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Kasim, B. G. "Nigeria's relationship with the Commonwealth Association : 1960-1979." Thesis, Bucks New University, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.373606.
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Feng, Hsien-Hsiang. "A learned society in Peking : the Chinese Social and Political Science Association, 1915-1949." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708074.
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Mörschbächer, Melina. "A ciência política norte-americana e o comportamentalismo : uma análise dos discursos presidenciais da American Political Science Association." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/141267.
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O presente trabalho faz uma análise do período formativo da Ciência Política nos Estados Unidos, com o objetivo de mostrar que o ideal científico que caracterizaria o Comportamentalismo como paradigma hegemônico da disciplina nos anos 1950-1970 já estavam presentes desde a fundação da American Polítical Science Association [APSA], em 1903. Portanto, a chamada “revolução comportamentalista” não foi um movimento abrupto e repentino, mas sim o resultado de uma longa disputa teórico e metodológica que se travou no interior da APSA, especialmente nas páginas de sua principal revista, a American Political Science Review [APSR]. Neste sentido, o argumento defendido neste estudo é o de que o conjunto de características que passaram a definir o Comportamentalismo já estava sendo debatido e gestado desde o início do século XX. Do ponto de vista teórico, o estudo adota a perspectiva institucional histórica, focando na formação institucional da APSA, mas também recorre a conceitos centrais da abordagem de Thomas Kuhn, tais como as concepções de paradigma, de ciência normal e revolução científica. O material analisado abrange dados bibliográfico-documentais, os discursos oficiais dos presidentes da APSA, de 1903 a 1969, e bibliografia primária [textos de debate teórico-metodológico publicados na APSR] e secundária [textos sobre a história da disciplina]. Os documentos e textos secundários são analisados por meio de interpretação documental; os discursos presidenciais são examinados por meio da técnica de análise de conteúdo. Neste último caso, a intenção era detectar a defesa do ideal científico [método e abordagem] e alguma postura científica para a Ciência Política. Os resultados dão suporte ao argumento central, qual seja, que as diretrizes científicas preconizadas pelo Comportamentalismo foram apresentadas muito antes do período de hegemonia reconhecido pela literatura especializada.<br>The present work analyses the period of formation of Political Science in the United States, aiming to show that the scientific ideal that would characterize Behavioralism as a hegemonic paradigm in the discipline between 1950-1970 was already present since the foundation of the American Political Science Association [APSA] in 1903. Hence, the so called "Behavioralist Revolution" was not an abrupt and sudden event, but rather the result of a long theoretical and methodological controversy within APSA, especially through its main publication, the American Political Science Review [APSR]. Therefore, this work defends the argument that the defining characteristics of Behavioralism had already been discussed and generated in the beginning of the 20th century. From a theoretical point of view, this work adopts a historical-institutionalist perspective, focusing in APSA's institutional formation, but also mobilizes central concepts from Thomas Kuhn's approach to the philosophy of science, such as paradigm, normal science and scientific revolution. The material hereby analyzed encompasses bibliographical-documental data, APSA's official presidential addresses from 1903 to 1969, and primary bibliography [texts on theoretical-methodological debates published in APSR] and secondary [texts on the History of the discipline]. Documents and secondary texts are analyzed through documental interpretation; presidential addresses are examined through the technique of content analysis. As for the latter, the goal was to identify the defense of a scientific ideal [method and approach] and a scientific position to Political Science. The results support the central argument that the scientific guidelines professed by Behavioralism were already present much earlier than the period of its hegemony as defined by specialized literature on the issue.
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Ugur, Mehmet. "The European Community's external policy making process : the case of EC-Turkey association, 1973-1993." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.309310.
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Ruget, Vanessa. "La science politique américaine et son association : étude d'une communauté scientifique." Bordeaux 4, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000BOR40020.
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De part son hegemonie et la fascination qu'elle exerce dans le monde, la science politique americaine meritait d'etre plus precisement etudiee. Un examen approfondi de ses dynamiques, de son fonctionnement en tant que discipline et de ses principaux courants est propose, notamment au travers de son association, l'american political science association. Trois grands domaines theoriques sont explores : l'histoire de la discipline, la sociologie de la science et des pratiques scientifiques et les theories sociologiques relatives aux organisations et a l'action collective. Priment ceci dit l'histoire intellectuelle, la presentation des grands paradigmes et des politologues les plus influents, ainsi que la mise a jour des logiques de fonctionnement de la discipline. La these s'articule autour de trois parties : la premiere illustre la <<tragedie>> de la science politique americaine qui a echoue a se doter d'un paradigme unique. La seconde s'attache a mieux cerner l'une des consequences de cet echec c'est a dire la fragmentation theorique et sociologique de cette branche du savoir. Enfin, la derniere partie, plus centree sur l'association, tente de mieux comprendre le role de cette institution scientifique et explique pourquoi, et comment, elle demeure un rouage capital de cette stupefiante machine intellectuelle qu'est la science politique americaine.
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Smith, Ronald S. "Discerning differences in social capital the significance of interpersonal network and neighborhood association structure on citizen participation /." [Bloomington, Ind.] : Indiana University, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3206874.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Political Science, 2006.<br>Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-01, Section: A, page: 0325. Adviser: Robert Huckfeldt. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed Feb. 8, 2007)."
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Arditi, David Michael. "Freedom, Music and the RIAA: How the Recording Industry Association of America Shapes Culture by De-politicizing Music." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/33760.
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Since the development of widespread sound recording and distribution, the music industry has become increasingly consolidated among fewer companies. Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno described how the commodifying forces of the music industry lead to a predictable formulaic music that lacks any critical approach to society in their groundbreaking book, first published in 1944, Dialectic of Enlightenment (1972). Today, the patterns have not changed as there are now four major record labels known as the â Big Fourâ that produce commodified music with a business model that optimizes their profits at the expense of art, creativity and original style. Using the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA) as its lobbying group and appointed vigilantly, the â Big Fourâ attempt to limit the access of independent artists and labels to music consumers.
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This thesis argues that in the process through which the music industry works to co-opt and commodify genres of music, the music is (de)politicized to appeal to a larger audience. While technological advances in digital media and the internet would seem to bring a decentralized (even democratized) structure that diverts the costly music distribution system allowing for more artists and labels to compete, the RIAA has acted to prevent these technologies from developing their greatest potential. First, I demonstrate how music is commodified and marketed towards consumers. The second part of this thesis uses hip hop as an example to demonstrate how the music industry co-opts a genre of music to sell to the largest number of consumers and in the process changes the political significance of that genre. Finally, I argue that the RIAAâ s attack on file-sharers in the name of copyright protection is a technique for the â Big Fourâ to stop competition from independent artists and labels.<br>Master of Arts
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Aybak, Tunc. "An analysis of the process of association between Turkey and the European Community in the context of European integration and cooperation." Thesis, University of Hull, 1995. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:3896.
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This study is an attempt to analyze the Association process between Turkey and the European Community (the EC). In other words, it is a process of interaction between two actors within an institutionalized and formal association system. One is a state and the other is a sui generis organization with supranational characteristics.The main assumption of this thesis is that the Association link between the EC and Turkey acts as a framework of modernization for Turkey in its structural adjustment to the European integration project. In this context, it is suggested that Association patterns fulfil important roles in the transformation of Europe, provided that Associations are of a progressive character (cooperation towards integration) rather than being permanent frameworks in the relationship which institutionalize highly asymmetrical relationships between the advanced core and the periphery of Europe. In this sense Turkey's Association, as a pattern of cooperation, is relevant to European integration project. However, before we define our concepts and operationalize our theoretical models to analyze Turkey's Association process, it is necessary to review the relevant theoretical literature which will provide us with conceptual tools to put the phenomenon into its context. Our review of relevant background literature is by no means exhaustive. Later in this chapter we will introduce theoretical concepts, definitions, perspectives and methods that help us to give meaning to our findings and to shape and direct our arguments in the course of our research effort, in order to analyze Turkey's Association process within the context of European integration and cooperation.
