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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political scientists'
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Hancock, Sally. "Political scientists? : the UK knowledge economy and young scientists." Thesis, Imperial College London, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10044/1/14411.
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This thesis is an exploration of the UK knowledge economy, and its implications for the present and future lives of STEM (science, technology, engineering, mathematics) doctoral students at a research-intensive UK university. The research methodology included a critical literature review, focus groups, a large scale survey, and depth interviews. The thesis reports that the UK knowledge economy is a known phenomenon to young scientists and, across the population of young scientists, five distinct moral positions towards the knowledge economy are discerned. These five moral positions form a spectrum, ranging from ‘anti’ to ‘pro’ knowledge economy. Young scientists’ moral positions on the knowledge economy are revealed to be a key aspect of their scientific identity. That the scientific identities of young scientists are in part moral contradicts dominant images of the scientist who, in Steven Pinker’s words, is often construed as an ‘amoral nerd’ (Pinker in Shapin, 2008: xv). Young scientists’ conceptions of identity are however, notable for their narrowness. Young scientists continue to rely upon the paradigm of modernity when forming their moral position on the knowledge economy, and constructing their identity. Accordingly, they view scientific identity as solid and stable. A game theory informed analysis illuminates how young scientists strategically tailor their scientific life in order to construct and sustain a stable identity; the achievement of which, they believe, is the best preparation for a scientific career. The irony of this finding is that contemporary science is shaped by postmodern forces: the knowledge economy and liquid modernity. These forces generate diversity, contradiction and perpetual change. It is argued that young scientists must develop a liquid scientific identity, fit for these conditions. Three reforms of the STEM PhD are proposed to enable universities to support young scientists to ‘avoid fixation and keep the options open’ (Bauman, 1995: 20).
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Checkel, Jeffrey T. (Jeffrey Taylor). "Organizational behavior, social scientists, and Soviet foreign policymaking." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/13909.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1991.Includes bibliographical references (p. 427-472).
by Jeffrey T. Checkel.
Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1991.
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Duvall, Timothy Joseph. "Political science : quests for identity, constructions of knowledge /." Thesis, This resource online, 1992. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-03302010-020627/.
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Thill, Zackery. "Rights Holders, Stakeholders, and Scientists: A Political Ecology of Ambient Environmental Monitoring in Alberta, Canada." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/23767.
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States increasingly rely on ambient environmental monitoring systems to provide information on environmental conditions in order to make science-based decisions on resource management. This kind of monitoring relies on a network of state and intergovernmental agencies to generate indexes, thresholds, and indicators to assess the status of air, water, and biodiversity. As a result, these thresholds and indexes generate representations of environmental change, and they establish acceptable limits on pollution. However, in settler states like Canada, there are often major gaps in how First Nations experience environmental change compared to the agencies that produce the science. In recent years, monitoring has taken on a new importance because the findings from these agencies contribute to understanding how industrial development impacts First Nations’ treaty rights. Many First Nation communities have called for greater say in government agencies and have advocated for indicators that represent both their basic environmental concerns and their treaty rights.
Using oil sands monitoring agencies as a lens, this dissertation examines the politics of environmental knowledge production between Indigenous groups and the state. I employ the “logic of elimination” concept from settler colonialism studies to explore the extent to which Indigenous groups have been incorporated in research design, decision-making, and the establishment of environmental thresholds. I use interviews, participant observation, and a Q-method survey to develop an understanding how settler colonialism functions not only through policies and legislation, but also scientists’ positionalities. The findings from this research demonstrate that monitoring agencies have no uniform policies to guide how they work with First Nations. Because of this, agencies have continually engaged with First Nations as stakeholders—not rights holders. This designation places First Nations on the same level as other interest groups and limits their abilities to shape what is monitored and how thresholds are set. As a result, the stakeholder position offers few avenues for First Nations to ensure treaty rights are considered in monitoring activities.10000-01-01
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Vickers, Vikki J. ""My pen and my soul have ever gone together" : Thomas Paine and the American Revolution /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p3060151.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2002.There are two leafs 90 with different information so paging after leaf 90 is misnumbered. Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 235-247). Also available on the Internet.
