Academic literature on the topic 'Political set-up'
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Journal articles on the topic "Political set-up"
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Mikhalev, Oleg. "Poland: political set up after the Smolensk (2010–2013)." Contemporary Europe 60, no. 4 (2015): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope420147083.
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Check, Erika. "Task force set up to combat threat of political interference." Nature 426, no. 6964 (2003): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/426218a.
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Nabi, Ijaz. "Macroeconomic Management in a Decentralised Set-up (PANEL DISCUSSION-III)." Pakistan Development Review 49, no. 4II (2010): 959–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v49i4iipp.959-961.
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I am thankful to PIDE for giving me the opportunity to be here and participate in this important discussion. It is always exciting to come back to this audience because this is where I started my career as an economist. We have with us Dr S. M. Naseem and Dr Nawab Haider Naqvi who guided me in my earlier years and I would like to thank them also. I will try to restore some balance after Dr Ashfaque’s alarming comments on the state of the economy, recognising well that we have challenges that need to be addressed. Mr Baldridgde in his discussion has given us fifty questions that capture many of the challenges. But first let me say a few words about whether politics should triumph over economics or the other way around. Lets not forget that we have a democratically elected government that represents a delicate coalition of several political parties and competing political interests. In this setting, it is not at all surprising that technocratic economic solutions are secondary to the political ones, and that “economics does not triumph over politics” as lamented by the previous panelist. In a democratic framework, the economists’ role is to ensure that political objectives are met without inflicting an unsustainable fiscal burden and sacrificing the long term development objectives.
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Torjesen, I. "Doctors opposed to NHS reforms set up a new political party." BMJ 344, may25 2 (2012): e3734-e3734. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.e3734.
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Pandey, Sushil Kumar. "RIGHT TO EDUCATION-A NEED TO MODERN SOCIO-POLITICAL SET-UP." SCHOLARLY RESEARCH JOURNAL FOR INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES 9, no. 67 (2021): 15995–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.21922/srjis.v9i67.8240.
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The fundamental link between the right to work and the right to education established at the conferences on education policy held by the Federation of Geman Trade Unions in 1976 is one of those elements of trade-union policy in which, with education understood as “participation” in progress in science, research and “technology”, trade union policy necessarily assumed an anti-capitalist, democratic character. In it, education is no longer conceived as qualification alone, but as a human right, which is equated with the right to work and hence points, in the same way as this right to the limits to economic, capitalist and social organization.
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JIANZHONG, DING. "Overhauling and Regulating Schools Set Up by Migrants." Chinese Education & Society 37, no. 5 (2004): 10–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611932.2004.11031664.
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Younis, Nussaibah. "Set up to fail: consociational political structures in post-war Iraq, 2003–2010." Contemporary Arab Affairs 4, no. 1 (2011): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2011.543780.
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Since Arend Lijphart's development of the theory of consociationalism in 1969, dominant schools of thought have accepted that ‘power sharing’ and ‘group autonomy’ are the basic preconditions of democratic governance in divided societies. The constitution and electoral framework adopted by post-invasion Iraq instituted many of Lijphart's recommendations, including proportional representation, federalism and a parliamentary system with a weak presidency. But this democratic framework has failed Iraq. Eight months on from its 2010 parliamentary election and still struggling to establish an effective government, Iraq is facing constitutional crisis. This article uses the case study of Iraq to uncover fundamental flaws in orthodox arguments about democracy in divided societies and it goes on to recommend changes that would better enable stable and effective governance.
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Meng, Fanming. "Ideological and Political Course Teachers’ Educational Rationality." Journal of Education and Culture Studies 4, no. 1 (2020): p128. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jecs.v4n1p128.
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Ideological and political course teachers should not only cherish their teaching experience, but also cannot be satisfied with it. They should fully realize the limitation of teaching experience and constantly improve the level of educational rational thinking. The educational rationality of ideological and political course teachers is the unity of implicit and explicit aspects. Among them, exploring rationality is the implicit mind of ideological and political course teachers, while writing rationality is the explicit ability of teachers’ inner thoughts. Therefore, ideological and political course teachers should not only set up the research-oriented consciousness of “the teacher is a researcher” and cultivate the exploring rationality, but also set up the writing consciousness of “the teacher is a writer” and train the writing rationality.