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Schartner, Felix. "Dependence and coercion in the shared neighbourhood. : How Russia influenced the South Caucasus in their path to EU Association." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-325809.
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In 2010 the EU initiated negotiations for new agreements forming the legal basis for relations between it and partner countries of the EaP, termed Association Agreements (AA). Negotiations were entered with all three countries in the South Caucasus as well as Ukraine and Moldova, and foresaw greater political association through extensive rule harmonisation. Yet, when negotiations came to an end at the Eastern Partnership summit in November 2013, Azerbaijan had dropped out, Ukraine made a last minute U-turn, and Armenia instead opted for Russian President Putin’s brand new Eurasian Customs Union (ECU). At the time, the change of events was to a large extent ascribed to Russian coercion. Based on empirical material from over 200 news articles, I perform a descriptive data analysis and process tracing, to elucidate what instruments were used and why. I argue that there is a strong relation between the prior relations of dependence between the target and Russia, lending coercive potential to varying degrees. The individual relations of dependence not only explain the choice of instrument but also its relative success.
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Wohlgemuth, Daniel. "Den responsiva demokratin? : Effekter av medborgarnas delaktighet i den lokala demokratin." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis (AUU), 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7082.
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Eagles, Matthew Thomas. "Exploring Potential Associations with the Presidential Discretionary Power of FEMA Funds Dispensation." ScholarWorks, 2015. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/540.
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US presidential approval of Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) funding has been the subject of much research that largely has been inconclusive or contradictor as it relates to whether funds may have been distributed in a biased way through the use of presidential discretionary power. The purpose of this study was to explore if or to what degree US presidents acted in a potentially biased manner with the approval of FEMA approvals during election years in election battleground states. This study was an exploration of whether there was presidential political favoritism in approving FEMA funding from 1996-2012. The theoretical constructs for this study were group justification bias and social identity theory. Study data were obtained through freedom of information requests from FEMA for access to every gubernatorial request for FEMA aid from 1995-2012 resulting in 1137 records. Data were analyzed using chi-square as tests of association. By measuring the presidential discretionary choice of approvals or turndowns with other variables highlighted what, if any, associations existed. This enables a reasonable person to form their own perception on whether bias was present, or not, based on the results. A key finding illuminated an association between presidential party affiliation and public assistance (p = .005), 1 type of FEMA aid. The study did not, however, indicate any statistical association between the award of FEMA hazard mitigation funding and presidential bias. The positive social change implication stemming from this study includes information to policy makers regarding how FEMA aid is granted, which could assist in an evaluation of the FEMA aid process and approval in the future.
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Boncourt, Thibaud. "L'internationalisation de la science politique : une comparaison franco-btitannique : (1945-2010)." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011BOR40012/document.
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La thèse a pour objectif de contribuer à l’étude des processus d’internationalisationscientifique à travers l’étude du cas spécifique de la science politique sur la période1945-2010. Elle s’appuie, pour ce faire, sur une comparaison franco-britannique et surun cadre théorique inspiré de travaux de sociologie des sciences et de sociologiepolitique. Articulé autour de la notion de champ, ce cadre constitue la base d’uneanalyse en trois temps. Le premier consiste en une sociohistoire comparée de deuxorganisations transnationales de science politique – l’Association Internationale deScience Politique (AISP) et le European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR). Ledeuxième repose sur une analyse comparée de trois instances de consécration éditoriales– la Revue Française de Science Politique, Political Studies et le European Journal ofPolitical Research. Le troisième est une analyse comparée des carrières internationalesde politistes français et britanniques, sur la base de récits de vie. Les apports de ces troisterrains amènent à conclure, d’une part, à l’émergence progressive d’un champinternational partiellement autonome des espaces nationaux mais dont les règles du jeusont en partie liées aux rapports de force en vigueur dans le champ américain. Ilspermettent aussi, d’autre part, de mettre en évidence une structuration du processusd’internationalisation des champs nationaux par les phénomènes de décentralisation,d’autonomisation et de spécialisation qui modifient, au fil du temps, leur physionomie<br>This work aims at contributing to the study of scientific internationalisation processesthrough a study of the specific case of political science from 1945 to 2010. This is doneon the basis of a comparison between France and Britain and a theoretical frameworkrevolving mainly around the concept of field and drawn from the sociology of scienceand political sociology. The demonstration is divided into three main parts. The first oneis a comparative historical sociology of two transnational political science organisations– the International Political Science Association (IPSA) and the European Consortiumfor Political Research (ECPR). The second is based on a comparative study of threepolitical science journals – the Revue Française de Science Politique, Political Studiesand the European Journal of Political Research. The third lies on a comparativeanalysis of British and French political scientists’ international careers, using materialdrawn from life-history interviews. The combined analysis of these three different typesof data leads us to conclude that an international field of political science hasprogressively emerged and that this field, while partially autonomous from nationaldevelopments, has its structures and rules partly linked to those of the American field. Asecond conclusion is the strong impact of decentralisation, autonomisation andspecialisation processes on the conditions and forms of the internationalisation ofnational fields
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Pipitone, Federico. "Challenges and strategies of civil society approaching the state: the case of ABIA (Brazilian Interdisciplinary AIDS Association) and the governance in the HIV/AIDS policy." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Nordiska Latinamerikainstitutet, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-194909.
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The Brazilian HIV/AIDS policy faced a structural change with the political shifts that, starting in 2016, led to the election of a right-wing president in 2018. Focusing on the relation between the state and civil society, this work will help understand the evolution of the spaces for civil society to advocate for sexual rights related to HIV/AIDS. This research examines the case of the Brazilian Interdisciplinary AIDS Association (ABIA) and its relations with the different components of the state and other members of civil society. Data collection is built upon semi-structured interviews to evaluate factors that allowed the viability of a long advocacy trajectory and understand old and new strategies to face challenges in the social and political spaces. Further discussion concerns the strategies for the sustainability of advocacy in a field that has been threatened by national and international structural changes. The hypothesis is that thanks to the maturation of a solid network of intellectuals and activists, as well as figures from other fields, and thanks to strategical adaptation to changing times, ABIA has managed to fuel advocacy both within and outside institutional arenas, either on a more constructive or more conflictual level.
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Boncourt, Thibaud. "L'internationalisation de la science politique : une comparaison franco-britannique (1945-2010)." Phd thesis, Université Montesquieu - Bordeaux IV, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00606354.
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La thèse a pour objectif de contribuer à l'étude des processus d'internationalisation scientifique à travers l'étude du cas spécifique de la science politique sur la période 1945-2010. Elle s'appuie, pour ce faire, sur une comparaison franco-britannique et sur un cadre théorique inspiré de travaux de sociologie des sciences et de sociologie politique. Articulé autour de la notion de champ, ce cadre constitue la base d'une analyse en trois temps. Le premier consiste en une sociohistoire comparée de deux organisations transnationales de science politique - l'Association Internationale de Science Politique (AISP) et le European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR). Le deuxième repose sur une analyse comparée de trois instances de consécration éditoriales - la Revue Française de Science Politique, Political Studies et le European Journal of Political Research. Le troisième est une analyse comparée des carrières internationales de politistes français et britanniques, sur la base de récits de vie. Les apports de ces trois terrains amènent à conclure, d'une part, à l'émergence progressive d'un champ international partiellement autonome des espaces nationaux mais dont les règles du jeu sont en partie liées aux rapports de force en vigueur dans le champ américain. Ils permettent aussi, d'autre part, de mettre en évidence une structuration du processus d'internationalisation des champs nationaux par les phénomènes de décentralisation, d'autonomisation et de spécialisation qui modifient, au fil du temps, leur physionomie.
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Mikullovci, Fatmir. "Kosovo’s problems with the implementation of the Stabilization and Association Agreement : Related to poor democratization?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-95837.