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Diers, Andreas. "Arbeiterbewegung - Demokratie - Staat : Wolfgang Abendroth ; Leben und Werk 1906 - 1948 /." Hamburg : VSA-Verl, 2006. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy0713/2006436179.html.
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Lavandeira, Daniela Cristina Lot. "A ação politica dos cientistas : o caso da implantação do parque cientifico e tecnologico de Campinas." [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252050.
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Orientador: Ana Maria Fonseca de AlmeidaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T22:30:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lavandeira_DanielaCristinaLot_M.pdf: 2062226 bytes, checksum: 4b4e497b99f004c72d0feb828734e9b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008
Resumo: A instalação, desde os anos 60, de Instituições de Pesquisa, de Empresas de Base Tecnológica e da Universidade Estadual de Campinas nas proximidades umas das outras no distrito de Barão Geraldo, constituiu as bases para a consolidação do que é hoje chamado ¿Parque Tecnológico de Campinas¿. Tal aproximação não ocorreu fortuitamente; foi resultado das escolhas de determinados cientistas que, agindo em grupo, tinham poder de decisão sobre a localização de tais instituições e empresas, e sobre o direcionamento dos tipos de pesquisa que iriam ser ali desenvolvidas. Um importante vetor dessa articulação foi a percepção compartilhada de que o investimento em Ciência & Tecnologia era fundamental para estimular o desenvolvimento econômico e social de um país considerado ¿em desenvolvimento¿, como é o caso do Brasil. A pesquisa procura mostrar como essa percepção compartilhada pôde ser estabelecida, reconstruindo os percursos de formação dos cientistas e mostrando a forma particular de circulação pelo estrangeiro que eles vivenciaram
Abstract: The building in the 1960's and 1970's of research institutions, technology based industries and the Unversity of Campinas near one another in the district of Barão Geraldo formed the basis of the construction of the Science Park of Campinas. This didn't happen by change; it was the result of choices of some scientists that, acting as a group, had a major influence on the decision of the location of these institutions and companies and also on what type of research was to be developed there. An important vector that determined the making of the choices was the shared perception that investing in science and technology is fundamental to stimulate the economical and social development of a so called developing country as Brazil. In this research we try to show how this shared perception could be established, reconstructing the educational background of the scientist and their experiences in foreign countries
Mestrado
Educação, Conhecimento, Linguagem e Arte
Mestre em Educação
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McCabe, R. V. "Communication and language strategies used in the democratic public policy process." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-01252005-080031.
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Quadbeck, Ulrike. "Karl Dietrich Bracher und die Anfänge der Bonner Politikwissenschaft." Baden-Baden Nomos, 2008. http://d-nb.info/989808998/04.
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Li, Boting, and 李博婷. "Leonard Woolf: towards a literarybiography." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B45697735.
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Leite, Adriana Naomi. "Milagre acadêmico: a institucionalização das ciências sociais brasileiras (1964-1985)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-01062015-155258/.
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O trabalho que se segue buscará analisar o processo de institucionalização das ciências sociais brasileiras durante o período de 1964-1985. Entendendo essa fase como um momento de notável expansão desse campo de conhecimento no Brasil, a pesquisa analisará diferentes dimensões desse processo, atenta aos novos projetos acadêmicos empreendidos, às lideranças consolidadas, assim como aos debates de maior destaque promovidos durante o período. Analisando institutos de pesquisa, programas de pósgraduação, assim como a própria Universidade de São Paulo, a dissertação oferece um panorama dessa etapa do desenvolvimento das ciências sociais brasileiras.The following research aims to analyze the process of institutionalization of the social sciences in Brazil during the period 1964-1985. Understanding this phase as a time of significant expansion of this field of knowledge in Brazil, the research will examine different dimensions of this process, attentive to new academic projects undertaken, consolidated leadership, as well as the most prominent debates promoted during the period. Analyzing research institutes, graduate programs, as well as his own University of São Paulo, the dissertation provides an overview of this stage of development of the Brazilian social sciences.