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Rahmat, Al Fauzi, and Eko Priyo Purnomo. "Twitter Media Platform to Set-Up Political Branding: Analyzing @Kiyai_Marufamin in 2019 Presidential Election Campaign." Nyimak: Journal of Communication 4, no. 1 (2020): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31000/nyimak.v4i1.2268.
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The presence of a Kiyai in political contestation in Indonesia has its own challenges because it is motivated by a religious figure who believes that voters can support themselves, especially Muslim voters. Furthermore, the Kiyai carried out various strategies to lure voters effectively on social media, referred Twitter accounts a strategic platform to lure voters in a political context. This article aims to identify political branding using social media Twitter by KH. Ma’ruf Amin as a vice-presidential candidate in the 2019 presidential election contest. Furthermore, qualitative methods are used for this research. Then, the analyzer uses NVivo 12 plus software to see the coding intensity of the KH Twitter account. KH Ma’ruf Amin namely @Kiyai_Marufamin, this tool can provide capture code of capture from a tweet that displays the intensity level. The results of this study indicate that KH. Ma’ruf Amin uses social media Twitter as a tool to find support, especially for Muslim voters. Social media activities in the period February 2019 - April 2019 were considered to have high intensity of coverage, this identified that the distribution of tweets by KH. Ma’ruf Amin is more about spreading tweets along with pictures, formal language and visual style against the background of a Kiyai. Thus, Twitter @Kiyai_Marufamin can provide a good political brand for KH. Ma’ruf Amin as a vice presidential candidate to participate in the 2019 presidential election in Indonesia.Keywords: Twitter, political branding, KH. Ma’ruf Amin, 2019 presidential election campaign ABSTRAKKehadiran dari seorang Kiyai dalam kontestasi politik di Indonesia memiliki tantangan tersendiri karena dilatarbelakangi seorang agamawan yang meyakini bahwa pemilih dapat mendukung dirinya, terutama pemilih Muslim. Selanjutnya seorang Kiyai melakukan berbagai strategi untuk memancing pemilih secara efektif di media sosial, dimana akun Twitter sebagai platform strategis untuk memikat para pemilih dalam kontekstasi politik. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifi-kasi branding politik menggunakan media sosial Twitter oleh KH. Ma’ruf Amin sebagai kandidat wakil presiden dalam kontes pemilihan presiden 2019. Selanjutnya, metode kualitatif digunakan untuk penelitian ini. Kemudian, alat analisa menggunakan perangkat lunak NVivo 12 plus untuk melihat intensitas pengkodean dari akun Twitter KH. Ma’ruf Amin yaitu @Kiyai_Marufamin, alat ini mampu memberikan laju koding tangkapan dari tweet yang menampilkan tingkat intensitas. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa KH. Ma’ruf Amin menggunakan media sosial Twitter sebagai alat untuk mencari dukungan, terutama bagi pemilih Muslim. Kegiatan media sosial pada periode Februari 2019 - April 2019 dianggap memiliki intensitas liputan yang tinggi, hal ini mengidentifikasikan bahwa distribusi tweet oleh KH. Ma’ruf Amin lebih tentang menyebarkan tweet bersama dengan gambar, bahasa formal dan gaya visual dengan latar belakang seorang Kiyai. Dengan demikian, Twitter @Kiyai_Marufamin dianggap dapat memberikan merek politik yang bagus untuk KH. Ma’ruf Amin sebagai kandidat wakil presiden untuk berpartisipasi dalam pemilihan presiden 2019 di Indonesia.Kata kunci: Twitter, merek politik, KH. Ma’ruf Amin, kampanye pemilihan presiden 2019
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Shirokov, Oleg Alexandrovich. "THE POLITICAL VECTORS OF THE CRIMEA." ITNOU: Information technologies in education, science and management, no. 2 (December 2, 2020): 33–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47501/itnou.2020.2.33-41.
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The article considers multi-vector factors of the political space of Crimea within the framework of the theory of social divisions, reveals a set of conditioned opposites, subsiding-increasing challenges and expectations of society in the run-up to the State Duma elections in 2021.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political set-up"
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Gores, Genna. "The Tourist Destination from Hell: An Exploration of the Multi-Jurisdictional Set-Up of Vista Point Parking Lot." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1124.