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This paper analyses the implementation problems of the European Union’s (EU) most comprehensive agreement between Kosovo and the EU, namely, the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) and related them to the democratization process in Kosovo. The SAA aims to strengthen European integration and support Kosovo to fulfill European principles needed in order to become a member in the union. The agreement was signed in 2015 and annual progress reports have been published by the European Commission in order to evaluate the progress and shortcomings. These progress reports show that Kosovo has faced issues while trying to implement the SAA, mostly due to lack of strong democratic principles (judicial independence, public administration, institutions) and corruption. This paper also examines Kosovo’s democratization process since early 1980s in order to evaluate whether issues faced in the implementation of the SAA are related to poor democratization. By applying a case study design, analyzing relevant material and using democratization theory, this paper finds that Kosovo has undergone significant democratization, however, democratic consolidation is at an early stage and the problems faced there are of similar nature as those problems faced in the implementation of the SAA, hence why it is safe to assume that these issues are indeed related to one another.
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Kachkova, Anna. "The politics of bidding and the politics of planning : a comparison of the FIFA World Cup in Germany and South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1638.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008.<br>This study focuses on the bidding for sports mega-events, their subsequent planning,
and the politics surrounding these processes. The specific examples analysed here are
those of the FIFA Football World Cup™ in Germany in 2006, and the forthcoming
2010 World Cup to be hosted by South Africa. The events are examined against a
backdrop of increasing competition to host mega-events, spurred on by a widespread
belief in the economic benefits that result from hosting, with a frequent disregard for
the social and economic costs involved. Four central research questions are addressed
in the course of this thesis. The first is the role of corporate actors and their influence
on mega-events, the second is the question of what processes characterise both the
bidding and planning stages of an event, including the main actors, agendas and
discourses involved in both of these stages. Thirdly, the significance of hosting the
World Cup in both the German and South African case is examined, and fourthly, the
long-term implications of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 World Cup, both for the
country itself and for developing nations more broadly, is considered. The research
methodology used for this thesis is predominately qualitative, and utilises mostly
secondary sources, including books, academic articles, press articles, and information
off the official websites of the football organisations involved. The main findings of
this thesis are that while both countries in question had seemingly compelling reasons
for hosting the World Cup, and while benefits can stem from the event, the longevity
of such benefits is questionable, and the costs involved can be especially heavy in a
developing context such as that of South Africa. Furthermore, those that stand to
benefit the most from the events include transnational corporate actors, with the
implication that significant financial gains never reach the host economy.
Nevertheless, an ever-increasing willingness on the part of numerous nations to host
mega-events means that the German and South African cases can provide lessons for
future hosts, and South Africa’s World Cup has particular significance as a test case
for mega-events hosted by developing nations. Finally, this thesis stresses the need for
further research in this field. It also aims to break some new ground by examining the
commonalities and contrasts to be found in the bidding and planning processes of a
mega-event as carried out by a developed and a developing nation.
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Yejoo, Kim. "Can regional organisations socialise states? Comparing human rights diffusion in ASEAN and SADC." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/6575.
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Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2011.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The deteriorating human rights situations in Myanmar and Zimbabwe have drawn concerns from the international community. Mainly Western states and NGOs have criticised both governments and urged strong action from the regional organisations, namely ASEAN and SADC. However, because of the deeply rooted non-intervention norm in these regions, Southeast Asia and Southern Africa, the human rights situation in both states long remained serious. Recently however, ASEAN has taken up a strong stance towards Myanmar. On the contrary, SADC has showed reluctance to respond to the human rights violations in Zimbabwe. The question arises why these two regional organisations have showed different responses? In other words, the ASEAN member states have become relaxed and accepted the new human rights norm, discarding the traditional non-intervention norm, while the SADC member states still stick to the norm of non-intervention.
In order to find answers, the focus in this thesis is on the process of socialisation which means that the actors adopt new norms which are also accepted by society as a whole. Three mechanisms which lead to socialisation, namely strategic calculation, role-playing and normative suasion, are discussed. The conclusion reached is that regional organisation can play a role in inducing the member states to accept the new norm, in the process the regional organisation is also socialised through interaction with other international organisations and actors.
Here, historical background, and particularly the process of gaining independence in SADC heavily influenced the socialisation process in this region. SADC member states‘ liberation struggle against colonialism and apartheid led to the formation of strong bonds among member states that has made it difficult for respective state leaders to criticise each other. Such strong bonds do not exist in Southeast Asia. In Southeast Asia, member states interact actively with external actors such as the EU and NGOs. Thus they become receptive to human rights norms; in turn, the regional organisation itself has been socialised and has become relaxed enough to discard the non-intervention norm. Also an increasingly large middle class has become interested in the human rights situation in its neighbouring countries. These are the factors which have led to the differing responses from ASEAN and SADC to human rights abuses in their regions.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nadat hulle onafhanklikheid gekry het, het die menseregte situasie in Myanmar en Zimbabwe agteruitgegaan. Die internasionale gemeenskap, meestal Westerse state en nie-regerings organisasies het albei regerings gekritiseer en die streeksorganisasies, naamlik ASEAN en SADC, dringend versoek om streng op te tree. Weens die diep-gewortelde nie-intervensie norm in beide Suidoos-Asië en Suider-Afrika het die menseregte situasie egter lank ernstig gebly. ASEAN het egter meer onlangs sterk standpunt ingeneem teenoor Myanmar. Maar SADC is nog steeds onwillig om te reageer op die menseregte vergrype in Zimbabwe. Die vraag is nou waarom hierdie twee streeksorganisasies so verskillend opgetree het. Die lidstate van ASEAN het ontspanne geraak en die nuwe menseregte norme aanvaar en die tradisionele nie-intervensie norm laat vaar, terwyl SADC lidstate nog hou by die nie-intervensie norm .
In die soek na antwoorde, is die fokus van hierdie tesis op die proses van sosialisering wat beteken dat die akteurs nuwe norme wat deur die internasionale gemeenskap as geheel aanvaar word, aanneem. Die drie meganismes wat lei tot sosialisering, naamlik strategiese berekening, rol-speling en normatiewe oorreding, word bespreek. Die slotsom waartoe gekom word is dat streeksorganisasies ‘n rol kan speel in die oorreding van lidstate om die nuwe norm te aanvaar en dat die streeksorganisasies in die proses deur interaksie met ander internasionale organisasies en akteurs, self gesosialiseer word.
Historiese agtergrond en veral die proses waardeur onafhanklikheid in die lande van Suider-Afrika verkry is, het die sosialisasie proses in die area beïnvloed. SADC lidstate se vryheidstryd teen kolonialisme en apartheid het sterk bande tussen lidstate gesmee en dit moeilik gemaak vir die leiers van die state om mekaar te kritiseer. Daar bestaan nie sulke sterk bande in Suidoos-Asië nie. Verder is daar in Suidoos-Asië aktiewe interaksie met ander organisasies soos die Europese Unie en met nie-regerings organisasies. Dus is hulle meer ontvanklik vir menseregte norms. Op hulle beurt is die streeksorganisasies ook gesosialiseer en het hulle ontspanne genoeg geraak om af te sien van die nie-intervensie norm. Die groeiende middelklas het ook geïnteresseerd geraak in die menseregte situasie in hulle eie en in die buurlande. Dit is die faktore wat gelei het tot die verskillende reaksies van ASEAN en SADC tot die menseregte vergrype in hulle onderskeie streke.
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Bursuc, Vlad A. "Amateurism and Professionalism in the National Collegiate Athletic Association." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1374144535.
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Kim, Jung Wook. "The Civic Roles of Neighborhood Associations in Seoul, Korea: Implications for Urban Governance." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984134/.