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Horner, David S. "Scientists, trade unions and labour movement policies for science and technology, 1947-1964." Thesis, Aston University, 1986. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/15185/.
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This thesis describes the history of the scientific Left beginning with the period of its most extensive influence in the mid-1940s as a movement for the planning of science and ending with the Labour Party's programme of 1964 claiming to harness science and socialism. Its central theme is the external and internal pressures involved in the project to align left-wing politics, trade unions and social responsibility in science. The problematic aspects of this project are examined in the evolution of the Association of Scientific Workers and the World Federation of Scientific Workers as organisations committed to trade union and science policy objectives. This is presented also in the broader context of the Association's attempts to influence the Trade Union Congress's policies for science and technology in a more radical direction. The thesis argues that the shift in the balance of political forces in the labour movement, in the scientific community and in the state brought about by the Cold War was crucial in frustrating these endeavours. This led to alternative, but largely unsuccessful attempts, in the form of the Engels Society and subsequently Science for Peace to create the new expressions of the left-wing politics of science. However, the period 1956-1964 was characterised by intensive interest within the Labour Party in science and technology which reopened informal channels of political influence for the scientific Left. This was not matched by any radical renewal within the Association or the Trade Union Congress and thus took place on a narrower basis and lacked the democratic aspects of the earlier generation of socialist science policy.
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Newswander, Lynita Kay. "Biopolitics and Belief: Governance in the Church of Christ, Scientist, and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/26685.
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This dissertation offers an analysis of two American religions–the Church of Christ, Scientist (CS), and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS)–and the ways that their particular/peculiar ideologies regarding the body govern the everyday realities of their respective memberships. Biopower is the political power used to control bodies and bodily actions, such as the care of oneself, and the details of personal family life. Belief can act as an especially powerful agent of biopolitical power as it inspires a lived faithfulness through its various theologies. What is more, the effects of biopolitical belief are often complicated by the mixed interests of Church and State, leaving the territory of the individual body a disputed claim.
To better understand these disputes, this project utilizes a Foucaultian interpretation of the CS and LDS churches to better understand the roots of the biopolitical conflicts they confront. Specifically, the histories and contemporary practices of these religious organizations are analyzed through a genealogical method, using Foucaultian interpretations of the biopolitical, pastoral, and psychiatric powers they use to effectively govern the minds, bodies, and spirits of their people. A historical background of the CS and LDS churches traces the emergence of the biopolitical practices of each group by evaluating their groundedness in their current social-political milieus, and by making connections between their respective religious beliefs, practices, and government and the broader Jacksonian American political culture into which they were born. Additionally, this particular form of analysis poses important questions for the study of religion and politics today. Although most of the examples used in this study are historical, both the LDS and CS churches continue to hold on to many if not all of the theologies and doctrines which historically brought them into conflict with the US government. What has changed is not the belief itself, but the embodiment of it, and also the state and federal government reaction to it. Therefore, the theological histories and founding stories of these religions remain relevant to their contemporary status as extra-statal biopolitical forces within the US today.Ph. D.
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Gouz, Simon. "Biographie d'une vision du monde : les relations entre science, philosophie et politique dans la conception marxiste de J.B.S. Haldane." Phd thesis, Université Claude Bernard - Lyon I, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00530696.
