Journal articles: ''political savvy''

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Maradiegue, Ann. "Political Savvy." Gastroenterology Nursing 13, no. 2 (1990): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00001610-199001320-00018.

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P., J. "Political Savvy With Connections." Science 252, no. 5010 (May 31, 1991): 1243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.252.5010.1243.

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Haber, Judith. "Cultivating Grassroots Political Savvy!" Journal of the American Psychiatric Nurses Association 2, no. 2 (April 1996): 58–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107839039600200207.

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Anderson Hardy, Mary. "Political savvy or lost opportunity?" Journal of Professional Nursing 4, no. 3 (May 1988): 205–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s8755-7223(88)80138-8.

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&NA;. "Nurses with Political Savvy: Multi-State Licensure." Gastroenterology Nursing 23, no. 5 (September 2000): 236–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00001610-200009000-00009.

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Prather, Faith. "Women and Political Savvy: Scenes from the Workplace." Journal of Public Administration Education 3, no. 2 (May 1997): 281–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10877789.1997.12023442.

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Avillion, Adrianne E. "Political Savvy in Staff Development: Building an Indispensable Department." Journal of Continuing Education in Nursing 25, no. 4 (July 1994): 152–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3928/0022-0124-19940701-05.

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Khan Mohmand, Shandana. "Crafty oligarchs, savvy voters." Contemporary South Asia 28, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 267–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2020.1768682.

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Reid, Edna, and Hsinchen Chen. "Internet-Savvy U.S. and Middle Eastern Extremist Groups." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.2.l86p127t05362654.

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Using an interdisciplinary perspective, this study provides a hyperlink and content analysis of 44 U.S. domestic and 40 Middle Eastern extremist groups' websites to analyze their use of computer-mediated communication (CMC) to support collective identity and mobilization. The findings contrast Middle Eastern extremist groups' use of the Internet to develop virtual communities and support their virtual command/control operations with the U.S. domestic groups' focus on communication and ideological indoctrination. Finally, the results suggest that the usages of CMC are underpinned by the geographical reach of extremist groups' campaign as well as their strategic goals, ideologies, needs, and political legitimacy, driving the various groups to use CMC in a distinctive manner.

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Richardson, Jayson W., Jeremy Lucian Daniel Watts, and William L. Sterrett. "Challenges of being a digitally savvy principal." Journal of Educational Administration 59, no. 3 (March 5, 2021): 318–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jea-10-2020-0215.

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PurposeThe purpose of this study was to better understand the challenges faced by leaders who have demonstrated excellence in integrating technology into teaching and learning in P-12 schools in the United States.Design/methodology/approachThis case study of technology savvy P-12 school principals provides insights into how building leaders overcome digital technology innovation challenges. In the summer of 2017, the authors interviewed 12 of the 18 recipients of the NASSP Digital Principal Award. These principals serve as examples of how to lead schools in the digital age.FindingsUsing Bolman and Deal's (2013) conceptual framework, the authors analyzed the data around the four frames (i.e., political, structural, human resources, and symbolic) to understand the challenges of being a digital principal. Bolman and Deal posited leaders who function predominantly in a single frame may miss essential organizational change elements.Research limitations/implicationsThe authors recognize several limitations in this study. First, the nominating process for the NASSP Digital Principals award involves an application process. Thus, while these principals were recognized for meeting these criteria, it is possible that these awardees were selected based on their nomination materials rather than on actual longitudinal evidence. Second, this study's data were gathered through interviews. The authors did not gather data through student work samples, teacher and staff interviews, or other data points, but rather the single data point of principal perspectives through interviews.Originality/valueOne silver lining from the pandemic is that leading schools cannot be detangled from the digital needs of diverse stakeholders. As such, digital principalship has become the new norm where the principal leads on a screen, teachers teach on a screen, and students learn on a screen. The award-winning digital principals in this study played an integral role in how they message their school's story, how they navigate and design structures, how they overcome political realities, and how they invest in addressing the needs of individuals.

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Hess, Steve. "Nail-Houses, Land Rights, and Frames of Injustice on China's Protest Landscape." Asian Survey 50, no. 5 (September 2010): 908–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2010.50.5.908.

