Academic literature on the topic 'Political Science Association'

O presente trabalho faz uma análise do período formativo da Ciência Política nos Estados Unidos, com o objetivo de mostrar que o ideal científico que caracterizaria o Comportamentalismo como paradigma hegemônico da disciplina nos anos 1950-1970 já estavam presentes desde a fundação da American Polítical Science Association [APSA], em 1903. Portanto, a chamada “revolução comportamentalista” não foi um movimento abrupto e repentino, mas sim o resultado de uma longa disputa teórico e metodológica que se travou no interior da APSA, especialmente nas páginas de sua principal revista, a American Political Science Review [APSR]. Neste sentido, o argumento defendido neste estudo é o de que o conjunto de características que passaram a definir o Comportamentalismo já estava sendo debatido e gestado desde o início do século XX. Do ponto de vista teórico, o estudo adota a perspectiva institucional histórica, focando na formação institucional da APSA, mas também recorre a conceitos centrais da abordagem de Thomas Kuhn, tais como as concepções de paradigma, de ciência normal e revolução científica. O material analisado abrange dados bibliográfico-documentais, os discursos oficiais dos presidentes da APSA, de 1903 a 1969, e bibliografia primária [textos de debate teórico-metodológico publicados na APSR] e secundária [textos sobre a história da disciplina]. Os documentos e textos secundários são analisados por meio de interpretação documental; os discursos presidenciais são examinados por meio da técnica de análise de conteúdo. Neste último caso, a intenção era detectar a defesa do ideal científico [método e abordagem] e alguma postura científica para a Ciência Política. Os resultados dão suporte ao argumento central, qual seja, que as diretrizes científicas preconizadas pelo Comportamentalismo foram apresentadas muito antes do período de hegemonia reconhecido pela literatura especializada.<br>The present work analyses the period of formation of Political Science in the United States, aiming to show that the scientific ideal that would characterize Behavioralism as a hegemonic paradigm in the discipline between 1950-1970 was already present since the foundation of the American Political Science Association [APSA] in 1903. Hence, the so called "Behavioralist Revolution" was not an abrupt and sudden event, but rather the result of a long theoretical and methodological controversy within APSA, especially through its main publication, the American Political Science Review [APSR]. Therefore, this work defends the argument that the defining characteristics of Behavioralism had already been discussed and generated in the beginning of the 20th century. From a theoretical point of view, this work adopts a historical-institutionalist perspective, focusing in APSA's institutional formation, but also mobilizes central concepts from Thomas Kuhn's approach to the philosophy of science, such as paradigm, normal science and scientific revolution. The material hereby analyzed encompasses bibliographical-documental data, APSA's official presidential addresses from 1903 to 1969, and primary bibliography [texts on theoretical-methodological debates published in APSR] and secondary [texts on the History of the discipline]. Documents and secondary texts are analyzed through documental interpretation; presidential addresses are examined through the technique of content analysis. As for the latter, the goal was to identify the defense of a scientific ideal [method and approach] and a scientific position to Political Science. The results support the central argument that the scientific guidelines professed by Behavioralism were already present much earlier than the period of its hegemony as defined by specialized literature on the issue.

De part son hegemonie et la fascination qu'elle exerce dans le monde, la science politique americaine meritait d'etre plus precisement etudiee. Un examen approfondi de ses dynamiques, de son fonctionnement en tant que discipline et de ses principaux courants est propose, notamment au travers de son association, l'american political science association. Trois grands domaines theoriques sont explores : l'histoire de la discipline, la sociologie de la science et des pratiques scientifiques et les theories sociologiques relatives aux organisations et a l'action collective. Priment ceci dit l'histoire intellectuelle, la presentation des grands paradigmes et des politologues les plus influents, ainsi que la mise a jour des logiques de fonctionnement de la discipline. La these s'articule autour de trois parties : la premiere illustre la <<tragedie>> de la science politique americaine qui a echoue a se doter d'un paradigme unique. La seconde s'attache a mieux cerner l'une des consequences de cet echec c'est a dire la fragmentation theorique et sociologique de cette branche du savoir. Enfin, la derniere partie, plus centree sur l'association, tente de mieux comprendre le role de cette institution scientifique et explique pourquoi, et comment, elle demeure un rouage capital de cette stupefiante machine intellectuelle qu'est la science politique americaine.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Political Science, 2006.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-01, Section: A, page: 0325. Adviser: Robert Huckfeldt. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed Feb. 8, 2007)."