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The Golden Gate Bridge, and the surrounding national parks, are one of the most iconic tourist destinations in the world. Although this area is idyllic in many ways, its underlying governmental set-up creates traffic problems on the US-101 highway that angers tourists and commuters alike. One piece of land that exacerbates the increasing congestion on this section of US-101 is the Vista Point parking lot that is just North of the Golden Gate Bridge. This parking lot’s entrance is just off of the Northbound side of US-101, and during summer and holiday weekends cars will queue onto the freeway completely stopping the right-most lane. Vista Point presents a complex traffic problem to solve because of the multiple layers of overlapping governmental jurisdictions that actually govern this parking lot. Research for this thesis consists of 16 personal interviews with stakeholders involved in solving this congestion issue, and relevant studies and background information on all the political actors interviewed. This research results in an exploration of how these agencies work together to communally solve a traffic issue, and where disconnects occur during the overall planning process of Vista Point.
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Teichmann, Christina. "How do traditional donors respond when beneficiary countries set up their own aid agencies? : case studies of India, Brazil and South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20695.
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Emerging donors, such as India, Brazil and South Africa, have provided assistance to other developing countries for many decades. However, the creation of dedicated aid agencies in emerging donor countries is a relatively new feature. The establishment of these aid agencies is often motivated by the objective of better coordinating and managing the increasing volume and scope of their development assistance activities. Since many of these emerging donors are also recipients of Official Development Assistance (ODA) from traditional donors, this institutionalization and professionalization of their development assistance raises some difficult questions. How do traditional donors perceive this new development in beneficiary countries and how do they respond to it in terms of aid allocations and co-operation arrangements? Do traditional donors still perceive beneficiary countries that are in a position to provide development assistance to other countries as being eligible to receive aid? These are the fundamental questions that this research study aims to answer. This research study is based on the hypothesis that the creation of dedicated aid agencies in beneficiary countries prompts traditional donors to either freeze, reduce or terminate ODA and rethink their development cooperation strategies. It argues that traditional donors perceive beneficiary countries with dedicated aid agencies as no longer in need of foreign assistance. In order to test this hypothesis and identify changes in the flow of aid, the research study compares official aid flow data for five selected traditional donors (France, Germany, the UK, the US and EU Institutions) to three emerging donor countries (India, Brazil and South Africa) before and after the establishment of dedicated aid agencies. The research further investigates whether other factors, such as beneficiary countries' socioeconomic performance and compliance with DAC norms and standards, play a role in traditional donors' aid allocation decisions. Alongside the quantitative analysis, the research uses semi-structured elite interviews with representatives of the five traditional donors as well as development cooperation experts to solicit qualitative responses. The findings of the quantitative and qualitative analysis suggest that the establishment of dedicated aid agencies in emerging donor countries does not have a negative impact on traditional donors' aid allocations. Other factors, such as the economic status of beneficiary countries, domestic debates and the strategic interests of traditional donors', seem to play a much more important role in this regard. In fact, traditional donors welcome the creation of such aid agencies and actively support beneficiary countries in this endeavour. Traditional donors expect that such aid agencies will promote transparency and accountability and increase the effectiveness of aid.
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George, Jessy. "Union-State relations in a federal set-up: The Indian experience." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2009/766.
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Mangani, Dylan Yanano. "Zimbwabwe's Foreign Policy in Southern Africa 1980-2013." Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11602/795.
Full textBooks on the topic "Political set-up"
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Lagos State (Nigeria). House of Assembly. Report of the ad-hoc committee set up on Tuesday, September 21, 1999 by the Lagos State House of Assembly to investigate the allegations of perjury and forgery levelled against the executive governor of Lagos State, Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Lagos State Printing Corporation, 1999.
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Values & Vision., ed. Recasting London: Abolish the 32 megaboroughs, set up 400-500 community councils, work towards an all-London authority, consider the voluntary sector and 'house groups' as the new political dimension. Values & Vision, 1995.
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Pariṣatt, Kēraḷa Śāstr̲asāhitya, ed. The Silent Valley Hydro-Electric Project: A techno-economic and socio-political assessment. & ecological aspects of the Silent Valley : report of the joint committee set up by the Government of India and the Government of Kerala. Kerala Sastra Sāhitya Parishad, 1997.
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L, Bajaj J., and Delhi Policy Group, eds. Indian economy and the institutional set-up. Delhi Policy Group, 1999.
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Donkor, Akorah Kofi. A traditional set-up: The case of Kokofu traditional area. [publisher not identified], 2009.