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This dissertation answers three research questions: "What differences and similarities exist among neighborhood associations in the United States, Japan, and Seoul, South Korea?," "What are the civic roles of neighborhood associations in apartment complexes in Seoul, South Korea?," and "What factors promote neighborhood associations to play civic roles in urban governance?" To answer the first question, this research analyzes the purposes, governance structures, roles, and legal substance of neighborhood associations by reviewing previous studies, public and legal documents, court cases in the U.S., and by conducting interviews. To answer the second and the third questions, a 2016 survey, "Understanding the Roles of Neighborhood Associations in Urban Governance" was conducted with 154 representatives of neighborhood associations in Seoul. Social capital theory, government failure theory, and third party government theory were used to create hypotheses that test proposed relationships about neighborhood interactions, community characteristics, and the civic roles played by neighborhood associations. The findings show that neighborhood associations have adopted several roles including service provider, partner in public service delivery for local government, and advocate for residents in urban governance. The findings also show that social capital created by neighborhood interactions and community characteristics facilitates neighborhood associations to play civic roles in urban governance.
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Collin, Elias. "Som ungdomar eller riksdagspolitiker? : En fallstudie av den rådande partikulturen i Liberalernas ungdomsförbund." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-314177.
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The purpose of this study is to examine and investigate the party culture that exists within the political youth association Liberala Ungdomsförbundet, connected to the liberal party of Sweden- Liberalerna. Using data from seven semi-structured interviews and a text analysis of the magazine of the organization I describe the current party culture found in it. In analysing the material I use the toolkit brought forward by Rauven Kahane aimed to understand youths with post-modern values. This toolkit, called the Code of Informality, is used together with previous findings regarding the mother party made by Katarina Barrling made in her thesis “Partikulturer” from 2004. I find the party culture of the youth party to be rather similar to that of their mother party with some minor differences. The differences in culture can partly be understood as expressions for the post-modern values of youths introduced by Kahane.
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Rocha, Alberto Frederico Moraes da. "Case study of a Brazilian community association : a thesis presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Public Policy at Massey University, Auckland, New Zealand." Massey University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10179/974.
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This is a Case Study Research done inside a poor community in Brazil. The main goal of the research is to facilitate this community to understand their problems and to overcome it. Therefore the researcher and the researched developed the following question ‘why NovaMosanta is not achieving its goals? The researcher wanted to work as a facilitator throughout the whole process of dialogue that aims to empower the community. Departing from that question and based on Freire’s ideas of education the research aims to build new knowledge from the interaction of academic and community knowledge. To implement this case study field research the researcher decided to use Participant observation and questionnaires. Surprisingly during the research the NGO called NovaMosanta faced the challenge of remodeling a public school without government help; otherwise the school would be closed. This NGO succeeded with the help of the New Zealand Government that gave NZ$15,000 to build two new classrooms in the school. Community members helped working in the remodeling and local commerce gave discounts to enable the remodeling. As a result the school will not be closed and the students will continue to study there. It also helped to increase community support and participation. Although not designed as a Participant Action Research, this thesis evolved to produce action and to change the community reality. It was an empowering process to the researcher and the researched. The community support increased and it also served s a catalytic event in the process of transformation and inclusion. Finally it clarifies the importance of producing fast results to maintain community support. You can check the research results in the links below that contain two local network reports about it. (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hz_FItXp3nM) & (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=py5emCNXRlo)
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Karimi, Hossin. "Har etnisk bakgrund någon betydelse för tilliten bland svenska gymnasieelever? : - En jämförelse av gymnasieelever med etnisk svensk bakgrund OCH gymnasielever med invandrarbakgrund." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-91349.
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Social capital has been studied on the basis of comparative studies on whether ethnic bakground has significance for social capital. The study is conducted on the basis of a qualitative content analysis as a method with the application of theory consumption studay or hypothesis studay. The study is categorized into three dimensions as social interaction, association, involvement and municipal actors with several indicators. Socialt capital includes two primary theories by, Robert Putnam and Bo Rothsteins. Result shows that ethnicity is important for social capital because there are factors that positively affect an individual´s confidence. The study also shows that ethnicity has less significance for social capital because the individual´s high confidence depends on the efficiency of the actors who positively influence social capital.
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Grosse, Ingrid. "Political parties and welfare associations." Doctoral thesis, Umeå : Department of Sociology, Umeå University, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1466.
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Tether, Philip. "Conservative associations : variations by electoral environment." Thesis, University of Hull, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.333876.
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Ch?ng, ?n-suk. "Grassroots associations, civil society and political change in the Soviet Union, 1985-1989 /." The Ohio State University, 1991. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487694389392835.
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Shipper, Apichai W. (Apichai Wongsod) 1968. "Associative activism : organizing support for foreign workers in contemporary Japan." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8756.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2001.<br>Includes bibliographical references (v. 2, leaves 460-481).<br>Japan is a country known for its suspicion of foreigners, but Japanese citizens have established non-government organizations to support illegal foreign migrants. The problems and conditions of illegal foreign workers are rooted in Japanese government policies. The 1990 Immigration Control Law created a category of illegal foreign workers. Later, the Ministry of Health and Welfare excluded illegal foreigners from Japan's insurance system. Illegal foreign workers face challenges in dealing with employers, state officials, medical institutions, and family life. These problems range from unpaid wages and enormous medical cost to marriage/divorce registration and the forced break up of the families due to deportation. To solve these problems, Japanese engage in associative activism and institutional experimentation, which has transformed local politics in Japan. Illegal Asian workers in Japan rarely seek assistance from existing government organizations or ethnic associations. Government organizations provide mainly information and interpretation services and government officials lack the know-how to help illegal foreign workers with serious labor and immigration problems. Ethnic associations in Japan do not support their illegal compatriots. Illegal foreigners turn instead to Japanese NGOs, which have extensive experience in helping the underprivileged in Japanese society. Japanese activists, who found these NGOs, came from other social movement organizations. Christians, community workers unions organizers, women activists, labor lawyers, health workers, and civil rights activists have created separate support groups to help solve problems for illegal foreigners. Japanese activists created these groups in order to: a) acquire and accumulate knowledge on how best to help illegal foreigners; b) strengthen their bargaining power with employers and state officials; and, c) gain financial support for their activities. By working on behalf of illegal foreigners, these Japanese activists build a new community of action. Local governments have invited these activists to share their expertise and are increasingly relying on these support groups to provide public services to illegal foreigners. In some localities, local government officials have joined these groups and experimented with new institutions of governance. As a result, local governments are now breaking with national policies regarding illegal foreign workers. Japan has done quite a bit over the last two decades to open its borders and accommodate immigration. Associative activism by Japanese citizens impresses upon other industrialized societies that Japan's efforts to accommodate immigration are surprisingly humanitarian for a historically xenophobic culture.<br>by Apichai W. Shipper.<br>Ph.D.
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Kadirbeyoglu, Zeynep. "Decentralization and democratization: the case of water user associations in Turkey." Thesis, McGill University, 2009. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=32510.
