186.
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ABSTRACTHistories of Chartism have tended to emphasize the hegemony of respectability within the movement, and with histories of the popular press have seen the 1830s as a decisive break with older radical traditions of sexual libertarianism, bawdy political culture, and a satirical, sometimes obscene print culture. However, the basis of this position is a partial reading of the evidence. Work on London Chartists has emphasized their moralistic politics and publications at the expense of their rich populist and satirical press and the clear survival of piracy and romantic literature well into the Chartist period. The neglect of an important early leader, Henry Vincent, has meant the bawdy, sensual, and sometimes scatological letters he sent to his cousin in London have been overlooked as a source on the moral life of the Chartist generation. This article will address this by studying Vincent's letters in the context of London's populist press, particularly the work of his friends John Cleave and Henry Hetherington. Vincent's humour and attitude towards sexuality clearly reflect a broader tendency in London radicalism, while his own efforts as a newspaper editor in Bath indicate that acerbic humour was an important aspect not just of Chartism's political critique, but of its appeal to the provincial working class.
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Md Sazedul, Islam. "POLITICAL PARTIES OF BANGLADESH AND THE CULTURE OF POLITICAL VIOLENCE." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (December 15, 2019): 129–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-1-129-139.
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Political parties are crucial for the development of democracy in Bangladesh. They represent interests of different social groups and, by means of participation in elections, affect the development of political and socio-economic power strategies. Thus, political parties provide guarantee of equal rights of all the country’s citizens and contribute to their involvement in the democratic process. The democratic institutions in Bangladesh are represented by 40 officially registered parties, among which the largest and most popular are the Awami League, the Nationalist Party, the Jatiya Party and the Jamaat-i-Islami. The article studies political parties’ participation in the life of the country since the establishment of Bangladesh and compares the four main political parties in terms of their ideology, organizational structure, leadership and popular support during elections. Throughout the country’s political history, the winning party has always enjoyed the monopoly of power, which has contributed to the aggravation of conflict between opposition parties and authorities. This situation significantly hinders the country’s socio-economic development. Strikes, often accompanied by extremist violence, are taking place in different parts of the country. The author uses the historical method to analyze the nature of the opposition of various political forces in Bangladesh.
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Mulder, Stephennie. "Beeshu’s Laugh." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 11, no. 2 (July 26, 2018): 174–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-01102005.
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Abstract Although the Syrian uprising initially seemed poised to proceed along a path similar to that of revolutions in other parts of the Arab world, the situation quickly devolved into one of the bloodiest and most destructive conflicts since World War II. Against the backdrop of nearly unprecedented devastation and harsh repression, a popular ‘arts of self-satire’ has flourished, creating a form of visual critique directed simultaneously at the regime and the self. On the surface, such works appear to be deeply cynical but in fact serve as a means of visual and social empowerment. In this article I argue that self-satire—and the ‘involvement’ it reveals, exposes and displays—creates a distinctly Syrian form of popular artistic production whose goal is to create a sense of agency and provoke intra-communal and public empathy with the suffering of the Syrian people. Thus, in Syria, the arts of the uprising are often darkly cynical and self-mocking, but that very self-satire becomes the means by which Syrians insist to themselves, and the world, that their circumstances must be revealed, witnessed and radically identified with.
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Guneratne, Anthony R. "Religious conflict, popular culture and the troubled spectators of recent Indian film." Contemporary South Asia 6, no. 2 (July 1997): 177–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584939708719812.
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Deets, Stephen. "Wizarding in the Classroom: Teaching Harry Potter and Politics." PS: Political Science & Politics 42, no. 04 (September 25, 2009): 741–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909650999014x.
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This article describes teaching a course called Harry Potter and Politics. Focusing on aspects of political culture, the class tackled themes of identity, institutional behavior, and globalization. Teaching Harry Potter has several benefits. Students are both familiar with the wizarding world and yet have enough distance to examine it dispassionately. The book is driven by ethnic conflict, political power struggles, and dysfunctional bureaucracies. Finally, there is an academic literature on the books. Beyond Harry Potter, teaching politics through popular culture is not only natural for addressing political culture, but taps into the ways undergraduates are increasingly experiencing politics.
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Berard, Timothy J., and James K. Meeker. "Irony, Conflict, and Tragedy in Cultural Analysis: Hip-Hop between Bourdieu and Nietzsche." Critical Sociology 45, no. 2 (May 19, 2018): 183–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920518774605.
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Culture has increasingly been analyzed ironically in relation to social conflict, emphasizing themes of ideology, co-optation, and complicity in reproducing inequalities. Arguably the most sophisticated ironic cultural critique is provided by Bourdieu. Bourdieu’s critique is often criticized for reductionism, but without pursuing what is neglected by ironic reductionism. Nietzsche provides a remarkable counterpoint, offering both seminal resources for modern social criticism, and profound reflections on culture’s potential to affirm life with integrity and authenticity. Nietzsche’s analysis of classical Greek tragedy suggests how culture can collectively affirm life through art without illusions. The relative emphases and insights of these two critics are contrasted here in relation to the cultural phenomenon of hip-hop, addressing latent ideological baggage but also its social activism and tragic-realist aesthetic. Grounded in this discussion of hip-hop as predictably compromised, but also incisively defiant and painfully honest, a challenge is posed for cultural analysis to be critical without being dismissive of existential and aesthetic questions, or blind to the potentials of popular culture. Culture is neither as derivative as much social criticism would suggest, nor as autonomous as many artists and art critics would suggest. Cultural studies therefore must find a middle way, navigating between cynicism and naiveté.
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Higgins, Michael. "Political masculinities and Brexit." Journal of Language and Politics 19, no. 1 (January 15, 2020): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19090.hig.
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Abstract This article examines the discourses of masculinity to pervade debates on the United Kingdom’s exit from the European Union. The article outlines an association between excessive forms of masculinity and popular cultural discourses around conflict and war, constructing and reproducing a popular lexicon on the British experience of World War II in ways that are widely interpreted as symptomatic of a coarsening of political discussion. However, the article also emphasises the performative quality of these masculine discourses in line with the personalisation of politics, and stresses the scope for contestation and ridicule. The article thereby identifies the articulation of a performative masculinity with a nation-based politics of the right. While disputable and occasionally subject to derision, this produces a gendered component in any antagonistic turn in contemporary political culture.