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Burroni, Luigi, Fortunata Piselli, Francesco Ramella, and Carlo Trigilia, eds. Città metropolitane e politiche urbane. Firenze University Press, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-6453-072-7.
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More than fifteen years after the introduction of direct election, the mayors are still the most popular politicians in Italy. The personal relationship set up with the citizens and the strengthening of the city councils has restored energy and stability to the action of the municipal administrations. Nevertheless, these institutional reforms, while important, have failed to guarantee good government. The effects of the mayoral reform are, in fact, considerably different from one city to another, and from one type of policy to another. What does this variety of results derive from? The book provides an answer to this question through an investigation of the decisional processes of around a hundred "local collective assets" in six large metropolitan cities. To explain the different outcomes – in addition to the "council effect", that is, the relevance of policy, and the "sector effect", the relevance of the different decisional milieus – the authors also underscore the role of the "governance effect", namely the different approaches to decision-making and building consensus on urban policies.
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Meijer, Eva. Multispecies Dialogues. Amsterdam University Press, 2025. https://doi.org/10.5117/9789048564415.
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In ‘Multispecies Dialogues’ Eva Meijer develops a new understanding of the concept ‘dialogue’, which includes embodied, material and spatial interaction. Meijer does not do this alone: each chapter of the book is devoted to a dialogue, or set of dialogues – with street dog Olli, a community of former lab mice, amphibian neighbours, the North Sea, and many other beings. Taking multispecies dialogues seriously is a way to do justice to more-than-human agency and to become more worldly in a time dominated by humans. Rethinking the model of the dialogue also opens up new ways of doing philosophy in multispecies world, which is urgently needed to address the ecological, political and philosophical problems of our time.
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Sloot, Bart, and Aviva Groot, eds. The Handbook of Privacy Studies. Amsterdam University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789462988095.
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The Handbook of Privacy Studies is the first book in the world that brings together several disciplinary perspectives on privacy, such as the legal, ethical, medical, informatics and anthropological perspective. Privacy is in the news almost every day: mass surveillance by intelligence agencies, the use of social media data for commercial profit and political microtargeting, password hacks and identity theft, new data protection regimes, questionable reuse of medical data, and concerns about how algorithms shape the way we think and decide. This book offers interdisciplinary background information about these developments and explains how to understand and properly evaluate them. The book is set up for use in interdisciplinary educational programmes. Each chapter provides a structured analysis of the role of privacy within that discipline, its characteristics, themes and debates, as well as current challenges. Disciplinary approaches are presented in such a way that students and researchers from every scientific background can follow the argumentation and enrich their own understanding of privacy issues.
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The Cultural Set Up Of Comedy Affective Politics In The United States Post 911. Intellect Books, 2013.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Political set-up"
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Berthet, Valentine, Barbara Gaweda, Johanna Kantola, Cherry Miller, Petra Ahrens, and Anna Elomäki. "Set up: The European Parliament." In Guide to Qualitative Research in Parliaments. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-39808-7_2.
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AbstractPrior to conducting any research, it is crucial to understand and familiarise oneself with the research context and setting. The chapter provides an overview of the existing research on the European Parliament and its political groups, as well as key information on the Parliament as a setting for qualitative research. Following the step-by-step approach of the book, Chapter 2 provides the readers with key preliminary insights about the European Parliament with regard to conducting qualitative research. It engages with key concepts in qualitative research on parliaments and discusses them in light of the uniqueness of the European Parliament. Specifically, the cultural and linguistic diversity and its highly technical legislative process and complex institutional context make the European Parliament a rich albeit challenging site of qualitative research. The chapter stresses the high level of informality in the parliamentary work of the European Parliament and highlights the contributions qualitative research makes to a field still largely dominated by quantitative research. The study of everyday dynamics and informal practices reinforces the importance of utilising a qualitative toolkit and data, like interviews and ethnography, and that of broadening the range of research participants to parliamentary staff from political elites only.
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Pahl, Kerstin Maria. "Feeling Political Through Pictures: Portrayals of US Presidents, 1796–2020." In Feeling Political. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-89858-8_5.
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AbstractThis chapter looks at media as decisive in political communication. In focusing on portrayals of American presidents it explores both the set-up of a new template—the ‘statesman-like’ style—and discusses how institutions connect with and shape the populace. Through careful emotion management, curated portrayals of politicians address the population, direct political opinion, promote certain types of leaders, convey moral values, and bolster narratives. Analysing the painted portraits of three American presidents, George Washington, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and Barack Obama, the chapter shows how these images not only depict emotional styles as a sort of code of conduct for the incumbent, but also spur emotions by fostering either support or, conversely, disaffection. Presidential portraits project notions of belonging by making their subjects both relatable and exceptional.