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This article highlights the way in which Chinese protestors resisting home eviction and demolition have begun to develop innovative, media-savvy tactics for winning public sympathy for their causes and framing their plights as unjust, and considers the political implications of this trend.

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Ferris, Gerald R., Darren C. Treadway, Robert W. Kolodinsky, Wayne A. Hochwarter, Charles J. Kacmar, Ceasar Douglas, and Dwight D. Frink. "Development and Validation of the Political Skill Inventory." Journal of Management 31, no. 1 (February 2005): 126–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0149206304271386.

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The present research was developed to examine the conceptualization and measurement of the political skill construct and to provide validation evidence for the Political Skill Inventory (PSI). The results of three investigations, involving seven samples, are reported that demonstrate consistency of the factor structure across studies, construct validity, and criterion-related validity of the PSI. As hypothesized, political skill was positively related to self-monitoring, political savvy, and emotional intelligence; negatively related to trait anxiety; and not correlated with general mental ability. Also, the PSI predicted performance ratings of managers in two samples. Implications of these findings and directions for future research are provided.

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Draper, Jimmy. "Theorizing creative agency through ‘discerned savvy’: a tool for the critical study of media industries." Media, Culture & Society 36, no. 8 (August 4, 2014): 1118–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443714545000.

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This article contributes to the critical study of media industries by introducing the concept ‘discerned savvy.’ Through interviews with editors of the US men’s lifestyle magazines GQ, Esquire, and Details, I identify an informal process by which workers in media production cultures accrue knowledge about the preferences of their superiors and then accordingly narrow the range of creative ideas that they propose throughout the production process. The identification of this knowledge, which I call discerned savvy, aims to help media scholars theorize how creative workers’ agency may be subtly circumscribed in ways that maintain the hegemony of particular textual forms and ideologies in cultural industries even in the absence of formal policy and directly articulated expectations regarding creativity.

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Qian, Xiaoye, Qian Li, Yijia Song, and Jue Wang. "Temporary employment and voice behavior: the role of self‐efficacy and political savvy." Asia Pacific Journal of Human Resources 58, no. 4 (June 21, 2019): 607–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1744-7941.12232.

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Mahmood, Dr Qasim, Dr Kasim Sharif, and Zarmina Gull. "Social Media and Youth’s Political Activism: Emergence of a Networked Public Sphere in Pakistan." Volume-04 Issue-2 04, no. 02 (September 30, 2020): 64–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.36968/jpdc-v04-i02-04.

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Social media has become a central component of modern society and politics around the world including Pakistan. The paper attempts to examine the influence of political activism among social media-savvy youth in highlighting the political issues of Pakistan. This paper examines how Pakistani youth’s political activism via social media gives rise to an emergent-networked public sphere. A survey questionnaire was distributed to 403-university students aged 18-29 to examine their social media use and political engagement. Findings of the survey show that public discourse on social media, driven by Pakistan’s networked youth, is a growing force that political players and pundits must reckon with. The paper concludes that politically active youth make use of social media to discuss political issues, highlight problems besetting the country, which generates a public discourse, put pressure on government and politicians to take action that ultimately bears influence upon politics and governance in Pakistan.

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Schlozman, Kay Lehman, Sidney Verba, and Henry E. Brady. "Who Speaks? Citizen Political Voice on the Internet Commons." Daedalus 140, no. 4 (October 2011): 121–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00119.

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Using an August 2008 representative survey of Americans conducted by the Pew Internet & American Life Project, we investigate the consequences of Internet-based political activity for long-standing patterns of participatory inequality. There is little evidence of change in the extent to which political participation is stratified by socioeconomic status, even when we account for the fact that the well educated and affluent are more likely to be Internet users. However, because young adults are much more likely than their elders to be comfortable with electronic technologies and to use the Internet, the Web has ameliorated the well-known participatory deficit among those who have recently joined the electorate. Still, among Internet users, the young are not especially politically active. How these trends play out in the future depends on what happens to the current Web-savvy younger generation and the cohorts that follow as well as on the rapidly developing political capacities of the Web.