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Shaw, Tony, and Denise J. Youngblood. "Cold War Sport, Film, and Propaganda: A Comparative Analysis of the Superpowers." Journal of Cold War Studies 19, no. 1 (January 2017): 160–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00721.
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Films and sports played central roles in Cold War popular culture. Each helped set ideological agendas domestically and internationally while serving as powerful substitutes for direct superpower conflict. This article brings film and sport together by offering the first comparative analysis of how U.S. and Soviet cinema used sport as an instrument of propaganda during the Cold War. The article explores the different propaganda styles that U.S. and Soviet sports films adopted and pinpoints the political functions they performed. It considers what Cold War sports cinema can tell us about political culture in the United States and the Soviet Union after 1945 and about the complex battle for hearts and minds that was so important to the East-West conflict.
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Kaptan, Yeşim. "Laugh and Resist! Humor and Satire Use in the Gezi Resistance Movement." Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 15, no. 5 (October 10, 2016): 567–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341407.
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This article focuses on the local humor employed in the Gezi Park Protests, one of the most widespread protests in the history of modern Turkey. By analyzing examples of widely circulated graffiti in the social media during and after the Gezi Park protests, I explore the role of socio-cultural and political humor in the protests as a form of resistance, which is intertwined in many ways with local popular culture, as well as global cultural forms of resistance used in anti-capitalist movements such as the Occupy Wall Street movement and public protests in Greece, Egypt, Algeria, and Spain. The humor and laughter in political processes manifests relation to traditional Turkish cultural forms. However, context-bounded humor originating from local meanings and traditional folk stories in the humorous graffiti of the Gezi Protests is considered not only an artistic and creative form of opposition to the conservative-religiousakpgovernment, but also a local response to global capitalism.
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Sugden, John, and Alan Bairner. "“Ma, There’s a Helicopter on the Pitch!” Sport, Leisure, and the State in Northern Ireland." Sociology of Sport Journal 9, no. 2 (June 1992): 154–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.9.2.154.
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The political crisis in Northern Ireland has been met with a wide range of responses from the British state. Apart from a manifest increase in its coercive powers, in an attempt to maintain hegemonic supremacy there have been state sponsored initiatives directed toward penetrating and influencing various aspects of the Province’s popular culture. Because of the close relationship between sport, leisure, and the separate cultural traditions that underpin the political conflict, this area of popular culture has proven to be highly contested terrain. While traditional Marxist approaches to the study of superstructural formations have been greatly enhanced by the application of categories drawn from Gramsci’s political analysis, the Northern Ireland case reveals that Gramsci’s distinction between political and civil society is only useful so long as its application is flexible enough to accommodate the widest possible range of social divisions.
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McFalls, Laurence H. "Une Allemagne, deux sociétés distinctes: les causes et conséquences culturelles de la réunification." Canadian Journal of Political Science 26, no. 4 (December 1993): 721–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900000457.
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AbstractThis article proposes a political culture explanation of the collapse of Communism in the GDR and of the current crisis of democracy in reunited Germany. Based on the qualitative and quantitative analysis of an original survey, it argues that the erosion of values that had stabilized East German society motivated the popular revolution of 1989. The conflict of surviving distinct values with those of the West has poisoned the socio-political climate in Germany and contributed to the rise of xenophobia. A constitutional debate accompanying reunification might have mitigated this conflict and the present crisis.
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Jackson, Melveen. "Popular Indian South African music: division in diversity." Popular Music 10, no. 2 (May 1991): 175–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000004499.
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It is frequently claimed that cultural processes in South Asia are best understood as being informed by an ethos of ‘Unity in Diversity’. The same cannot be said for culture as it has been, and still is, experienced by Indian South Africans. Far from being the homogeneous group to which apartheid South Africa relegated Indian South Africans in 1948 for the purposes of political control, the ‘Community’, as it is euphemistically called by politicians of all kinds, is plagued by sectarianism and conflict. This contest engages individuals and genuine communities who are seeking to establish a freely chosen identity, economic stability and political status.
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JOHNSON, JAMES H. "Urban development and the culture of masked balls in nineteenth-century Paris." Urban History 40, no. 4 (May 22, 2013): 646–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926813000205.
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ABSTRACTThis article links the nature of commercial masked balls in Paris in the 1830s and 1840s to urban development during these decades. The raucous and often destructive character of the balls, which united elites and popular classes under the mask's anonymity, coincided with a society undergoing social and political upheaval. The dress and conduct of revellers were expressions of their ambitions, fears and resentments. Changes in the urban landscape of the 1820s and 1830s – in particular, the construction of the grands boulevards and alignment of theatres sponsoring masked balls along this axis – sharpened potential conflict at such events by placing them in one of the most socially charged corridors of the city.
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Martin, Toby. "Dougie Young and political resistance in early Aboriginal country music." Popular Music 38, no. 03 (October 2019): 538–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143019000291.
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AbstractCountry music has a reputation for being the music of the American white working-class South and being closely aligned with conservative politics. However, country music has also been played by non-white minorities and has been a vivid way of expressing progressive political views. In the hands of the Indigenous peoples of Australia, country music has often given voice to a form of life-writing that critiques colonial power. The songs of Dougie Young, dating from the late 1950s, provide one of the earliest and most expressive examples of this use of country music. Young's songs were a type of social-realist satire and to be fully understood should be placed within the broader socio-political context of 1950s and 1960s Australia. Young's legacy was also important for Aboriginal musicians in the 1990s and the accompanying reassessment of Australia's colonial past. Country music has provided particular opportunities for minority and Indigenous groups seeking to use popular culture to tell their stories. This use of country music provides a new dimension to more conventional understandings of its political role.
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KERSHAW, IAN. "War and Political Violence in Twentieth-Century Europe." Contemporary European History 14, no. 1 (February 2005): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777304002164.
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This article takes the obvious link between war and political violence in twentieth-century Europe to ask three questions. Did the cause of such a massive upsurge in violence have roots extending beyond the technologies of modern warfare? What shapes the relative propensity of states and societies towards violence? And what is specifically ‘modern’ (other than the technology of destruction) about mass killing in the twentieth century? It finds answers in the use of popular sovereignty to justify unprecedented ethnic conflict, in a mix of ingredients linked to political culture and contested state legitimacy, and in the role of bureaucracy and technology in the orchestration of large-scale and state-sponsored violence.
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Koehler, Jonathan. "“Soul Is But Harmony”: David Josef Bach and the Workers' Symphony Concert Association, 1905–1918." Austrian History Yearbook 39 (April 2008): 66–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0667237808000059.