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Biologiste reconnu, notamment, pour sa contribution à la fondation de la génétique des populations, J.B.S. Haldane (1892-1964) est également membre du Parti Communiste de Grande-Bretagne entre 1942 et 1950 et, à partir de 1937, il défend avec force l'opinion que le marxisme est utile au travail scientifique. Notre étude porte sur les idées marxistes de Haldane et sur la manière dont elles sont historiquement produites. Elle examine d'abord son parcours intellectuel et propose de comprendre son adoption du marxisme dans le cadre d'une dynamique de recherche d'unité entre des conceptions des sciences, de la philosophie et de la politique. L'étude porte ensuite sur la manière dont fonctionne ce qui est caractérisé comme une vision marxiste du monde, c'est-à-dire un mode de production et de circulation de concepts. En particulier, l'assertion que fait Haldane d'un usage du marxisme dans son travail scientifique est confrontée à certains de ses travaux en génétique des populations, ainsi qu'aux idées qu'il émet concernant l'eugénisme. Cette confrontation permet de confirmer et de généraliser, contre Sarkar (1992) et Shapiro (1993), le résultat proposé par Hammond (2004) d'une effectivité du marxisme de Haldane dans ses sciences, et de préciser la manière dont elle se réalise. Finalement, nous proposons une compréhension du marxisme de Haldane comme un cas particulier de processus historiques plus généraux. Nous examinons l'histoire des idées marxistes sur les sciences et le phénomène d'engagement politique de scientifiques britanniques à cette époque, et interrogeons par là les racines politiques et sociales du marxisme de Haldane.
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Amegatsevi, Kokou Sename. "L'éthique du futur et le défi des technologies du vivant." Thesis, Université Laval, 2013. http://www.theses.ulaval.ca/2013/30255/30255.pdf.
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Ce travail vise à mettre en avant une éthique du futur à l’ère des technologies du vivant à partir de la biologie philosophique de Hans Jonas en passant au crible a priori les fondements des technosciences. Jonas estime que le problème n’est pas la technique elle-même qui soit en cause mais l’identité qu’elle accorde à l’homme dans cette logique instrumentale envahissante, en d’autres termes, le matérialisme réductionniste. Le problème aussi n’est pas les effets visibles inquiétants et désastreux de la technique mais l’ontologie qu’elle inspire. Outre les manifestations réelles de destruction qu’elle génère, c’est l’être qu’elle confère ou plus exactement dont elle prive l’homme qui est catastrophique. L’homme finit par se considérer comme un fond exploitable. Il s’agira donc de formuler une éthique qui a pour soubassement une biologie philosophique qui récuse une anthropologie mécaniste d’inspiration matérialiste, une ontologie du pas-encore qui fonde les sciences modernes. Réduire l’homme à des lois physico-chimiques, c’est violer notre individualité. Le métabolisme est la preuve de notre individuation. Dans la matière, gît l’esprit. Au-delà de l’anthropomorphisme qui se dégage, l’homme est le seul animal symbolisant doué d’une conscience réflexive. Une responsabilité politique s’impose pour protéger l’intégrité et l’image de l’homme à l’ère des technologies du vivant qui espèrent améliorer ou modifier l’espèce humaine. Mais cette responsabilité politique qui promeut « un marxisme désenchanté » ne tardera pas à renforcer voire devenir une rationalité instrumentale et idéologique à l’image du lyssenkisme. Une autre responsabilité s’impose : une responsabilité scientifique formulée par Charles De Koninck qui interpelle et invite les scientifiques à ne pas sacrifier l’être humain par leurs recherches sur l’autel des subventions financières, du dualisme au relent matérialiste. La science, dans son élan est invitée à tenir compte du facteur « humain ». Cette responsabilité scientifique va au-delà des règles de bonnes pratiques et déontologiques des comités et des expertises scientifiques. Elle nécessite une éducation scientifique pour une science citoyenne pour éviter une science aveugle et idéologique. Bref, à partir de ces paradigmes, nous voulons montrer que les rêves de l’amélioration, de l’augmentation des performances de l’espèce humaine sont des chimères.
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GUILHOT, Nicolas. "The democracy makers : foreign policy activists, political scientists and the construction of an international market for political virtue." Doctoral thesis, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5136.