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Leslie, Paul. "“Sin” talk as postmodern text: A view from savvy insiders." Sociological Spectrum 17, no. 3 (July 1997): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02732173.1997.9982167.

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Cronin, Keri, Tim Fowler, and Douglas Hagar. "When Neglect Isn’t Working Anymore: The Unlikely Success of the Tuxedo Party." Society & Animals 26, no. 3 (August 16, 2018): 277–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685306-12341519.

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Abstract In 2012, Tuxedo Stan, a domestic long-hair cat, “ran for mayor” of Halifax, Nova Scotia, and a year later Stan’s brother, Earl Grey, “ran for premier” of Nova Scotia. What separated Stan and Earl Grey (who ran under the banner of the Tuxedo Party) from other politically minded felines was that the Tuxedo Party campaigns were not stunt or joke campaigns. While the cats could obviously not take office, the two campaigns were nonetheless political advocacy campaigns, with a clearly articulated message to make life better for feral and stray cats. This paper argues that the Tuxedo Party successfully elevated the issue onto the political agenda through their savvy mix of social media, and the use of positive imagery of cats in their campaigns.

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Shi, Junqi, and Zhuo Chen. "Psychometric Properties of a Chinese Translation of the Political Skill Inventory." Psychological Reports 110, no. 1 (February 2012): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/03.08.17.pr0.110.1.233-246.

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Ferris and colleagues defined political skill in organizations as “the ability to effectively understand others at work and to use such knowledge to influence others to act in ways that enhance one's personal and/or organizational objectives.” In this study, the psychometric properties of a Chinese translation of the Political Skill Inventory were investigated, supporting construct, convergent, discriminant, and criterion validities. The results suggested that the Chinese translation retained a four-factor structure. Political skill was positively correlated with self-monitoring, conscientiousness, political savvy, emotional intelligence, extraversion, agreeableness, and proactive personality, and was negatively correlated with trait anxiety and external locus of control. After controlling for age, sex, and job tenure, political skill was predictive of task performance, work contribution, and interpersonal help.

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Kew, Darren. "Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 27, no. 1 (1999): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500005862.

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In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

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Kew, Darren. "Democrazy—Dem Go Craze, O: Monitoring the 1999 Nigerian Elections." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 29–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503084.

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In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.

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Priyadarshi, Pushpendra, and Rajesh Premchandran. "Millennials and political savvy – the mediating role of political skill linking core self-evaluation, emotional intelligence and knowledge sharing behaviour." VINE Journal of Information and Knowledge Management Systems 49, no. 1 (March 6, 2019): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/vjikms-06-2018-0046.

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Purpose Navigating the labyrinthine connections between people, process, technology and infrastructure is a key skill for employees in agile organisations. Political skill is imperative amongst millennials who in a continuously changing environment need to stretch their minds to accumulate and disseminate new knowledge and develop core competencies while responding to new business triggers. The purpose of this paper is to investigate a mediation model in which the effect of emotional intelligence (EI) and core self-evaluation (CSE) on knowledge-sharing intention is mediated by levels of political skill amongst millennials. Design/methodology/approach Hypotheses, on mediation, were tested with data collected from prospective employees graduating from a premier management institute in Northern India. Structural equation modelling was used to test hypotheses with bootstrapping to test mediation effects. Findings The findings demonstrate that the relationship between EI, CSE and knowledge-sharing intention is mediated by political skill. Theoretical and practical implications and directions for future research are followed. Originality/value This study contributes to the literature on knowledge sharing by providing a basis for understanding the mediating mechanism through which EI and CSE influence knowledge sharing. This is the first attempt examining the role of political skill as a mediator in the study of knowledge sharing, a critical lever for agile organisations to flourish. By investigating the underlying mechanisms through which individual differences impact knowledge-sharing behaviour, this study significantly supplements current research on knowledge management.

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Johnson, Lauri. "“Educating for Democratic Living”: The City-Wide Citizens’ Committee on Harlem (CWCCH), 1941 – 1947." Social and Education History 6, no. 3 (October 22, 2017): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/hse.2017.2871.