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Chiodi, Luisa, Fazila Mat, and Oliver Schmidtke. "Seizing Transnational Opportunities in Times of Political Backlash: The Transformation of Civil Society Organizations’ Activism in Italy." In Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology. Springer Nature Switzerland, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-86209-0_2.
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Abstract This chapter investigates how civil society organizations (CSOs) concerned with migration and human rights issues in Italy pursue their political advocacy in light of a political environment that has become increasingly hostile due the resurgence of populist and nationalist forces. More specifically, the focus of the analysis is on the venues and strategies that Italian CSOs have explored at the transnational level to make their voices heard and to sustain their political campaigns. Based on a set of 28 interviews with CSOs working on human rights-related issues, this chapter considers how opportunities, constraints, and resources have become a relevant dimension of the advocacy of CSOs, specifically in the system of multilevel governance within Europe. We also take into account the fact that the political and legal space of the EU has seen a notable consolidation and opened up a political and institutional space for the mobilization of CSOs in Italy. The analysis demonstrates that, given their specific skill sets, the larger CSOs in particular are in a position to engage in strategic litigation at a European level, to tap into resources accessible through the EU, and to build advocacy networks across different member states. In this respect, CSOs in Italy have increasingly explored the transnational political arena for pragmatic, albeit politically pressing reasons.
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von Braun, Joachim, Kaosar Afsana, Louise O. Fresco, Mohamed Hag Ali Hassan, and Maximo Torero. "Food System Concepts and Definitions for Science and Political Action." In Science and Innovations for Food Systems Transformation. Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-15703-5_2.
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AbstractThe United Nations with its Food Systems Summit 2021 and member countries seek to alter food systems to be healthier, safer, more sustainable, efficient and equitable. This chapter informs about concepts and definitions of food systems and the determinants of their change. To foster a clear understanding of food systems, especially regarding the UN Food Systems Summit and potential follow up to it, we first present a general food systems concept. We then introduce a concept based on science that provides a definition that the UN Food Systems Summit could use with the five goal-oriented Action Tracks (serving SDG2) and their interlinkages. We suggest a food system definition that encompasses food systems thinking and the broad set of actors and drivers, embedding the concept of sustainability within it.
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Coquery, Natacha. "Guerre, dirigisme, approvisionnement. Les marchandises de luxe, monnaie d’échanges alternative sous la Terreur." In Datini Studies in Economic History. Firenze University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/979-12-215-0347-0.10.
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From 1792 to 1795, the war absorbed half of the French state budget at a time when the fiscal situation was disastrous. The political authorities decided to set up a managed economy to support production, supply the armies and towns and limit the fall in the scrip. Under the authority of the comité de salut public, an alternative practice was organised - payment in kind: luxury manufactured goods in exchange for raw materials and necessities. The aim is to understand the logic at play: the role of neutral powers and French traders, the need for supplies, the unexpected revaluation of a specific sector of the French economy (luxury goods), and the balance between ideology and political pragmatism.
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Dragomirova, Ievgeniia, and Rob Mark. "Challenges and Opportunities for Lifelong Learning in Universities Resulting from Ukrainian Migration." In Adult Education and Social Justice: International Perspectives. Firenze University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/979-12-215-0253-4.26.
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The current political conflict in Ukraine has led to a surge in forcibly displaced migrants across Europe. This chapter sets out to look at the meaning of the term ‘forced migrant’ and the challenges faced in integrating migrants into the labour market. The movement of people has included many skilled professionals, including staff and students from Ukrainian universities. This chapter examines some issues in integrating such groups into the workforce. It also looks at some of the schemes set up to enable displaced researchers to continue with their research and the potential benefits which this offers for participants.
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Peled, Kobi. "“Light Up Our Moon Now That It Has Set”." In Words Like Daggers: The Political Poetry of the Negev Bedouin. BRILL, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004501829_006.
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Murphy, William. "‘Out With the Warrants, Set On the G Men, Roll Up the Black Marias, Fill Up the Jails’." In Political Imprisonment and the Irish, 1912-1921. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199569076.003.0007.