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Ifhigh culture, asTheodorAdornoonce proposed, promises a reality that does not exist, why, at the fin de siècle, did it hold such great attraction for Central Europe's populist politicians who were most attuned to the realities of everyday life? The answer, at least for imperial Austria, is that those politicians believed high culture to possess an integrative social function, which forced them to reconcile notions of “high” culture with “mass” culture. This was particularly true in Vienna, where the city's public performance venues for art, music, stage theater, and visual art stood as monuments to the values that the liberal middle classes had enshrined in the 1867 Constitution. A literate knowledge of this cultural system—its canon of symphonic music; the literature of tragedy, drama, and farce; and classical and contemporary genres of painting—was essential for civic participation in an era of liberal political and cultural hegemony. This article examines one cultural association that attempted to exploit the interaction between German high culture and two spheres, which are commonly thought to stand at odds with elite, high culture: popular culture and mass politics. Rather than a simple, cultural divide, this relationship created a contested “terrain of political and social conflict” in the decades preceding World War I. This terrain was of enormous consequence for Viennese of every social class.
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Liikanen, Ilkka. "National Sovereignty and Popular Overeignty in the Making of Finnish Independence and the Civil War of 1918." Lithuanian Historical Studies 13, no. 1 (December 28, 2008): 151–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01301011.
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In the following an attempt is made to summarize the basic lines of the academic discussion on the character of the Finnish civil war. I pose some questions concerning the nature of the conflict in terms of modern politics. Following the recent discussion on the contradictions of modern political culture, I will ask to what degree the war can be understood in terms of conflicting patterns of national sovereignty and popular sovereignty. In terms of historiography, the nature of the civil war of 1918 was defined during the interwar and Cold war periods mainly in two opposing ways. In the hegemonic academic tradition, the war was interpreted as a fight for national sovereignty, as the ‘war of liberation’. In the discourse close to the labour movement, the conflict was conceptualized as an internal matter, as a social conflict or a ‘class war’. First from the 1960s on, there have appeared new interpretations that have tried to cover both aspects of the crises and reassessed in what sense the war can be understood as a struggle for national sovereignty and to what degree it should be seen in the context of an internal social and political conflict.
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Dibben, Nicola. "Representations of femininity in popular music." Popular Music 18, no. 3 (October 1999): 331–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000008904.
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Every text and every reading has a social and therefore political dimension, which is to be found partly in the structure of the text itself and partly in the social relations of the reader and the way they are brought to bear upon the text. (Fiske 1989b, pp. 97–8)The position outlined in the quotation above suggests that meanings are the result of convergence between material properties of a text, and the particular social allegiances of the reader. Two approaches to music and meaning are embodied in this stance: the first theorises music as the material realisation of social forces which are structured into the text and into the reading subject, while the second promotes a view in which the text is rewritten in the act of recontextualisation within the practices of everyday life. Both approaches, the former represented by the critique of mass culture offered by the Frankfurt School, the latter by theories of popular culture, have their roots in the Marxist tradition which theorises the fundamental conflict in society as one between the dominant economic class and all those subordinated by it. Within this context, music is subject to a critique which reveals its stance as either affirming or opposing the ideology of the dominant economic order. The central question is therefore not whether music is ideological, but how ideology is made material and the extent to which listeners are free to produce meanings. In this paper these issues are examined in relation to ideologies of femininity in popular music.
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Matusevich, Maxim. "An exotic subversive: Africa, Africans and the Soviet everyday." Race & Class 49, no. 4 (April 2008): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396808089288.
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The Leninist argument, that the class struggle of the European proletariat was intertwined with the liberation of the `toiling masses of the East', led to an official ideology of Soviet internationalism in which Africans occupied a special place. Depictions of the evils of racism in the US became a staple of Soviet popular culture and a number of black radicals, among them Langston Hughes, Paul Robeson and Claude McKay, flocked to the Soviet Union in the 1920s-30s, inspired by the belief that a society free of racism had been created. While there was some truth to this view, people of African descent in the Soviet Union nevertheless experienced a condescending paternalism, reflected also in their cinematic portrayal and in popular literature and folklore. With the onset of the cold war, young Africans were encouraged to study in Russia, where they received a mixed reaction and, on account of occasional conflict with the authorities and Soviet cultural norms, became symbols of dissent against official Soviet culture. Later, in the perestroika period, Africa became a scapegoat for popular discontent amidst a worsening climate of racism.
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Rinehart, Robert E., and Jayne Caudwell. "Sport–war cartoon art." Media, War & Conflict 11, no. 2 (March 1, 2017): 223–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635217696435.
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In this article, We explore the extent to which political cartoons and comic strips – as mediated public and political visual art, the ‘ninth art’ according to Groensteen’s The System of Comics (2007[1999] – subvert/confirm institutional values of so-called Western democracies during times of war. Our concern, as sociologists of sport, is with the ways dominant sporting sensibilities are (re)presented in cartoon art, and how sport itself is conflated with patriotic ideologies of war as a vehicle for propaganda. In particular, We interrogate how competitive-sporting ideals are aligned with war and conflict, and mobilized by cartoons during periods of Western-asserted conflict. We are intrigued by how some cartoon illustrations have the visual power to misplace, simplify and essentialize – via sporting analogy – the intense and complex emotions surrounding war. The aim of the article is to examine how the visual within popular culture is used to dis-connect and dis-engage a public with the realities of war and human conflict.
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Hargreaves, John. "Sport and Socialism in Britain." Sociology of Sport Journal 9, no. 2 (June 1992): 131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.9.2.131.
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This paper attempts to explain the relationship between socialism and sport in Britain using a historical and comparative analysis of developments in Europe to identify the particular sociopolitical conditions and processes pertaining in the British case. It argues that a distinctively socialist sports culture failed to develop in Britain due to the interaction between two sets of forces: the powerful economic, political, and cultural constraints that are characteristic of Britain’s development, and the character of British socialism’s response to those constraints. It pinpoints the ways in which features specific to British socialism disabled socialists from adequately grasping the significance of sport in popular culture, from responding effectively to the way class, sex and gender, and national identities are formed in sporting activity, and from influencing processes of conflict and accommodation taking place around sport between dominant and subordinate groups.
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Greene, Daniel. "Drone Vision." Surveillance & Society 13, no. 2 (July 2, 2015): 233–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v13i2.5346.