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This historical case study focuses on the origins, educational goals, and school reform activities of the City-Wide Citizens’ Committee on Harlem (CWCCH), a political action group in Harlem in the 1940s. An interracial and interfaith civil rights organization with a broad reform agenda, CWCCH used democracy’s rhetoric as a vehicle for social change through an extensive public awareness campaign coupled with savvy organizing, ample organizational resources, and powerful political connections in both the White and African American communities. The article situates school reform work in Harlem during the 1940s in light of a larger citywide civil rights agenda and interracial activism.

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Jones, Charles O. "Carter and Congress: From the Outside In." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 3 (July 1985): 269–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004208.

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It seems a reasonable enough proposition that a president will organize his congressional relations to suit his policy goals and his personal style. Available literature supports this expectation – at least before the administration of Jimmy Carter. But, of course, recent presidents have been wise in the ways of Washington as a consequence of lengthy experience in the nation's capital. In fact, most have served in Congress. Among post-Second World War presidents, only Eisenhower before Carter lacked service on Capitol Hill (and Fred Greenstein now assures us that his political savvy was fine tuned).

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Singh, Anneliese A., Alessandra Urbano, Meg Haston, and Eleanor McMahan. "School Counselors’ Strategies for Social Justice Change: A Grounded Theory of What Works in the Real World." Professional School Counseling 13, no. 3 (February 2010): 2156759X1001300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2156759x1001300301.

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A qualitative study used a grounded theory methodology to explore the strategies that 16 school counselors who self-identified as social justice agents used to advocate for systemic change within their school communities. Findings included seven overarching themes: (a) using political savvy to navigate power structures, (b) consciousness raising, (c) initiating difficult dialogues, (d) building intentional relationships, (e) teaching students self-advocacy skills, (f) using data for marketing, and (g) educating others about the school counselor role of advocate.

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Gabriel, Michelle. "Savvy Investors and Domestic Goddesses? New Challenges for Feminist Housing Research." Housing, Theory and Society 25, no. 3 (September 2008): 191–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14036090802117713.

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Abrahms, Max. "Denying to win: How image-savvy militant leaders respond when operatives harm civilians." Journal of Strategic Studies 43, no. 1 (May 21, 2018): 47–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2018.1471597.

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Searles, Kathleen, and Yanna Krupnikov. "How Not to Get Ratioed and Other Advice for the Savvy Graduate Mentor." Political Communication 35, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 669–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10584609.2018.1477507.

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Dibosa, David. "Queer Appearances: Gilbert & George's Visual Strategies." Sexualities 12, no. 2 (March 24, 2009): 251–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363460708100921.

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The use that visual artists have made of popular media, such as television, has provided a point of critical interest over recent decades. Contemporary artists, Gilbert & George, followed the pace set by media-savvy artists, through their recent television appearance on the popular talk-show Friday Night with Jonathan Ross. Their appearance on prime-time TV raised a series of questions concerning gay visibility, mainstream media and the visual subterfuge deployed in contemporary art. This article seeks to examine such issues against the background of political struggles over public and private space.

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Stengrim, Laura A. "Negotiating Postmodern Democracy, Political Activism, and Knowledge Production: Indymedia's Grassroots and e-Savvy Answer to Media Oligopoly." Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 2, no. 4 (December 2005): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14791420500332527.

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Schlozman, Kay Lehman, Sidney Verba, and Henry E. Brady. "Weapon of the Strong? Participatory Inequality and the Internet." Perspectives on Politics 8, no. 2 (June 2010): 487–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592710001210.

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What is the impact of the possibility of political participation on the Internet on long-standing patterns of participatory inequality in American politics? An August 2008 representative survey of Americans conducted by the Pew Internet and American Life Project provides little evidence that there has been any change in the extent to which political participation is stratified by socio-economic status, but it suggests that the web has ameliorated the well-known participatory deficit among those who have just joined the electorate. Even when only that subset of the population with Internet access is considered, participatory acts such as contributing to candidates, contacting officials, signing a political petition, or communicating with political groups are as stratified socio-economically when done on the web as when done offline. The story is different for stratification by age where historically younger people have been less engaged than older people in most forms of political participation. Young adults are much more likely than their elders to be comfortable with electronic technologies and to use the Internet, but among Internet users, the young are not especially politically active. How these trends play out in the future depends on what happens to the current Web-savvy younger generation and the cohorts that follow and on the rapidly developing political capacities of the Web. Stay logged on …

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Murray, Gail Schmunk. "Taming the War on Poverty." Journal of Urban History 43, no. 1 (August 3, 2016): 70–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0096144215574696.