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Defence date: 9 November 2001Examining board: Prof. Yves Dezalay, CNRS - Maison des Sciences de l'Homme, Paris ; Prof. Saskia Sassen, University of Chicago ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter, EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. Peter Wagner, EUI
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
Has the international movement for democracy and human rights gone from being a weapon against power to part of the arsenal of power itself? Nicolas Guilhot explores this question in his penetrating look at how the U.S. government, the World Bank, political scientists, NG0s, think tanks, and various international organizations have appropriated the movement for democracy and human rights to export neoliberal policies throughout the world. His work charts the various symbolic, ideological, and political meanings that have developed around human rights and democracy movements. Guilhot suggests that these shifting meanings reflect the transformation of a progressive, emancipator), movement into an industry dominated by "experts" ensconced in positions of power. Guilhot's story begins in the 1950s when U.S. foreign policy experts promoted human rights and democracy as part of a "democratic international" to fight the spread of communism. Later, the unlikely convergence of anti-Stalinist leftists and the nascent neoconservative movement found a place in the Reagan administration. These "State Department Socialists," as they were known, created policies and organizations that provided financial and technical expertise to democratic movements and also supported authoritarian, anti-communist regimes, particularly in Latin America.
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Sasaki, Fumiko. "To build a strong nation the political thought of Masao Maruyama /." 2005. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/130043778.html.
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(11799496), Alan Bowen-James. "Scientists, knowledge-formation and power: A study of scientific and political discourse in the formation of international environmental policy." Thesis, 1995. https://figshare.com/articles/thesis/Scientists_knowledge-formation_and_power_A_study_of_scientific_and_political_discourse_in_the_formation_of_international_environmental_policy/17132165.
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This thesis blends philosophy of science, sociology, political science, communications studies and various physical sciences in an attempt to understand how environmental policy is shaped out of the discourse within and between scientific and policy communities. The focus of the exercise is to show how patterns of communication generate communities identified by their discourse; that is to say, how issues and policies shape as well as reflect bodies of knowledge.
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Yardley, Christopher B. "The representation of science and scientists on postage stamps." Phd thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/156346.
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Research into science communication has included books, newspapers, television and radio analysis but no-one has studied science on postage stamps as a communication medium. Yet stamps incorporate a literate and a visual communication message that governments have used to elucidate ideological ideals and policies, for civic education, for nation building and to advise on matters of public health. Within every stamp image is a permanent record that preserves that message information from the date of issue through many generations. This thesis examines the multiple science message roles the stamp has carried from ten representative countries since the first use of the medium. It explores paths and into how and why a country visualises and publicises its place locally and to the outside world. The taxonomy developed is applicable to other disciplines in describing classification of communication themes. 'Science' as represented on postage stamps defines the state of science and technology at a set point in time, the date of issue, and provides a commentary on society and a set of activities, functions or needs. A case study methodology has been used provide examples of the many roles of the stamp message. Half of all science stamps show the science as its main image generally accompanied by a textual description explaining the reason for issue at that particular time. The other half of all science stamps depend upon a named scientist as the focal point of the message. Events and anniversaries are the prompts for many issues. Government's hand is shown when the message is political, is nation-building and often in advising of public health issues. The nature of the image has evolved with time, which time can be related to the development of science communication when science has fragmented and is an increasingly specialist endeavour undertaken by institutions. This study analyses how, through stamp issue, the current perspective of science is shown by the context in step with the movement understood as the public understanding of science evolving into the public awareness of science.
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Sun, Jeffrey C. "Intellectual Freedom of Academic Scientists: Cases of Political Challenges Involving Federally Sponsored Research on National Environmental Policies." Thesis, 2012. https://doi.org/10.7916/D85145B0.