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What does the drone want? What does the drone need? Such questions, posed explicitly and implicitly by anthropomorphized drones in contemporary popular culture, may seem like distractions from more pressing political and empirical projects addressing the Global War on Terror (GWOT). But the artifacts posing these questions offer a different way of viewing contemporary surveillance and violence that helps decouple the work of drones from justifications for drone warfare, and reveals the broader technological and political network of which drones are the most immediate manifestation. This article explores ‘drone vision’ a globally distributed apparatus for finding, researching, fixing and killing targets of the GWOT, and situates dramatizations of it within recent new materialist theoretical debates in surveillance and security studies. I model the tactic of ‘seeing like a drone’ in order to map the networks that support it. This tactic reveals a disconnect between the materials and discourses of drone vision, a disconnect I historicize within a new, imperial visual culture of war distinct from its modernist, disciplinary predecessor. I then explore two specific attempts to see like a drone: the drone art of London designer James Bridle and the Tumblr satire Texts from Drone. I conclude by returning to drone anthropomorphism as a technique for mapping the apparatus of drone vision, arguing that drone meme arises precisely in response to these new subjects of war, as a method to call their diverse, often hidden, materials to a public accounting.
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Baron, Ilan Zvi, and Galia Press-Barnathan. "Foodways and Foodwashing: Israeli Cookbooks and the Politics of Culinary Zionism." International Political Sociology 15, no. 3 (March 22, 2021): 338–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ips/olab007.
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Abstract The paper explores the political narratives produced in English-language Israeli cookbooks. We examine an understudied, yet central component of everyday international relations, everyday nationalism, and identity contestations as practiced through gastronomy, and highlight the dilemma between the different political uses of popular culture in the context of conflict resolution and resistance. Our argument identifies different narratives represented in what we term Culinary Zionism. One narrative is explicitly political, discusses Israeli cuisine as a foodway, and contributes to creating a space of, and a path for, coexistence and recognition of the Other. A second narrative is found in tourist-orientated cookbooks that offer a supposedly apolitical story of culinary tours in Israel. We problematize the political and normative implications of these narratives by exploring the potential role of these books to open space for dialogue and to increase the familiarity and interest of foreign audiences of Israel and the conflict. We contrast this possibility with their potential to what we term foodwashing, namely the process of using food to symbolically wash over violence and injustices (the violence of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict in this case).
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Morgan, G. "Frustrated Respectability: Local Culture and Politics in London's Docklands." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 11, no. 5 (October 1993): 523–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d110523.
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How useful is the concept of urban community in modern society? The author considers the arguments of some observers of modernity who view local community as insignificant. Although the economic foundations of such community might well be eroded, definitions of local identity continue to have significance in lived culture and are important in shaping the political views of those who live in traditional working-class neighbourhoods. The history of London's Docklands is examined. The defence of local labour markets and the wish for the community to be viewed as respectable rather than rough, largely account for the residents' desire to mark out the boundaries of locality. The spatial limits of specific communities cannot themselves be objectively deduced from structural forces such as class or ethnic relations. Yet on a subjective level the popular desire to mark out the limits of community can be understood with reference to such forces. From the 1970s the Docklands economic base was destabilised and the foundations of the traditional community was weakened, In Bermondsey, large numbers of new residents took up residence in the 1970s. They were seen by the locals as threatening to undermine an authentic local identity. The conflict between traditional and newer residents was evident in the struggles within the Bermondsey Labour Party branches in the early 1980s, which preceded the endorsement of the ‘newcomer’ Peter Tatchell as the official Labour Party Parliamentary candidate. Tatchell was subsequently attacked by the tabloid press for his sexuality, his appearance, and his ‘trendy’ inner-city radicalism. He was presented as the very antithesis of the authentic Bermondsey worker. This campaign of villification resulted in the defeat of Tatchell in a safe Labour seat in the by-election. This defeat demonstrates how the moral politics of the New Right, which were being given expression by the press, converged with the frustrated respectability of the white working class in the area.
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Rampton, Ben, Constadina Charalambous, and Panayiota Charalambous. "Crossing of a different kind." Language in Society 48, no. 5 (August 9, 2019): 629–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404519000460.
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ABSTRACTThis study of language crossing moves away from the scenes of multi-ethnic heteroglossia that have dominated the research, and turns instead to a setting affected by major conflict where the language of the traditional enemy has been introduced to secondary schools as part of a reconciliation initiative. This generates a radically different view of crossing and the environment in which it emerges: schooling counts more than popular culture; inter-generational links matter as much as peer relations; and ‘technical redoing’ is a more important key for crossing than ‘make believe’, ‘contests’, or ‘ceremonials’ (Goffman 1974). With a very different profile of this kind, crossing retains and extends its significance, pointing to a sociolinguistic practice that also occurs in official sites struggling with a legacy of violence and acute division. (Crossing, conflict legacy, language learning, classrooms, keying)*
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Sugrue, Thomas J. "Reassessing the History of Postwar America." Prospects 20 (October 1995): 493–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300006190.
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In the american popular imagination, the 1950s and 1960s stand in stark juxtaposition. The conformity of the 1950s contrasts with the rebelliousness of the 1960s. Consumerism was undermined by the challenge of youthful antimaterialism. Repressed sexuality gave way to sexual liberation. Political centrism yielded to polarization. A homogeneous mass culture fragmented into balkanized cultures. Consensus broke down into irrepressible conflict. For conservatives, the 1950s serve as a symbolic “golden age,” an era that atavistic (and terribly forgetful) Americans evoke when pondering current economic, cultural, and social problems. For those on the Left, the 1950s remain the “dark ages” of repression, corporate domination, and racial and sexual subordination.
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Alagha, Joseph. "Hizbullah’s Post-Islamist Trends in the Performing Arts." Religions 11, no. 12 (December 2, 2020): 645. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11120645.