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President Johnson’s War on Poverty encountered significant opposition in southern states where impoverishment and race served to reinforce both social and economic systems. In Memphis, the War on Poverty underwent political attacks primarily aimed at neighborhood organizing. However, two agencies used Volunteers in Service to America (VISTA) recruits to implement significant antipoverty initiatives. VISTAs developed a prisoner release–mentoring program and a pretrial release for indigent detainees who could not post bail. The Metropolitan Inter Faith Association recruited savvy local residents to design VISTA services for the poor. The latter drew on local volunteers and reflected a paternalistic approach rather than one that reflected the voice of the poor.

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Mjelde, Hilmar. "Crowning Moments." Nordicom Review 40, no. 1 (February 19, 2019): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nor-2019-0005.

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Abstract This article presents the concept of a “crowning moment” and proposes an explanation for the media-savviness of many populist leaders – an under-theorised ability often referred to in existing research. A crowning moment is an instance in which populist leaders take advantage of opportunities that arise in their surroundings to achieve a or multiple major policy, political and/or personal goals through skilful use of the media that earns them recognition as savvy politicians. The concept is exemplified through an analysis of Norwegian Progress Party leader Carl I. Hagen’s role in the 1987 no-confidence motion against the Labour Party government. Stoking up and exploiting media interest in dramatic fashion, Hagen managed to redefine himself as a national political leader and made his party appear responsible.

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Zafar, Aniq. "Female Immigration to ISIS: Unlocking Motives to Turn the Tide." International Annals of Criminology 56, no. 1-2 (November 2018): 11–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cri.2018.11.

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AbstractThis essay presents the analysis, approach and understanding of the underlying reasons why females join the “Islamic State in Iraq and Syria” (ISIS), accept its rules and impositions, play an active role in it, and often actively recruit other women to join ISIS as perceived by an experienced and savvy communications expert and professional who also took active part in anti-terrorism campaigns in Pakistan. Previously he was a journalist who gained a deep understanding of the political and policy-making dynamics in his country. Especially valuable is the section on the “Way Forward”; that is, how to effectively tackle the recruitment campaign and methodology of ISIS.

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Sweet, Leonard I. "The Female Seminary Movement and Woman's Mission in Antebellum America." Church History 54, no. 1 (March 1985): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3165749.

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The years 1820–1850 were characterized by a remarkable transition in American education. A decisive shift occurred in the philosophy and patterns of educating American women which would have marked social, economic, and political ramifications in antebellum America. In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, females were seen as weaker intellectually than males; they were denied the right to an equal education with males; and they were educated haphazardly, with few formal opportunities beyond a district school education for any but the rich. Even the “advanced” education at dame schools, boarding schools, and female academies sought only to further domestic skills, social polish, and parlor savvy.

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Suryanef, Suryanef, and Al Rafni. "First-Time Voter Education Through the Democracy Volunteer Movement." Journal of Moral and Civic Education 4, no. 2 (November 15, 2020): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/8851412422020499.

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Ahead of the 2014 election, the General Election Commission established a group of facilitators to educate the public about the election (voter education), called Democracy Volunteer (Relawan Demokrasi), in cities/regencies throughout Indonesia. Democracy Volunteer is a program aimed at increasing political participation and election quality. One of the target groups for the voter education is first-time voters. First-time voters are perceived to have distinctive political behavior; their political actions are qualitatively different from other segments of voters. They are also classified as the technology savvy generation. This paper intends to elaborate the Democracy Volunteers' efforts in implementing voter education for first-time voters, and reveal the most suitable voter education model for this segment of voters. The research used qualitative method through focus group discussions and in-depth interviews. The results show that a voter education model for first-time voters is needed in order that Democracy Volunteers carry out the voter education effectively in achieving the expected goals.