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This thesis examines whether and under what conditions the recent decentralization of irrigation management in Turkey can deepen democracy through a comparative study of irrigation management decentralization in two provinces in Turkey: Urfa and Aydin. In Turkey, the state agency, which planned, built, and managed all major irrigation schemes, transferred the duty of water management, fee collection and maintenance to Water User Associations (WUAs) starting in 1993. The democratic processes established by WUAs in Urfa were plagued by allegations of bribery, corruption, embezzlement and service delivery failures; whereas Aydin WUAs have proven to be the very definition of successful decentralization in irrigation management. The hypothesis is that inequalities in access to resources, unequal power structures, low-levels of education and inexperience with civic activism lead to weaker links between decentralization and democratic deepening. Moreover, these same factors increase the likelihood that decentralized organizations will fail to satisfy their users in the provision of efficient and effective services. Hence, I hypothesize that the same factors are responsible for hampering the performance of decentralized institutions. I argue that divergent outcomes in decentralized irrigation management are a result of diverging social, economic and political contextual variables. The study shows that if there are significant inequalities in access to resources and power, decentralization does not promote democratic deepening and does not improve the performance of service delivery. This is especially true if the actors do not have a past of civic activism.<br>Cette thèse considère si la décentralisation récente de la gestion de l'irrigation en Turquie peut approfondir les processus démocratiques, et sous quelles conditions, au moyen d'une étude comparative sur la décentralisation de la gestion de l'irrigation dans deux provinces turques : Urfa et Aydin. En Turquie, dès 1993, l'organisme de l'État qui avait planifié, construit et géré l'ensemble des plans d'irrigations a transféré les tâches reliées à l'aménagement des ressources en eau, la collecte des frais et l'entretien aux associations des usagers de l'eau (AUE). Les processus démocratiques établis par les AUE se plaignaient d'allégations de trafic d'influence, de corruption, de détournement et de retards de livraison de service tandis que les AUE d'Aydin ne manifestaient que du succès en gestion d'irrigation décentralisée. L'hypothèse propose que l'accès inéquitable aux ressources, l'inégalité des dynamiques de pouvoir, les faibles taux de scolarité et le manque d'expérience en activisme communautaire contribuent à l'affaiblissement des liens entre la décentralisation et l'approfondissement des processus démocratiques. Or, ces mêmes facteurs réduisent les probabilités que les services de ces organismes décentralisés seront fournis aux utilisateurs de manière efficace. Ainsi, je propose que ces facteurs mêmes contribuent à la pauvre performance des organismes décentralisés. Mon argument démontre que les résultats divergents relatifs aux structures décentralisées de gestion d'irrigation sont liés aux variables sociales, économiques et politiques du contexte. L'étude démontre que les inéquations d'accès aux ressources
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Rose, Jonathan (Jonathan Alexander). "Participation is not enough : associations and local government in the social fund of Nicaragua." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/59798.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2010.<br>Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.<br>Includes bibliographical references (p. 219-232).<br>Community participation in development projects, in which billions of dollars are invested every year, has become quite controversial. While these initiatives can be beneficial, many participatory projects fall short of expectations, succumbing to problems such as corruption amongst local elites. What explains the diversity of experiences with participation in development projects? More specifically, under what conditions is participatory project governance successful? Through case studies of Projects Guided by the Community (PGCs) of the Nicaraguan Social Fund, and based on over 150 interviews, I find that the differing experiences can be explained by 1) the pre-existing associational life of the community and 2) the regulatory strategy of local government officials. A community's associational life influences participation in at least two ways. First, associations help the community to elect honest and capable individuals for influential executive positions in the project. Associations do so by producing leaders who become candidates for these positions, as well as creating and disseminating information on those leaders. Second, particular associations, such as a Pentecostal Church, serve to mobilize mass community participation. The dissertation describes at length the specific characteristics of associations that are necessary for these mechanisms to function. Government officials play a crucial role in regulating community participation, to ensure that the projects are completed successfully. The case studies highlight two main regulatory strategies. In the preventive strategy, government officials seek to build the capacity of the community to execute the project, by providing necessary information and encouraging participation. In the reactive strategy, officials monitor the communities' behavior and punish them when they violate the rules. Overall, while both strategies serve their purpose, the preventive strategy is more effective because it takes advantage of community participation, while the reactive strategy is limited by the difficulty that officials face when seeking out violations of the rules and applying punishment mechanisms. Policy makers may use the analysis to target resources to cases of likely success, or to improve local conditions for participatory development projects.<br>by Jonathan Rose.<br>Ph.D.
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Martell, Anthony Luke. "Socialism and associational democracy : new forms of democratic socialist thinking." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388266.
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Vernby, Kåre. "Essays in Political Economy." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Government, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-6879.
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<p>This thesis consists of an introduction and three stand-alone essays. In the introduction I discuss the commonalities between the three essays. Essay I charts the the main political cleavages among 59 Swedish unions and business organizations. The main conclusion is that there appear to exist two economic sources of political cleavage: The traded versus the nontraded divide and the labor versus capital divide. Essay II suggests a political rationale for why strikes have been more common in those OECD countries where the legislature is elected in single member districts (e.g. France, Great Britain) than where it was elected by proportional representation (e.g. Sweden, Netherlands). In Essay III I present a theoretical model of political support for different types of labor market regulations. From it I recover two implications: Support for industrial relations legislation that enables unions to bid up wages should be inversely related to the economy's openness, while support for employment protection legislation should be positively related to the size of the unionized sector. Empirical evidence from a cross-section of 70 countries match my theoretical priors.</p>
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Oluyitan, Emmanuel F. "Combating Corruption at the Grass-Roots Level: The Case of Individual Oath Takers." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1429101146.
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Araki, Minako. "Women's clubs, associations and other relations in Southern Zambia : interactions between development interventions and people's own strategies." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361418.
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Myrberg, Gunnar. "Medlemmar och medborgare : Föreningsdeltagande och politiskt engagemang i det etnifierade samhället." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-8157.
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What is the political significance of affiliation with voluntary associations for people with and without foreign backgrounds in Sweden? Does associational affiliation offer an opportunity to influence the political decision-making process for those otherwise disfavoured in terms of political resources? Or does it rather aggravate the political marginalisation of people with foreign backgrounds? This thesis is based on two large-scale surveys that have been designed explicitly to deal with questions of this sort. It is shown that there are substantial differences in associational affiliation between people with and without foreign backgrounds. Interestingly, these differences are strongly correlated with patterns of ethnification and ethnic discrimination in Swedish society. Individuals who have migrated to Sweden from Western Europe and North America participate in voluntary associations to the same extent as native Swedes. In contrast, the levels of associational affiliation are consistently lower among people who have migrated to Sweden from other parts of the world, even controlling for age, education, occupation and other potentially important factors. The study supports the widely held notion that there is a positive causal relation between associational affiliation and political participation. However, this seems to be true only with regard to certain forms of political participation and only seldom to such an extent that differences in associational affiliation can be said to strongly affect the relative levels of political engagement of people with and without foreign backgrounds. In particular, the observed differences in associational affiliation seem to have little to do with the often debated marginalisation of immigrants in the electoral arena.<br>Etnisk organisering och politisk integration i storstaden
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Thorstensson, Wendla. "CIVILSAMHÄLLETS MÅNGA ANSIKTEN -En komparativ studie om politiska partiers syn på civilsamhällets roll i samhällsutvecklingen." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-85674.
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There is disagreement about the role of civil society in the development of society, both among researchers and in national agreements between the public and civil actors. The thesis aims to study the political parties' view of the role of civil society in the development of society in Sweden. The main question sounds • What is the role of civil society in social development according to Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna and Sverigedemokrtaerna? In order to carry out a good analysis, the basic question is divided into three sub-questions: • What are the similarities in the view of the role of civil society in social development between the political parties? • Are there any clear contradictions between the political parties on the question of the role of civil society in social development and how can these be understood? • How can the picture that appears in the analysis of the political parties' view of the role of civil society in social development give us a better picture of the more general view of civil society in Sweden? The thesis analysis is carried out as an idea analysis and is based on four ideal types which are compiled in an analysis scheme. The three political parties are selected on the basis of "most different systems design". The analyzed parties differ in ideological origin and in the party's own history and growth. The essay's analysis shows that the views of the analyzed political parties on civil society differ in most respects. The Social Democrats and Moderate politics agree on several of the ideal types used in the essay, while the Swedish Democrats' policies fail from all ideal types. The parties 'views on the role of civil society in society have clear sayings, ties with the parties' ideological origins. The large differences in the parties' politics regarding civil society can explain the many contradictory roles that civil society in Sweden is expected to take on.
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Knight, John Marcus. "Our Nation’s Future? Chinese Imaginations of the Soviet Union, 1917-1956." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu149406768131314.
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Chaim, Aníbal Renan Martinot. "Futebol, corações e mentes: os torcedores na perspectiva do Estado." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-06122018-121608/.