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This article outlines Hizbullah’s shift to post-Islamism and its various cultural activities in Lebanese society that underpin this shift. The Party’s involvement in these activities is integrated in current research on post-Islamism and its various social, political, and cultural manifestations. In its Islamist stage, Hizbullah anathematized the Lebanese political system and state institutions. In its post-Islamist phase, Hizbullah became pragmatic by embarking on a policy of opening-up (infitah) in politics along with cultural and social practices. This article studies Hizbullah’s popular culture and lifestyles by focusing on its purposeful art or ‘resistance art’, which is a cultural resistance against oppression, domestic deprivation, disenfranchisement, and repression, as well as foreign aggression, invasion, occupation, and subjugation. Hizbullah exploits the concepts of cultural citizenship and cultural politics to encourage, in mixed gender spaces, purposeful performing arts: music, dancing, singing, revolutionary theater, and satire. Hizbullah appears to equate modernity with European art forms rather than indigenous forms. In its ideology and politics, Hizbullah fluctuated between Islamism and post-Islamism. While in its performing arts, Hizbullah conveyed a post-Islamist face legitimized by the principle of maslaha (public interest).
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Hill, Annette, Mette Mortensen, and Joke Hermes. "Fear: Introduction to special issue." European Journal of Cultural Studies 24, no. 4 (August 2021): 793–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13675494211033297.
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Fear needs dealing with. Fear demands to be abated, countered or turned into something else, contributing and curtailing how we ‘do’ being human beings. This special issue of the European Journal of Cultural Studies addresses fear within media and popular culture, adopting a cultural studies approach to fear in a variety of socio-cultural and political contexts. A cultural studies approach allows us to enhance the horizon of understanding cultural practices, mediation and the subjective experience of fear as something we need to work through, in a process of recognition and shock, action and reaction, understanding and reflection. This focus on ‘working through fear’ offers new insights into the intensely subjective aspects of fear as it is creatively explored in representations within drama and documentary, photography and art, and in user-generated content, memes and political satire, and as it is embodied and experienced by people in the context of their realities. In addition, it shows how fear generates energy, anxiety and even desire. Rather than offering a generalizing account, this issue seeks to address fear in specific contexts, localities and from specific roles and perspectives.
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Barbosa Caro, Eduar, and Johanna Ramírez Suavita. "Paramilitarism and music in Colombia." Politics of Sound 18, no. 4 (June 28, 2019): 541–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.19019.bar.
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Abstract Colombia has experienced violence at the hands of both guerrillas and paramilitaries fighting to control territories, drug trafficking, and gain political influence. Though in recent years armed activities by both groups has subsided, their conflicting ideologies are visible in several contexts in today’s polarized Colombia. We tend to think about conflict in terms of bullets and people in military uniforms, but discourses of conflict are also evident in popular culture, such as music. In this paper, we analyse 19 corridos paracos, videos produced by sympathisers of Right-wing guerrilla groups, to demonstrate how this is done. Here, we find songs present a messianic portrayal of the paramilitary along with sexist ideas as the representation of manliness. Moreover, there is an almost total absence of peaceful actions in the lyrics, and an exaltation of brutality and terrorism. In a political context which cries out for reconciliation, these do little to this end.
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Abdullah, Nor Hafizah, Nor Azlili Hassan, Abdul Satar Abdullah Harun, Liana Mat Nayan, Rahilah Ahmad, and Madihah Md Rosli. "Conflict Management among Malay Married Couples: An Analysis on Their Strategies & Tactics." Asian Social Science 13, no. 10 (September 27, 2017): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n10p95.
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The purpose of this study is to explore the strategies and tactics used in conflict management and analyze their effectiveness based on quantitative methodology. Probability sampling of 300 respondents in Selangor, Malaysia consisting of Malay married couples were selected using cluster sampling. The findings showed that the strategies were competing, collaborating, compromising, avoiding and accommodating. In average, around 80 percent of Malay married couples chose collaborating strategy whereas competing was less popular. However, the most popular tactic among the respondents is trying to do what is necessary to avoid tension which is under the avoiding strategy. Two-way communication and compromise were seen to be the essence in keeping longevity and success in marriage. The study revealed that there was a change in conflict management among Malay married couples which can be related to the economic development of society, technological advances, political scenarios and the influx of foreign culture. Nonetheless, along with the changes in Malaysia’s economic system, modern Malay couples are more open-minded. Therefore, couples in this study tend to see conflicts as problems that need to be solved, wanting quality decisions that truly resolve the issues. They believe in the power of consensus and in sharing of information and achieving understanding with one another.
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Saniscara, Pramesti, Elda Franzia Jasjfi, and Agung Eko Budi Waspada. "WACANA EKSPRESI HUMOR DAN KREATIVITAS MEME FILM PENGABDI SETAN 2017." Jurnal Seni dan Reka Rancang: Jurnal Ilmiah Magister Desain 3, no. 2 (June 9, 2021): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.25105/jsrr.v3i2.9430.
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<p><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><p><strong><em>Digital Democracy in Popular Culture: Meme and Political Critics</em></strong><em>. Meme has become a popular subculture that cannot be separated from the internet sphere. Meme have become an agent of free speech that allows a discourse to be communicated, modified, disseminated without the need of conventional conversation. The upcoming Presidential Election 2019 in Indonesia has become one of the discourses that often, using memes as its agent. Memes, while being a medium of expressed humor and satire, also become a media critic of Indonesian democracy practices. This journal sees the meme of Nurhadi-Aldo as a discourse of political criticism wrapped in comedy and satire in response to the 2019 Presidential Election using structuralism approach from Anthony Giddens.</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong><em>: Internet, memes, </em></p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstrak </strong></p><p><strong>Wacana Ekspresi Humor Dan Kreativitas Meme Film Pengabdi Setan 2017</strong>. Meme sudah menjadi subkultur populer yang tidak bisa dipisahkan dari dunia internet. meme sudah menjadi sebuh media ekspresi bebas yang memungkinkan sebuah ide dikomunikasikan, dimodifikasi, dan disebarluaskan tanpa harus mengalami dialog secara langsung. Meme selain menjadi ekspresi humor dan satir warganet. Tulisan ini melihat perkembangan meme sebagai media komunikasi dan perkembangannya seiring wacana ekspresi humor dan kreativitas meme film pengabdi setan 2017, dengan melihat aspek implikatur dan semantic yang digunakan dalam meme Pengabdi Setan 2017 <strong></strong></p><strong>Kata kunci:</strong> meme, Ekspresi Humor, Pengabdi Setan
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Coast, David. "Rumor and “Common Fame”: The Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham and Public Opinion in Early Stuart England." Journal of British Studies 55, no. 2 (March 11, 2016): 241–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2016.2.