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Kolasinski, Adam, and Xu Li. "Are corporate managers savvy about their stock price? Evidence from insider trading after earnings announcements." Journal of Accounting and Public Policy 29, no. 1 (January 2010): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaccpubpol.2009.10.004.

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Catalano, Theresa, and Ari Kohen. "Googly eyes and yard signs: Deconstructing one professor’s successful rebuffing of a right-wing attack on an academic institution." Discourse & Society 31, no. 2 (October 8, 2019): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0957926519880037.

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Right-wing populism is on the rise worldwide, and political attacks against universities have increased in the United States since the election of Donald Trump. In 2017, an incident occurred at the University of Nebraska–Lincoln which resulted in accusations of hostility toward conservative students. Just over a year later, political forces again attempted to denigrate the university’s reputation, but this time they did not succeed. This (multimodal) positive discourse analysis/generative critique combines collaborative auto-ethnography to describe the way these events were represented in the media, deconstructing a professor’s methods of countering a right-wing attack on an academic institution. Findings demonstrate the use of multiple strategies such as controlling the narrative through social media savvy; using linguistic strategies such as refutation of strawman fallacies, syntax, deixis and emotional appeal; and use of image.

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Hertel-Fernandez, Alexander. "Explaining Durable Business Coalitions in U.S. Politics: Conservatives and Corporate Interests across America's Statehouses." Studies in American Political Development 30, no. 1 (March 22, 2016): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x15000152.

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Scholars of business mobilization emphasize that national, cross-sector employer associations are difficult to create and maintain in decentralized pluralist polities like the United States. This article considers an unusual case of a U.S. business group—the American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC)—that has succeeded in creating a durable coalition of diverse firms and conservative political activists. This group has emerged since the 1970s as an important infrastructure for facilitating corporate involvement in the policymaking process across states. Assessing variation within this group over time through both its successes and missteps, I show the importance of organizational strategies for cementing political coalitions between otherwise fractious political activists and corporate executives from diverse industries. A shadow comparison between ALEC and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce further serves to reinforce the importance of organizational structure for business association management. My findings engage with literatures in both American business history and comparative political economy, underscoring the difficulties of forming business coalitions in liberal political economies while also showing how savvy political entrepreneurs can still successfully unite otherwise fragmented corporate interests. These conclusions, in turn, have implications for our understanding of business mobilization and corporate influence in politics.

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Williams, Mark Eric. "Learning the Limits of Power: Privatization and State-Labor Interactions in Mexico." Latin American Politics and Society 43, no. 4 (2001): 91–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2001.tb00189.x.

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AbstractDespite repeated conflict with organized labor, the government of Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988–94) pushed an aggressive divestment agenda that transformed Mexico into Latin America's leading privatizer. Explanations of Salinas's achievements typically emphasize centralized presidential power (including control over the ruling party) and autonomy; technocratic and political savvy; and weak labor opposition. This article questions such a pure “capacity-outcome” approach. Of equal importance are the learning effects of repeated interaction between the state and labor, which changed the course of divestment struggles and thereby influenced their outcomes. Lessons learned in successive confrontations led to patterns of interaction conducive to widescale privatization. The article develops this argument through comparative analysis of major divestment episodes in the aviation, mining, steel, and telecommunications sectors.

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Johnston, Sholeh. "Persian Rap: The Voice of Modern Iran's Youth." Journal of Persianate Studies 1, no. 1 (2008): 102–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471608784772760.

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AbstractPersian Rap, or Rap-e Farsi, is the latest craze in contemporary underground Iranian music, both with Iran and its extensive Diaspora. In Iran, rap is met with strong opposition from the Islamic government, but continues to enjoy immense popularity amongst web-savvy Iranian youths who consume the songs online through internet chat forums, websites, blogs and radio. This article examines the development of Persian Rap from an imitation of Afro-American "Gangsta" Rap, to a unique style of fusion rap with a distinctly Iranian identity, grounded in cultural tradition and a powerful social conscience.

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Porzecanski, Arturo C. "The Constructive Role of Private Creditors." Ethics & International Affairs 17, no. 2 (September 2003): 18–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2003.tb00434.x.