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A presente tese ambiciona apresentar o fenômeno das torcidas organizadas de futebol do Brasil (TOBR) sob a ótica do Estado brasileiro. O objetivo deste estudo é apresentar não somente o protagonismo do Estado no processo que levou à fundação das primeiras TOBR nos anos 1940, mas também a influência de suas instituições para o crescimento e difusão das TOBR, que atingiram seu auge nos estádios de futebol nos anos 1990. Além de analisar a importância do Estado, esta tese também se dedica à compreensão das funções exercidas pela mídia esportiva, pelos clubes de futebol e pelos governing bodies do esporte brasileiro no que diz respeito à mediação da relação entre Estado e torcedores de futebol. Para a produção desse texto foram usadas fontes primárias como jornais de época, revistas de época, entrevistas, relatos e arquivos pessoais e também fontes secundárias como livros, dissertações, teses e artigos produzidos sobre as temáticas pertinentes a este estudo. Concluiu-se que as associações de torcedores no Brasil têm uma existência fortemente vinculada ao que se chamou de regime de Futebol de Estado, um arranjo político-institucional no qual o esporte de um país passa a ser usado como ferramenta política pelo Estado. O regime de Futebol de Estado é uma criação nazifascista que foi importada por Getúlio Vargas para o Brasil no início dos anos 1940. É durante este regime que se formam as primeiras associações de torcedores no Brasil. O expediente do Futebol de Estado foi também utilizado em toda a década de 1970 pelo Regime Militar, durante o qual as TOBR se desenvolveram de forma mais intensa. Foi também durante esse período que a violência entre torcedores se tornou mais frequente, o que contribuiu para que a relação entre Estado brasileiro e as TOBR entrasse em crise, uma consequência do fim do interesse estatal no esporte e da consolidação de um novo regime esportivo no Brasil nos anos 1990, o de Futebol para Mercado.<br>This study aims to present the phenomenon of football-supporters\' associations in Brazil (or TOBR, acronym in Portuguese language for torcidas organizadas de futebol brasileiras) on the historical perspective of the Brazilian State. It focuses not only on the State\'s role in the process that led to the foundation of the first TOBRs during the 1940\'s, but also on the influence of its institutions for the growth and diffusion of TOBRs, who experienced their golden age in football stadiums in the late 1980\'s and early 1990\'s. In addition to the analysis of the State\'s role within this process, this study is also dedicated to understand the role played by the sports media, the football clubs and the governing bodies of the Brazilian sport in mediating the relationship between the State and football supporters. This text was written upon primary sources such as coeval newspapers, magazines, periodicals, personal files, reports and non-coeval interviews, as well as secondary sources such as books, dissertations, theses and papers produced on the issues which are pertinent to this study. It was concluded that the TOBRs\' existence in Brazil is strongly linked to what was called a setting of Football of State, which is a political-institutional arrangement in which the sport of a nation is used as a political tool by its State. The Football of State\'s setting is a Nazi-fascist creation that was brought to Brazil by Getúlio Vargas in the early 1940\'s. It was precisely during this regime that the first TOBRs were founded. The device of the Football of State was also used during the military regime throughout the 1970\'s, and it was under this rule that the TOBRs developed more intensely. It was also during this period that violence among supporters started to happen more frequently. The violence among football-supporters increased substantially during the 1980\'s and led to a crisis between the TOBRs and Brazilian State in the early 1990\'s, which was also triggered by the end of State\'s interest in sports and the consolidation of a new sports setting in Brazil during the 1990s, the Football for the Market.
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Meade, Rosemary Raphael. "Analysing collective action : intersections of power, government and resistance." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2018. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/2980/.
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This research takes the form of ten journal articles and book chapters that were published between June 2008 and February 2018. This body of work encompasses outputs that are focused on community development, community arts, youth work and social movement praxis. These fields of praxis are understood as constituting a vital part of a variegated and differentiated Irish civil society and, while acknowledging their specificities, the body of work situates them together within the contested terrain of collective action. The Covering Document elucidates how, across the ten outputs, collective action is theorised: as the site of and target for complex and dynamic power relationships; as imbricated with various governmental projects through which multiple societal actors seek to mobilise citizens; as a potential site of and resource for resistance to particular expressions of government, ideology and power; and as developing alternative social relationships, organisational forms and modes of communication. The boundaries between the state and civil society are imprecise and fluid: civil society and state actors seek to induce desired forms of conduct and relationships from each other. This research exposes and critically interrogates associated power dynamics, overlaps, and contestations, and how they in turn shape expectations of collective action. Drawing together findings from youth work, community development, social movement, and community arts praxis, the research illuminates; how and by whom collective action is rationalised and (de)legitimised; the changing role of the state in governing civil society; and the potential for collective action to prefigure alternative forms of relationships and to resist particular forms of government. Therefore, the body of work analyses how the meanings, forms and purposes of collective action are constantly reworked, just as they give expression to important societal struggles. The Covering Document details the theory, methodology and methods that have underpinned the research. It offers an integrated thematic overview of the ten research outputs, highlighting their coherence, originality, and relevance for a critical analysis of the dynamics of collective action in contemporary Ireland. The research analyses the discourses of collective action as they have been expressed in key policy documents, in newspapers such as the Irish Independent and in the documents of protest of social movement organisations. It highlights and interrogates the political, economic and cultural context for collective action in 21st Century Ireland, paying particular attention to the ways though which the recent regime of austerity has impacted on civil society, the state and on relations between these spheres. The research is critical in orientation, but it draws upon and articulates diverse critical traditions as it analyses the power dynamics associated with collective action. Gramscian style, cultural materialist and Foucauldian governmentality perspectives are variously adopted and adapted within specific outputs. The Covering Document also outlines how and why the body of work troubles the boundaries between community development, community arts, youth work and social movement research and praxis. It calls for an articulated and dialogical theory and practice that challenge the assumed estrangement of these fields. As the Covering Document outlines, the research records how state policy now seeks to govern youth work, community development and community arts organisations through an increasingly intrusive and prescriptive set of policy ordinances, self-reporting techniques, and accountability measures. Against that, it also points to the potential for collective action to re-politicise issues otherwise framed as non-political by policy-makers and media, to build and be based upon reflexive forms of solidarity, and to reclaim the arts and tactics of protest.
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Morey, Alyssa C. "Memory for Positive, Negative, and Comparison Ads: Studying Semantic Associations Between Candidates and Issues Using EEG." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1365611112.
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Petersson, Oscar. "Populism Versus the Populist Parties : An Analysis of the Relationship Between Ideology and Populism on the Cases of Fidesz and Syriza." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-90978.
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This is a case study aiming to clarify the potentially outdated focus on the populist features in modern populist parties. By analyzing the right-wing populist party of Fidesz and the left-wing populist party of Syriza the aim is to clarify whether populism as a feature is descriptive enough to illustrate these parties, regardless their ideological stance, or whether ideology should be taken more into account than it tends to do today. To do this, the policies of each party are mapped to distinguish populist similarities, despite their ideological disparity and their differences. The analysis is delimited by the three pillars of civil society: Freedom of Associations, Freedom of Peaceful Assemblies and Freedom of Expression, referred to as the three pillars of civil society. The study shows that the descriptiveness of Fidesz as a right-wing populist party is conformed. However, the policies of Syriza demonstrate a variation of partially right-wing and left-wing populism, but also tendencies of no populism at all in their foreign policies. The descriptiveness of contemporary left-wing populist parties in the case of Syriza is thereby questionable.
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Larsson, Anthony. "A Different Ballgame? : Perceived Power Structures among Ethnic and Non-Ethnic Football Associations." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-852.