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AbstractThis article reexamines the parliamentary impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham, the royal favorite of King Charles I, by placing this event in the broader contexts of political culture and social change in early Stuart England. Buckingham's enemies based the impeachment on “common fame,” claiming that his faults were a matter of public knowledge. Charles, however, believed that the charges were based on seditious rumors. The impeachment undercut an important element of elite rhetoric that associated rumor with the rebellious multitude, revealing ideological divisions over the nature of grievances and the legitimacy of popular speech. The article contextualizes the impeachment within 1620s underground literature that purported to present the views of the common people, arguing that there was a wider tendency to ventriloquize public opinion. When Buckingham's allies produced their own tracts featuring the persona of the “honest ploughman,” appeals to the authority of public opinion were clearly gaining in strength. By explaining this development in political culture with reference to the growth of a more politically reliable “middling sort,” the article contributes to debates about the relationship between social change and political conflict in early Stuart England.
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Trendafilov, Vladimir. "The Formation of Bulgarian Countercultures: Rock Music, Socialism, and After." East Central Europe 38, no. 2-3 (2011): 238–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633011x597234.
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AbstractThe article traces the evolution of musical counterculture in Bulgaria from the 1960s down to the present time. A special attention is given to its burgeoning during socialism—the creation of the early rock groups, the difficulties they met on their way to achieving popularity and style, and their uneven struggle with the various censorship strictures. The significant details and stages of this process are viewed against the background of emergent socialist consumer culture, a dubious product of the interplay between the totalitarian system and the cultural impact of the West. And, last but not least, the development of present-day trends and tastes in Bulgarian popular music is interpreted as a basic transformation of the forces that constitute the field of conflict between counterculture and the mainstream.
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Crowley, Stephen. "Russia." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, no. 3 (August 2015): 698–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415599202.
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Class structure, class inequality, and class analysis are central to understanding contemporary Russian politics and society. And yet Russians themselves—from social scientists, to political leaders, to everyday Russians—have struggled to come to grips with the concept of class, which became a taboo topic following the collapse of communism. In recent years, that has started to change. Russian social scientists have placed great emphasis on defining the Russian “middle class,” in a search both for a non-Marxist conception of class and for a social group with the potential to lead Russia toward a more liberal future. Yet the middle class concept remains fuzzy, and the political aspirations for the group have been only partially realized. Meanwhile, much of the rest of Russian society retains a more traditional view of class and class conflict, as reflected in various political struggles and even in popular culture, such as Russian film.
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Björk, Ulf Jonas. "Tricky Film: The Critical and Legal Reception of I Am Curious (Yellow) in America." American Studies in Scandinavia 44, no. 2 (September 1, 2012): 113–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v44i2.4919.
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This study examines the reception of the Swedish film I am Curious (Yellow) in America. As a mixture of political satire and a chronicle of a sexual affair, with fictional and documentary material, the film was referred to by a U.S. government official as “the most explicit movie ever imported” when it arrived in America in 1968 and was released only after a federal appeals court reversed a lower-court verdict that had found it legally obscene. Although cleared for importation, I am Curious (Yellow) continued to be dogged by whether its sex scenes violated local and state obscenity laws. While the legal actions at times impeded distribution of the film, they also generated publicity for it, eventually making it one of the most profitable foreign-language films in U.S. motionpicture history. This paper discusses several court cases where the film’s social value—or lack thereof—was the factor deciding whether it could be shown, and it also looks at critical reaction to the film. Noting that all popular-culture products are products of the societies they spring from, the paper also looks at how the film was received in Sweden.
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Balcerzak, Agnieska. "Jan Hardy versus Likwidator. Comics als Medien der gesellschaftlichen Spaltung Polens." Zeitschrift für Volkskunde 2021, no. 1 (May 26, 2021): 43–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.31244/zfvk/2021/01.04.
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This article at the intersection of cultural studies of popular and memory culture deals with the genre of comics as an identity-forming (protest) medium and projection surface for the ideologised “culture war” between traditionalists and modernists in contemporary Poland. The analysis focuses on two historical comics that combine facts and imaginary and refer back to the Second World War, the communist period and the recent history of the Republic of Poland after 1989. The article juxtaposes two title heroes and their comic worlds, which represent opposite ends of the political spectrum and reveal the problem areas of Poland’s dividedness along the underlying canon of values and symbolic worlds: Jan Hardy, the national-conservative “cursed soldier”, and Likwidator, the relentless “anarcho-terrorist”. The characters and their adventures exemplify fundamental memory cultural, religious, nationalist and emancipatory discourses in Poland today. The focus of the analysis lies on the creation context and the (visual) language with its narrative-aesthetic intensifications, which illuminate Poland’s current state of conflict between national egoism and traditional “cultural patriotism” on the one hand and liberal value relativism with its progressive-emancipatory rhetoric on the other.
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de Smale, Stephanie. "Memory in the margins: The connecting and colliding of vernacular war memories." Media, War & Conflict 13, no. 2 (February 19, 2019): 188–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635219828772.
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This article examines how war memory circulates, connects and collides on digital media platforms driven by digital publics that form around popular culture. Through a case study of vernacular memory discourses emerging around a game inspired by the Yugoslav war, the article investigates how the commenting practices of YouTube users provide insights into the feelings of belonging of conflict-affected subjects that go beyond ethnicity and exceed geographical boundaries. The comments of 331 videos were analysed, using an open source tool and sequential mixed-method content analysis. Media-based collectivities emerging on YouTube are influenced by the reactive and asynchronous dynamics of comments that stimulate the emergence of micro-narratives. Within this plurality of voices, connective moments focus on shared memories of trauma and displacement beyond ethnicity. However, clashing collective memories cause disputes that reify identification along ethnic lines. The article concludes that memory discourses emerging in the margins of YouTube represent the affective reactions of serendipitous encounters between users of audio-visual content.
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Colăcel, Onoriu. "Teaching the Nation: Literature and History in Teaching English." Messages, Sages and Ages 3, no. 2 (November 1, 2016): 43–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/msas-2016-0014.