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During the past couple of years, policy-makers in Washington and other capitals of G-7 countries have been flogging the idea that the functioning of the world's financial markets must be improved by making it easier for insolvent governments, especially in emerging markets, to obtain debt relief from their bondholders and bankers.Most savvy investors, financial intermediaries, and emerging-market government officials, however, are at a loss to understand why the G-7 and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) believe the international financial system would function better if there were specific mechanisms to facilitate sovereign bankruptcies.

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Keen, Caroline, Alan France, and Ronald Kramer. "Exposing children to pornography: How competing constructions of childhood shape state regulation of online pornographic material." New Media & Society 22, no. 5 (September 3, 2019): 857–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444819872539.

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This article discusses policy debates in the United Kingdom and Australia concerning the regulation of online pornographic content as it relates to children. Through a thematic analysis of qualitative interviews with key stakeholders at the negotiation table, we find that rather than positivist notions of the ‘developing’ and ‘vulnerable’ child dominating policy discourse, post-modern representations of the ‘savvy’ and ‘agentic’ child have come to dominate policy culture and outcomes. In this scenario, the regulatory role of states in providing media protection is diminished, while neoliberal forms of governance that emphasise the responsibility of individuals, including parents and children, have come to dominate the emerging policy landscape.

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Jain, Varsha, Meetu Chawla, B. E. Ganesh, and Christopher Pich. "Exploring and consolidating the brand personality elements of the political leader." Spanish Journal of Marketing - ESIC 22, no. 3 (December 17, 2018): 295–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/sjme-03-2018-0010.

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Purpose This study aims to examine brand personality and its application to political branding. This study focuses on the brand personality of a political leader from the BJP Party brand (Bharatiya Janta Party). The development of a strong political brand personality is crucial for success at the polls. Little research has been dedicated to this phenomenon particularly beyond Western political and post-election contexts. Design/methodology/approach The scope and development of the study required a qualitative approach. The theoretical frameworks of the study acted as the deductive base of the study. The insights of the respondents were the inductive base of the study. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with external stakeholders [voters]. In addition, semi-structured interviews were also adopted to capture the branding activities used by internal stakeholders [BJP]. Findings The brand personality dimensions such as sincerity; agreeableness, competence, energy, openness, conscientiousness and emotional stability were clearly associated with a political leader. Negative qualities such as dictatorial attitudes and arrogance affected the political leader’s brand personality. Religious partisanship was another strong negative trait affecting the brand personality of the political leader. Originality/value The study has an actionable framework for political brand personality in the post-election context. It offers negative qualities to be avoided in the development of the political brand personality of the leader. It offers insights about the political brand personality of the leader in terms of young digitally savvy voters.

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Høigilt, Jacob. "Taking to the Streets." American Journal of Islam and Society 31, no. 4 (October 1, 2014): 111–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v31i4.1071.

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This edited volume consists of ten case studies framed by an introductionwritten by the two editors and a postscript written by Larry Diamond, a leadingscholar of democracy studies today. The Introduction, which places thevolume within the tradition of political sociology and political science, relatesexplicitly to the study of contentious politics and social movements.In doing so, it contributes to a trend in Middle Eastern studies that startedduring the early 2000s in analyses of Islamism and that seeks to add insightsto a field that has so far been relatively neglectful of the Middle Easterncontext.The book promises to “illuminate the concept of activism as an ongoingprocess, rather than a sudden burst of defiance” (back cover) by critically examiningthe ideas that the Arab Spring emerged “from nowhere” and wasdriven by “tech-savvy, disgruntled youth” (p. 2). It sets out to explore the natureof activism before, during, and after the uprisings, as well as how the ...

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Strauß, Nadine, Laura Alonso-Muñoz, and Homero Gil de Zúñiga. "Bursting the filter bubble: the mediating effect of discussion frequency on network heterogeneity." Online Information Review 44, no. 6 (July 11, 2020): 1161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/oir-11-2019-0345.