Since the development of widespread sound recording and distribution, the music industry has become increasingly consolidated among fewer companies. Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno described how the commodifying forces of the music industry lead to a predictable formulaic music that lacks any critical approach to society in their groundbreaking book, first published in 1944, Dialectic of Enlightenment (1972). Today, the patterns have not changed as there are now four major record labels known as the â Big Fourâ that produce commodified music with a business model that optimizes their profits at the expense of art, creativity and original style. Using the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) as its lobbying group and appointed vigilantly, the â Big Fourâ attempt to limit the access of independent artists and labels to music consumers. <p> This thesis argues that in the process through which the music industry works to co-opt and commodify genres of music, the music is (de)politicized to appeal to a larger audience. While technological advances in digital media and the internet would seem to bring a decentralized (even democratized) structure that diverts the costly music distribution system allowing for more artists and labels to compete, the RIAA has acted to prevent these technologies from developing their greatest potential. First, I demonstrate how music is commodified and marketed towards consumers. The second part of this thesis uses hip hop as an example to demonstrate how the music industry co-opts a genre of music to sell to the largest number of consumers and in the process changes the political significance of that genre. Finally, I argue that the RIAAâ s attack on file-sharers in the name of copyright protection is a technique for the â Big Fourâ to stop competition from independent artists and labels.<br>Master of Arts

This study is an attempt to analyze the Association process between Turkey and the European Community (the EC). In other words, it is a process of interaction between two actors within an institutionalized and formal association system. One is a state and the other is a sui generis organization with supranational characteristics.The main assumption of this thesis is that the Association link between the EC and Turkey acts as a framework of modernization for Turkey in its structural adjustment to the European integration project. In this context, it is suggested that Association patterns fulfil important roles in the transformation of Europe, provided that Associations are of a progressive character (cooperation towards integration) rather than being permanent frameworks in the relationship which institutionalize highly asymmetrical relationships between the advanced core and the periphery of Europe. In this sense Turkey's Association, as a pattern of cooperation, is relevant to European integration project. However, before we define our concepts and operationalize our theoretical models to analyze Turkey's Association process, it is necessary to review the relevant theoretical literature which will provide us with conceptual tools to put the phenomenon into its context. Our review of relevant background literature is by no means exhaustive. Later in this chapter we will introduce theoretical concepts, definitions, perspectives and methods that help us to give meaning to our findings and to shape and direct our arguments in the course of our research effort, in order to analyze Turkey's Association process within the context of European integration and cooperation.

In 2010 the EU initiated negotiations for new agreements forming the legal basis for relations between it and partner countries of the EaP, termed Association Agreements (AA). Negotiations were entered with all three countries in the South Caucasus as well as Ukraine and Moldova, and foresaw greater political association through extensive rule harmonisation. Yet, when negotiations came to an end at the Eastern Partnership summit in November 2013, Azerbaijan had dropped out, Ukraine made a last minute U-turn, and Armenia instead opted for Russian President Putin’s brand new Eurasian Customs Union (ECU). At the time, the change of events was to a large extent ascribed to Russian coercion. Based on empirical material from over 200 news articles, I perform a descriptive data analysis and process tracing, to elucidate what instruments were used and why. I argue that there is a strong relation between the prior relations of dependence between the target and Russia, lending coercive potential to varying degrees. The individual relations of dependence not only explain the choice of instrument but also its relative success.