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<p>The aim of this paper is to analyse the perceived power structures in ethnic and non-ethnic football clubs in the way that they are manifested by their respective leadership/administration. For this, three clubs from each respective group (six in total) have been chosen and representatives of each group have been interviewed. Additionally, a qualitative analysis is applied when dealing with the material which in this case implied that they are analysed through an original model that is based on Steven Lukes’s conception of the three dimensional views of power. The point of departure lies in the interviewed representatives giving their accounts of how their respective clubs utilises their control and how they handle certain situations and conflicts. Their accounts invariably reflect upon a particular approach which can be fitted into one or more of Lukes’s dimensional views, which will ultimately provide an overall picture of the perceived power structure within that association. The subsequently comparison of results can then be expected to indicate if there is any difference in perceived power structures between that of ethnic and non-ethnic football clubs. The result of this study would ultimately show that while some notable difference could be manifested on a macro level, there were such great disparities on the micro level that there were in fact greater differences between the individual clubs themselves than that between the clubs as ethnic/non-ethnic groups.</p>
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Hedberg, Masha. "Business Orders under Disordered Bureaucracies: Firms, Associations and the Post-Communist State." Thesis, Harvard University, 2011. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10056.
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The dissertation analyzes the behavior of post-communist firms and business associations, and explores how business interests and organization are affected by the types of states that firms confront. Focusing on the countries of the former Soviet Union, the project seeks to further our understanding of post-communist political economy and enrich extant theory on business-state relations. I challenge conventional explanations for why business organizes, and why some firms join formal business associations, while others do not. Existing theories draw primarily from the experience of advanced industrial democracies, and thus fail to capture the dynamics of organization when business confronts a corrupt, and frequently predatory, state. Drawing on fieldwork in Russia and Ukraine, and aggregate analysis covering other transition economies, the project identifies the conditions that restructure incentives for firms to participate in business associations, and impede associations from developing as political intermediaries that facilitate interaction between public and private actors. It locates these conditions in the character and structure of the state which differentiates some post-communist states not only from their peers in the region, but also from the advanced industrial states on whose experience conventional theories are built. The presence of incapacitated and highly corrupt bureaucracies cardinally alters the traditional incentives for firms to organize collectively. When firms can expect little of the civil service with respect to public goods provision and policy continuity, but can instead expect public servants to work for private gain, they develop strong incentives to turn to private arrangements in order to lessen the uncertainty and threats bred in the absence of strong state institutions. The structure and character of the state bureaucracy also affects the opportunities for, and constraints on, engagement between business associations and public officials. Corruption within the bureaucracy is most commonly viewed as an opportunity that business can exploit. Instead, I show that the prevalence of corruption hinders the ability of business associations to obtain influence over government agencies. Precisely because corruption enables direct contacts by individual corporate giants with government agencies, it undermines the collective efforts of smaller firms that make up the majority of the private sector. There is, however, an ironic twist to the story. Under some conditions, corruption within the bureaucracy can impel political authorities to empower external, private business groups in order to divest themselves of an ineffective tool of policy implementation. This “divesture rationale” adds an additional consideration to existing arguments about how, when, and for what purposes collective, membership-based organizations emerge in the private sector.<br>Government
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Huegler, Nathalie. "Social work with separated young people and human rights : cross-national perspectives on practitioners' approaches." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2016. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/1019/.
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This thesis considers social work practice with separated young people who have migrated to Germany and the UK, with a specific focus on the role of human rights perspectives within practitioners’ approaches. The conceptual starting points are the contradictions between human rights frameworks which are commonly conceptualised as universal and inclusive, and the exclusive responses of Western states towards 'irregular' and asylum migration. These contradictions are enhanced and complicated by binary conceptualisations of childhood and adulthood, affording children different rights from adults. In practice, separated young people are treated very differently depending on whether they are considered 'children' or 'adults'. While many face disbelief from authorities regarding their asylum and age claims, even those who are initially accepted as 'children' are faced with uncertain futures as they enter legal 'adulthood'. Social workers, as members of a profession which considers itself a key proponent of social justice and human rights, are at the interface of these dilemmas in their practice with separated young people. They have a central role in inclusive processes, helping young people access support and resources, but they may also be caught up in exclusionary processes which significantly affect their practice, including their commitment to emancipatory values. Seeking to unsettle and transcend dichotomist conceptualisations, the field research for this thesis examined accounts of practitioners in different organisational settings in Berlin and London/Southeast England. The findings suggest that there were different approaches, which were not mutually exclusive, to conceptualising and referring to human rights more or less explicitly in their day-to-day practice. In what can be described as a liminal field of social work practice, practitioners used a range of strategies between accommodation with and resistance to difficult policy contexts.
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Nonninger, Dirk. "The establishment and use of cross border criminal intelligence under a European Criminal Intelligence Model in a period of modernism and post modernism societal change in the EU, and issues of accountability and human rights in the dissemination of such criminal intelligence exchange." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2017. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/1224/.
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Policing in Europe has become more complex, due to the nature of organised crime being more and more trans-national and a growing Europeanization in policing as a result of the creation of European agencies like Europol and Eurojust taking over activities which before the Lisbon Treaty remained within the sole responsibility of single Member State. Informal law enforcement cooperation between Member States is being transferred into formalised cooperation by European agencies with a specific mandate and specific powers. This development also requires a mechanism to streamline national and European law enforcement priorities. In 2005 the United Kingdom proposed the European Criminal Intelligence Model (ECIM) as the tool to achieve this task. In general terms the ECIM is based on the principles stemming from the concept of intelligence-led-policing as proposed by Ratcliffe (2005). However, until today the implementation of the ECIM is not finalised. This dissertation will address the conditions for such a model to be successful, especially with regard to the operationalisation of strategic findings at EU level within a national or trans-national setting. In this regard, the question of the meaning of ‘intelligence’ for the ECIM is examined, especially taking into account that the concept of ‘intelligence’ in law enforcement still is a rather new discipline. In addition, this thesis will discuss the societal framework in which the ECIM is to be deployed with a focus on the respective consequences if our society has changed from modern to a postmodern society. In relation to the ECIM a reflection on this aspect is of crucial importance as a shift in the societal paradigm would also question the value of a ‘grand narrative’ like the ECIM, a single, monolithic tool that would be able to address the problems in tackling trans-national organised crime as if made from one piece in a European context which is defined by diversity.
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Magnusson, Oscar. "Voluntary Associations: Schools of Immigration Advocacy? : An investigation of the opinion-formin functions of civic society on issues of immigration." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412309.
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The issue of immigration is arguably one of the most loaded political issues. Not only for several member states of the European union but since the Dublin-agreement fell apart, maybe also for the union as a whole. The growing number of anti-immigrant parties on the rise have intensified the interest by scholars in the issue of anti-immigrant sentiments and its explanations, and recently, trust has been found to constitute one of the strongest explanatory variables for the attitudes toward immigration. But although the theoretical arguments and empirical evidence are there from separate fields of research, the link between voluntary associations, trust and support for immigration has not yet been connected. The idea of associations as a generator for “civic virtues” has been influential in the field of political science. But could the virtues fostered in associations have an impact in the attitudes toward immigration as well? By using data from the SOM-institutes national survey of 2016, this study conducts a quantitative investigation on an individual-level to the relationship between associations, trust and anti-immigrant sentiments. The study’s findings suggest that there is a significant positive relationship between membership in associations that partially is mediated by trust, and somewhat surprisingly, the study finds there may be something else to associational membership that has an significant impact on trust. Lastly, some theoretical arguments are provided to attribute this “something else”-effect to Putnam’s second civic virtue “generalized reciprocity”.
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Manookian, Kathrin. "Civilsamhälle, Segregation och Demokrati : En kvalitativ studie om hur segregation och demokrati i två diametralt motsatta områden påverkar dess civilsamhällesorganisering." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-48673.