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Abstract Teaching English as a foreign language is rooted in the national interest of English-speaking countries that promote their own culture throughout the world. To some extent, ‘culture’ is a byword for what has come to be known as the modern nation. Mainly the UK and the US are in the spotlight of EFL teaching and learning. At the expense of other, less ‘sought-after’ varieties of English, British and American English make the case for British and American cultures. Essentially, this is all about Britishness and Americanness, as the very name of the English variety testifies to the British or the American standard. Of course, the other choice, i.e. not to make a choice, is a statement on its own. One way or another, the attempt to pick and choose shapes teaching and learning EFL. However, English is associated with teaching cultural diversity more than other prestige languages. Despite the fact that its status has everything to do with the colonial empire of Great Britain, English highlights the conflict between the use made of the mother tongue to stereotype the non-native speaker of English and current Anglo- American multiculturalism. Effectively, language-use is supposed to shed light on the self-identification patterns that run deep in the literary culture of the nation. Content and language integrated learning (CLIL) encompasses the above-mentioned and, if possible, everything else from the popular culture of the English-speaking world. It feels safe to say that the intractable issue of “language teaching as political action” (Cook, 2016: 228) has yet to be resolved in the classrooms of the Romanian public schools too.
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Sacranie, Nour K. "Alternative Remembrances." Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 9, no. 1 (2016): 3–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18739865-00901005.
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Memory of the civil war in Lebanon is fractured if not completely broken, and its history remains officially unwritten. A lack of reconciliation or peace-building initiatives suggests that the causes for the conflict have simply been masked or ignored rather than cured. Existing scholarship has examined the absence of a national collective memory or unified history in Lebanon, with some speculation that the persistent fault lines in the country’s multi-factional and multi-religious society may lead to a relapse of the violence. While there have been some curatorial endeavors in the field, little popular criticism and even less academic writing focuses on contemporary visual culture in Lebanon or the wider Middle East. It is only in recent years that due attention has been paid to the vibrant art scene in the region, and the dearth in critical material has been addressed. With this in mind, this paper aims to contribute to the wider burgeoning conversation about critical art practices in the Middle East. In analyzing the work of three Lebanese ‘post-war’ artists, questions about the nature of wartime history and memory are asked in relation to visual culture. The article asks what art is doing in the context of Lebanese post-war society, and while it may not be possible to answer this question fully, there is an underlying need to re-evaluate the way the arts are viewed in contemporary discourse, as pioneered by Jacques Ranciere and Jill Bennet, among others.
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LEE, ROBERT. "Customs in Conflict: Some Causes of Anti-Clericalism in Rural Norfolk, 1815–1914." Rural History 14, no. 2 (September 16, 2003): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793303001031.
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This article examines aspects of the relationship between the Norfolk poor and the Norfolk clergy between 1815 and 1914. It considers the potential impact clergymen could have upon a number of areas of secular life, especially with regard to the extirpation of popular culture and custom, the social and moral management inherent in charity and Poor Law administration, and the development of ‘power networks’ in the countryside that confronted the challenge posed by religious Nonconformity and political radicalism. The article is principally concerned with the importance of the Church of England as an instrument of secular authority in nineteenth-century rural life. Rival social structures and conflicting economic interests are subjected to both quantitative and qualitative analysis, while keys to cultural tension are sought in such iconic areas as the pageantry of parish entertainments; the re-casting of law to act against custom; the rise of the clergyman as antiquarian historian and amateur archaeologist; the symbolism and architecture of the restored church. In so doing an attempt is made to address questions that are at once broadly political and narrowly human in their scope. What did the Oxbridge scholar – perhaps having spent the preceding three years conversing in Greek and Latin with his peers – find to ‘say’ to the agricultural labourers now in his pastoral care? And why, when the clergyman (often justifiably) thought of himself as working unstintingly in his parishioners' interests, was he so often heartily despised by them?
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Brzobohaty, Avery. "Agency, Authenticity, and Parody in Palestinian Hip Hop." Journal of Popular Music Studies 32, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jpms.2020.32.1.44.
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Throughout the discourse surrounding the Israel-Palestine conflict many methods have emerged to examine the ways in which artists engage with the issues through popular culture. As hip hop spread globally, its universal themes and ability to constitute community led to the use of rap as a vehicle for political commentary. This paper explores how the Palestinian hip hop group DAM provides a commentary on the experiences of Palestinian-Israelis through carnivalesque methods to create shocking juxtapositions. Using an inter-textual method, we can see that humor allows DAM to freely speak “their truth,” defusing tensions and providing a new perspective on the conflict, opening dialogue, and regaining control over a painful history. This case study raises questions of authenticity, agency, and parody in hip hop. The genre blurs the threshold of true and false and allows artists to present a conventional hip hop persona, giving them the freedom to safely comment on social issues. Humor allows for further political commentary under the façade of a joke. By parodying painful racial, gender, and class stereotypes, artists reclaim their identity and further subvert prejudices against them. This case study challenges the notion of what protest music looks like, and how it functions to promote change.
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Archer, Rory. "Assessing Turbofolk Controversies: Popular Music between the Nation and the Balkans." Southeastern Europe 36, no. 2 (2012): 178–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633312x642103.
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This article explores controversies provoked by the Serbian pop-folk musical style “turbofolk” which emerged in the 1990s. Turbofolk has been accused of being a lever of the Milošević regime – an inherently nationalist cultural phenomenon which developed due to the specific socio-political conditions of Serbia in the 1990s. In addition to criticism of turbofolk on the basis of nationalism and war-mongering, it is commonly claimed to be “trash,” “banal,” “pornographic,” “(semi-)rural,” “oriental” and “Balkan.” In order to better understand the socio-political dimensions of this phenomenon, I consider other Yugoslav musical styles which predate turbofolk and make reference to pop-folk musical controversies in other Balkan states to help inform upon the issues at stake with regard to turbofolk. I argue that rather than being understood as a singular phenomena specific to Serbia under Milošević, turbofolk can be understood as a Serbian manifestation of a Balkan-wide post-socialist trend. Balkan pop-folk styles can be understood as occupying a liminal space – an Ottoman cultural legacy – located between (and often in conflict with) the imagined political poles of liberal pro-European and conservative nationalist orientations. Understanding turbofolk as a value category imbued with symbolic meaning rather than a clear cut musical genre, I link discussions of it to the wider discourse of Balkanism. Turbofolk and other pop-folk styles are commonly imagined and articulated in terms of violence, eroticism, barbarity and otherness the Balkan stereotype promises. These pop-folk styles form a frame of reference often used as a discursive means of marginalisation or exclusion. An eastern “other” is represented locally by pop-folk performers due to oriental stylistics in their music and/or ethnic minority origins. For detractors, pop-folk styles pose a danger to the autochthonous national culture as well as the possibility of a “European” and cosmopolitan future. Correspondingly I demonstrate that such Balkan stereotypes are invoked and subverted by many turbofolk performers who positively mark alleged Balkan characteristics and negotiate and invert the meaning of “Balkan” in lyrical texts.