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This study contributes to the literature on the academic profession's intellectual freedom. Drawing significantly on two methodological approaches, comparative case study and grounded theory, this dissertation examines three controversies in which government officials challenged academic scientists' federally sponsored research, which had implications for national environmental policies. To structure this examination, I used a two- part framework. For the first part, I investigated the evolving interpretations of events and actors' interests, which revealed the tactics and pressures employed by government officials when challenging the academic scientists' federally sponsored research. For the second part, I used Freidson's theory of professional dominance to help us understand how and in what ways institutionalized arrangements within society supported the academic profession's autonomy and authority over its work. This analysis identified the means by which the academic scientists in my three cases exerted some degree of control over scientific decisions regarding the research assumptions, methods, and analyses of their findings. The study's key findings are presented in the form of five research claims: First, the government challengers may try - sometimes successfully - to exercise their influence over indirect participants in the federally funded research in an attempt to control the dissemination of the federally sponsored research findings. Second, the government challengers, though not scientists themselves, relied heavily on their own judgment to declare publicly the kinds of activities that can and cannot count as legitimate scientific research, rather than relying on the traditional scientific peer-review process. Third, academic scientists may involve members of the public in the dispute. When that happens, the public may help decide whether government officials or academic scientists are better equipped to address the scientific matters associated with the federal policy. Fourth, academic scientists' political allies can support academic scientists' efforts to defend their research within the policymakers' setting. Fifth, academic scientists may assert academic conventions (e.g., peer review) as the standard (or possibly as the preferred) practice through which to evaluate science, even when government challengers question the validity of those conventions. Placed in context of the extant literature, these claims, taken together, suggest that the government officials tried to take actions that exceed their professional competence, specifically as boundary breakers who attempted to infiltrate the jurisdictional responsibilities of the academic scientists. In addition, despite the government officials' attempts to engage in professional boundary-crossing activities, the academic scientists asserted institutionalized practices and standards of the profession (e.g., peer review and open dialogue) and drew on the assistance of external actors (i.e., members of the public and political allies) as countervailing forces to exert control over their research.
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Rubinson, Paul Harold 1977. "Containing science : the U.S. national security state and scientists' challenge to nuclear weapons during the Cold War." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/17997.
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Throughout the Cold War, many publicly influential and socially committed scientists participated in a wide array of efforts to push U.S. foreign policy toward nuclear disarmament. Some of these scientists, such as Linus Pauling and Carl Sagan, relied on their credibility as respected public authorities to sway public opinion against nuclear weapons. Other scientists, such as Eugene Rabinowitch, quietly pursued informal, quasi-diplomatic methods. Still others, such as Hans Bethe, George Kistiakowsky, and Jerome Wiesner, worked within the government to restrain the arms race. Though rarely working in concert, all these scientists operated under the notion that their scientific expertise enabled them to articulate convincing and objective reasons for nuclear disarmament. But the U.S. government went to great lengths to neutralize these scientific arguments against nuclear weapons with a wide array of tactics all aimed at undermining their scientific credibility. Some scientists who offered moral reasons to end the arms race found their loyalty questioned by the state. When prodisarmament scientists offered strictly technical reasons to oppose to nuclear weapons, the government responded by promoting the equally technical objections to disarmament held by pronuclear scientists. At still other times, the government attempted to co-opt the arguments of its scientific challengers. In addition, scientists’ professional identity as objective and apolitical experts hampered scientific antinuclear activism. From the beginning of the Cold War to the 1980s, scientists continuously challenged nuclear weapons in a variety of ways; the government likewise continuously reshaped its responses to meet this challenge, and in so doing crafted a method of scientific containment. Thus the result of this incessant struggle was the consistent defeat of scientists’ dissent. By the time the Cold War ended, it did so on terms unrelated to scientists and nuclear weapons.text
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Al-Dosary, Fahad Misfer. "Characteristics of research literature used by political scientists a study of the influence of differences in research approaches on citation behavior /." 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/14286595.html.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1986.Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 116-123).
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Jariyadham, Walaya. "Thailand's non-state knowledge actors and institutions : roles in policy-level democratisation." Phd thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/148673.
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Martin, John F. "Reorienting a nation : consultants and Australian public policy." Phd thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144377.
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