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PurposeThe purpose of this study is to identify the structural processes that lead citizens to escape their common social circles when talking about politics and public affairs (e.g. “filter bubbles”). To do so, this study tests to what extent political attitudes, political behavior, news media consumption and discussion frequency affect discussion network heterogeneity among US citizens.Design/methodology/approachSupported by the polling group Nielsen, this study uses a two-wave panel online survey to study the antecedents and mechanisms of discussion network heterogeneity among US citizens. To test the hypotheses and answer the research questions, ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions (cross-sectional, lagged and autoregressive) and mediation analyses were conducted.FindingsThe findings imply that political discussion frequency functions as the key element in explaining the mechanism that leads politically interested and participatory citizens (online) as well as news consumers of traditional and online media to seek a more heterogeneous discussion network, disrupting the so-called “filter bubbles.” However, mediation analyses also showed that discussion frequency can lead to more homogenous discussion networks if people score high on political knowledge, possibly reflecting the formation of a close network of political-savvy individuals.Originality/valueThe survey data give important insights into the 2016 pre-election situation, trying to explain why US citizens were more likely to remain in homogenous discussion networks when talking about politics and public affairs. By using two-wave panel data, the analyses allow to draw tentative conclusions about the influential and inhibiting factors and mechanisms that lead individuals to seek/avoid a more heterogeneous discussion network.

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Kéchichian, Joseph A. "Can Conservative Arab Gulf Monarchies Endure a Fourth War in the Persian Gulf?" Middle East Journal 61, no. 2 (April 1, 2007): 283–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/61.2.15.

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The existing regional balance of power in the Persian Gulf is likely to shift after Iran becomes a nuclear state. Conservative Arab Gulf monarchies, which emerged relatively unscathed from previous tectonic changes, are poised to mimic the Iranian program with far-reaching consequences for all concerned. Although major powers may well tolerate a nuclearized Iran, its neighbors face daunting security challenges to protect and promote preferred regional interests, including tested alliances with key Western governments. Saudi Arabia and its smaller Arab Gulf partners will need to exercise savvy policies to prevent a fourth regional war before the first decade of the 21st century is out. They may even have to address intrinsic political and socioeconomic reforms to preserve existing privileges.

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MacKeogh, Carol. "Taking Account of The Macro in the Micro-Politics of Family Viewing - Generational Strategies." Sociological Research Online 6, no. 1 (May 2001): 91–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.581.

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This article uses Bourdieu's concept of habitus, to explore how external discourses relating to young people and television, enter into the micro-politics of family viewing. It is based, primarily, on observation data collected by informants in the homes of young people. These data reveal the tactics and strategies that are used both by the young people and by their ‘parents’ to control the viewing process. It is possible to tentatively identify the projection of discourses of vulnerability onto young people who, in turn, attempt to position themselves as competent viewers evoking public discourses around youth and media savvy. Within the family setting these viewers develop a ‘sense for the game’ of viewing which informs the strategies they use to increase their control of the viewing experience.

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King, Dwight Y. "EAST TIMOR'S FOUNDING ELECTIONS AND EMERGING PARTY SYSTEM." Asian Survey 43, no. 5 (September 2003): 745–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.5.745.

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Abstract East Timor's statehood was launched with two U.N.-supervised elections, one in August 2001 to elect the Constituent Assembly (which became the parliament) and the second in April 2002 to elect the head of state. Analysis of district-level returns from the Assembly election reveals two types of strategic voting, three lines of political cleavage in the electorate, and two legacies of Indonesian rule. This article analyzes East Timor's first two elections, with particular focus on the bases of voting choice and on the nascent party system. There are three main findings: (1) a higher level of political savvy among the citizenry than expected, given their poverty and lack of formal education; (2) three political cleavages, one generational and two regional-one that divides the eastern from the western region and one that distinguishes the central mountain region from the rest of the country; and (3) areas that under Indonesian rule had voted heavily for the ““opposition”” party have now switched to FRETILIN, the new predominant party.

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Hargittai, Eszter, and Aaron Shaw. "Digitally Savvy Citizenship: The Role of Internet Skills and Engagement in Young Adults' Political Participation around the 2008 Presidential Election." Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media 57, no. 2 (April 2013): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08838151.2013.787079.

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Journal articles on the topic ''political savvy''

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