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Sandoval Forero, Eduardo Andrés, and José Javier Capera Figueroa. "Dilemmas and advances in post-conflict in Colombia: a look from the subaltern perspective of peace (s) in the territories." Telos Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinarios en Ciencias Sociales 22, no. 2 (May 5, 2020): 387–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.36390/telos222.10.
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The emergence of building a popular culture, based on the ethical-political imperative that links the demands, needs and struggles of those below, constitutes an aspect that configures the dynamics of re-existence of social groups in their different realities. On reflection of this is the peace process signed between the Farc-Ep guerrilla group / party and the Colombian government. Thus, the objective of the following article is to conduct a theoretical-conceptual discussion about the dilemmas and advances that coexist in the Colombian post-conflict, from a subaltern perspective of peace (ces) in the territories, taking into account the proposals theoreticians of peace scholars like Alonso (2013); Márquez Fernández, Á. (2018a) , who consider the need to question from a critical perspective the dynamics of peace (s), created in the territories. The methodology used was collaborative research and critical discourse analysis (Sandoval, 2016a), which starts from generating an intersubjective and horizontal dialogue between the researcher and the social groups. The fundamental conclusion of the investigation was the need to recognize the subject's praxis and his political ethos in terms of building laboratories, spaces and territories of peace from and with those below, that give weight to the logic of violence promoted and exerted from the hegemonic groups in the regions.
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Card, Jeb J. "Archaeology and New Religious Movements." Nova Religio 22, no. 4 (May 1, 2019): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nr.2019.22.4.5.
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The practice of archaeology—the study of material evidence of past human activities—is not in alignment with the human drive to understand relics of the material past as touchstones of mythic origins and evidence of the sacred. New and alternative religious movements, political movements, and popular culture use archaeological artifacts and monuments as slates on which to inscribe stories of supernatural ancestors, advanced civilizations and races, and lost ancient wisdom that justify critiquing or displacing existing religious and cultural structures and knowledge. The rhetorical power of these metaphorical (and sometimes literal) texts derives from the symbolic capital of the practice and profession of archaeology even as the content and form of these texts is in conflict with archaeology. The articles in this special issue of Nova Religio examine how archaeology is used to create new sacred meanings and narratives, and how archaeologists need to engage with persons attributing these alternative meanings to archaeological artifacts.
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Way, Lyndon C. S. "Trump, memes and the Alt-right: Emotive and affective criticism and praise." Russian Journal of Linguistics 25, no. 3 (December 15, 2021): 789–809. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2687-0088-2021-25-3-789-809.
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Internet memes are the most pervasive and malleable form of digital popular culture (Wiggins 2019: vii). They are a way a society expresses and thinks of itself (Denisova 2019: 2) used for the purpose of satire, parody, critique to posit an argument (Wiggins 2019, see also Ponton 2021, this issue). The acts of viewing, creating, sharing and commenting on memes that criticise or troll authority figures have become central to our political processes becom[ing] one of the most important forms of political participation and activism today (Merrin 2019: 201). However, memes do not communicate to us in logical arguments, but emotionally and affectively through short quips and images that entertain. Memes are part of a new politics of affectivity, identification, emotion and humour (Merrin 2019: 222). In this paper, we examine not only what politics memes communicate to us, but how this is done. We analyse memes, some in mainstream social media circulation, that praise and criticise the authoritarian tendencies of former US President Donald Trump, taken from 4Chan, a home of many alt-right ideas. Through a Multimodal Critical Discourse Studies approach, we demonstrate how images and lexical choices in memes do not communicate to us in logical, well-structured arguments, but lean on affective and emotional discourses of racism, nationalism and power. As such, though memes have the potential to emotionally engage with their intended audiences, this is done at the expense of communicating nuanced and detailed information on political players and issues. This works against the ideal of a public sphere where debate and discussion inform political decisions in a population, essential pillars of a democratic society (Habermas 1991).
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Wright, Katharine A. M., and Annika Bergman Rosamond. "NATO's strategic narratives: Angelina Jolie and the alliance's celebrity and visual turn." Review of International Studies 47, no. 4 (May 10, 2021): 443–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210521000188.
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AbstractAngelina Jolie's high-profile visit to NATO in 2018 signals a move to brand the alliance's strategic narrative within the language of celebrity through engagement with popular culture. The partnership represents a significant change in the alliance's approach to global security. It also builds on a shift in NATO's self-narrative through the advocacy of gender justice related to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. Rather than fading into the background, NATO appears to be pursuing the limelight for the purpose of ‘awareness raising’ as a tool to implement the WPS agenda. Drawing upon feminist scholarship on the WPS agenda, NATO, and research on celebrity humanitarianism and politics, we provide a critical study of this change in NATO's strategic narrative, through the analysis of visual and textual material related to Jolie's visit to NATO. Our focus is on the significance of this partnership and its contribution to legitimising the alliance's self-defined ‘military leadership’ in the area of conflict-related sexual violence. While Jolie's visit to NATO opened the alliance to public scrutiny it also symbolised a form of militarism, surrounded by orchestrated visual representations. As such, it only marginally disrupted the militarist logic present in NATO's wider WPS engagement.
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O’Connor, Paul. "Skateboarding, Helmets, and Control." Journal of Sport and Social Issues 40, no. 6 (October 12, 2016): 477–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0193723516673408.
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Skateboarding has a global reach and will be included for the first time in the 2020 Olympic Games. It has transformed from a subcultural pursuit to a mainstream and popular sport. This research looks at some of the challenges posed by the opening of a new skatepark in Hong Kong and the introduction of a mandatory helmet rule. It explores attitudes to helmets in skateboard media, the local government, and among the skateboarders who use the new skatepark. It argues that helmet use is not only an issue of safety but also an issue of control. From the skateboarders’ perspective, it is about participant control over their sport, and from a government perspective, it is about accountability. The contrast between the two approaches is explored through the concepts of edgework and audit culture. As skateboarding continues to become a mainstream sporting activity, such issues of control will prove to be more relevant and must be negotiated in partnership. The growth in new skateparks, many of which are concrete, underlines the need for this discussion. It is argued that helmet use will continue to be a site of conflict as skateboarding becomes further incorporated into a mainstream sport, and that how helmets are represented in skateboarding will come to indicate who has control over the sport.