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Syftet med föreliggande studie är att jämföra två nattvandrarföreningar i två diametralt motsatta områden i Stockholm, en i ett välbärgat område och en i ett socialt och ekonomiskt utsatt område. De bostadsområdena som har valts är Lidingö och Hallunda-Norsborg. Metoden utgår från en kvalitativ metod där det genom intervjuer undersöks hur segregation och demokrati i ett socialt och ekonomiskt utsatt område respektive välbärgat område påverkar dess civilsamhällesorganisering. Resultatet visade att föreningen i Hallunda-Norsborg var mer demokratiskt då de bland annat har en ledare som gemensamt röstats fram av medlemmarna. Föreningen har även goda relationer och samarbetar med kommun, polis och sjukvård. Hur väl ställt ett område är spelar med andra ord inte någon roll för varken det civila engagemanget eller demokratin inom nattvandrargrupperna. Det handlar mer om vad som pågår inom ett område. I det socialt och ekonomiskt utsatta området krävdes mer resurser och en strukturerad förening på grund av oroligheterna i området. Detta gjorde att de fick en förening som var uppbyggd på demokrati och jämlikhet.<br>The purpose of the present study is to compare two night-hiking associations in two diametrically opposite areas in Stockholm, one in a prosperous area and one in a socially and economically vulnerable area. The residential areas that have been selected are Lidingö and Hallunda-Norsborg. The method is based on a qualitative method where through interviews it is examined how segregation and democracy in a socially and economically vulnerable area and well-off area, respectively, affect its civil society organization. The result showed that in Hallunda-Norsborg it is more democratic as they have a leader who is voted by the members. The association also has good relations and cooperates with the municipality, police and medical services. In other words, how well-positioned an area is does not matter for either the civil commitment or democracy within the night-hiker groups. It's more about what's going on in an area. In the socially and economically vulnerable area, more resources and a structured association were required due to the disturbance in the area. This meant that they got an association built on democracy and equality.
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Monaco, Sara. "Neighbourhood Politics in Transition : Residents' Associations and Local Government in Post-Apartheid Cape Town /." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis : Uppsala universitetsbibliotek [distributör], 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-8434.
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Lindholm, Kristina. "SSU och könspolitikens gränser 1970- 2000 : Diskussionerna om kvinnorepresentation i Sveriges Socialdemokratiska Ungdomsförbund." Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Genus, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-16441.
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Politiska ungdomsförbund är viktiga arenor där unga människor diskuterar och formulerar frågor som kan bli en del av den politiska dagordningen. Sättet som en politisk fråga diskuteras skapar också gränserna för hur det är möjligt att förstå och tala om den. I denna studie undersöks det socialdemokratiska ungdomsförbundets (SSU) könspolitik under perioden 1970- 2000. Mer specifikt analyseras hur frågan om kvinnors politiska representation framställts inom förbundet och vilka lösningar som varit möjliga att föra fram på förbundskongresserna. Avhandlingens utgångspunkter är feministisk teori och teori om problem konstruktion. Studien baseras på källmaterial som kongressprotokoll, handlings- och principprogram, stadgar, motioner från individuella kongressledamöter och från distrikt, förbundsstyrelsens utlåtande över motioner, förbundsskrifter samt tidskrifterna Tvärdrag och P- Information. Avhandlingen visar att SSU, trots sin radikala självbild, haft liten egen drivkraft att driva frågan om att öka kvinnors representation i förbundets beslutsfattande organ. Problem med låg representation av kvinnor inom förbundet erkänns, men fram till 1990-talet är det någon annan, någon annanstans, som ska lösa underrepresentationen. Avhandlingen visar också att problemkonstruktionerna ofta innehåller motsägelsefulla förståelser av frågan om kvinnors representation. Sammantaget bidrar en rad antaganden som, normer om frivillighet, samarbete mellan män och kvinnor, könskomplementaritet, samt även passiva och symboliska hinder och utlyftande praktiker, till att forma gränserna för hur kvinnors politiska representation kan diskuteras inom SSU.<br>Political youth associations are important political arenas where young people discuss and formulate issues that can become part of the political agenda. The way a political issue is discussed and problematized also creates the borders for how it is possible to talk about it and to understand a particular issue. In this thesis, the Swedish Social Democratic Youth League’s (SSU) gender politics are explored. More specifically, the question of how women’s representation is constructed and what solutions are seen as possible is analysed. The analytical points of departure are feminist theory and theory of problem construction. The source material consists of congress material from 1970 until 2001: congress protocols, motions from individuals and district committees, League committee reports on the motions and debates in the congresses. Other source materials are debate publications, booklets, written documents, internal material about women’s representation, programs of action and ideas and the periodicals Tvärdrag and P-Information. The study shows that the Social Democratic Youth League, despite of its radical self image, has few ambitions of its own to politicise the question of women’s representation. Problems with women’s low representation within the league are admitted, but until the 1990’s, these problems are always associated with someone else, somewhere else, who is going to solve the under representation. The study also shows that the problem constructions often contain contradictory understandings of the question of women’s representation. A number of assumptions such as norms for volunteering, cooperation between men and women, gender complementary, barriers as passive and symbolic barriers, and ‘externalizing practices’, contribute to shaping the borders of how the question of women’s representation can be discussed within the League.
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Dumont, Antoine. "La marocanité associative en France. Militantisme et territorialité d'une appartenance exprimée à distance." Phd thesis, Université de Poitiers, 2007. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00250180.
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Bien avant la loi de 1981, l'émigration marocaine vers la France a donné naissance à plusieurs associations, qui constituaient alors une extension spatiale du champ politique marocain. Si leurs activités se sont ensuite diversifiées, en s'adaptant aux flux migratoires et à la société française, leur orientation vers l'Etat et l'espace d'origine a persisté, de même que le sentiment d'appartenance marocaine (la marocanité) éprouvé par leurs membres. En 2007, plus de 300 associations en France peuvent ainsi être qualifiées de « marocaines ». L'hypothèse de ce travail est qu'au fil des années, des lieux et des espaces investis par ces mobilisations, les significations que les migrants associés accordent à leur marocanité se sont fortement structurées. Cette structuration, que j'appelle la marocanité associative, est analysée à l'aide d'entretiens individuels, d'observations des actions d'une trentaine d'associations et de la consultation d'archives privées, sur un terrain regroupant dix villes de la région parisienne (dont Paris) et des Pays-de-la-Loire (dont Nantes). L'exploitation de ces données permet de caractériser la marocanité associative en France par une intense circulation associative, des formes de patriotisme à distance, un militantisme de type post-colonial et une territorialité particulière. Ces nouveaux concepts permettent de dépasser de faux antagonismes, entre l'intégration et le « communautarisme » ou entre le territoire national et l'espace transnational, et de comprendre pourquoi et comment un sentiment d'appartenance peut subsister malgré la distance.
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Freer, Courtney. "Rentier Islamism : Muslim Brotherhood affiliates in Kuwait, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:134ca923-a204-40bf-80be-4e21352e680b.
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This study, using contemporary history and empirical research, updates traditional rentier state theory, which largely fails to account for the existence of opposition movements, by demonstrating the political capital held by Muslim Brotherhood affiliates in Kuwait, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). This study thus also fills a critical gap in existing literature on political Islam by examining previously unstudied movements in the smaller Gulf states that do not require Brotherhood organisations to provide services, to form social networks, or to contest elections (aside from in Kuwait). Through a divergent case study, we demonstrate the degree to which and the means through which the Ikhwan shapes domestic politics in the some of the world’s wealthiest oil states, the super-rentiers. This research helps to break the causal link established by rentier state theory between oil rents and lack of politically relevant Islamist organizations. As will be shown, Muslim Brotherhood organizations in the Gulf are politically influential entities. It is important to note, however, that these groups shape cultural and social ideas as readily as political notions. The division between these sectors is often blurred in the atmosphere of the socially conservative super-rentiers, as politics is often displaced to the social sphere in restricted political systems. We therefore elucidate a new model for understanding how Muslim Brotherhood movements influence government policies, in addition to cultural and social policies, in the wealthiest rentier states of the Gulf, which we call rentier Islamism.
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Byrne, Alex. "The politics of promoting freedom of information and expression in international librarianship." Connect to full text, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/555.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Sydney, 2004.<br>Title from title screen (viewed 8 May 2008). Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Faculty of Economics and Business. Degree awarded 2004; thesis submitted 2003. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in print form.