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Obydenkova, Anastassia V., and Alexander Libman. "Political Regionalism." In Authoritarian Regionalism in the World of International Organizations. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198839040.003.0009.
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This chapter is the first to study a particular Eurasian regional organization. It looks at the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)—the oldest regional organization in Eurasia set up in 1991. It discusses its membership and governance, official and unofficial goals (and how they fit the theoretical predictions of the book). More importantly, it analyzes a specific mechanism used by the CIS to support authoritarian consolidation: electoral monitoring by the CIS Mission of Observers and several related organizations, such as the NGO CIS-EMO. The chapter describes how electoral monitoring became a tool of authoritarian consolidation, which features of electoral monitoring the CIS displays, and how it affects the development of the authoritarian regimes in the region.
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K. Denny, Elaine, and Reagan Bijou. "Included and set up to succeed: An evidence-based approach to teaching experiments in the diverse classroom." In Teaching Experimental Political Science. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781802208795.00011.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Political set-up"
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Bocutoğlu, Ersan. "Considerations on Armenian Political Elites, Diasporas and Armenian Economy in 1991-2019 Period." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c13.02470.
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After the liberation of Dağlık Karabağ and close vicinity from the long-standing Armenian occupation by Azerbaijan in 2020, different scenarios concerning the future of Armenia and South Caucasus have come to fore. Therefore, there should be a realistic evaluation of status quo of Armenian political elites, diasporas and Armenian economy relations before taking into account of the scenarios. It is not difficult to estimate that since the realization of optimistic scenarios need a mental transformation of Armenian political elites and diasporas that takes considerable time, they are not likely to happen let alone in the short run but even in the medium run. The aim of this paper is to investigate the status quo of Armenian political elites, diasporas, and Armenian economy relations during 1991-2019 period so as to be able to set up a scientific base on which the evaluation of scenarios concerning the future of Armenia and South Caucasus is placed. The method adopted in the paper is a descriptive one and data are collected via internet. Paper suggests that the divergence of Armenian political elites and diasporas on fundamental issues such as Armenia-diaspora relations, Armenia-Russia relations, Armenia-the West Relations and Armenia-Turkey-Azerbaijan relations blackens not only the future of Armenia but also the future of South Caucasus.
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Mojanoski, Cane, and Goce Arizankoski. "ELEMENTS OF THE MACEDONIAN SECURITY IDENTITY (ATTATCHMENT TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE MACEDONIAN SECURITY HISTORY)." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.2.4.21.p03.
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The paper is an attempt to determine the security identity of the Macedonian state and the Macedonian society, i.e., a synthesis of the essential elements of the structure of the Macedonian security identity from the establishment of the independence of the Macedonian state until today. We define Macedonian security identity as a coherent organization of recognizable and relatively unchangeable security relevant elements that refer to: national values and the resulting permanent, vital and important interests of the Macedonian society and state; the national security policy, i.e., the goals and areas for its realization (functioning); the holders of the national security policy, i.e., the institutional set-up of the national security system; the legal-normative and conceptual-doctrinal regulation, as well as the regulation of the strategic positions and determinations of the national security system; the national security forces; the subjects of security in the Macedonian society and state; forms of security threats, risks and dangers) to national security; long-term phenomena present in the Macedonian society and state generated by the security-threatening and security-stimulating influence of the global, regional and immediate environment; the constants that participate in achieving, maintaining and promoting the internal political (instability) in the Macedonian society and state; active and equal membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO); the strategic commitment and goal of the Macedonian society and state for political, economic and security integration in the European Union (EU); regional cooperation and relations with the neighboring countries; the security opportunities of the Macedonian society and state; the economic power and prosperity of the Macedonian state; the establishment and implementation of the security sector control; and the legal-normative and functional-organizational set-up of security in the private sector in the Macedonian society. Key words: Macedonian security identity, Macedonian state, Macedonian society
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Barak, Osman, and Murat Doğanay. "The Effects of the Kazakhstan-Russia-Belarus Customs Union on Turkey’s Exports and on Turkish Investors in Kazakhstan." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c03.00397.
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The customs union is a model of economic integration which is composed of free trade area among the participant countries with a common external tariff. The participant countries generally set up common external trade policy. Main establishing purposes of customs union are increasing economic efficiency, improving the global competitiveness and establishing closer political and cultural ties between the member countries. This paper analyses the concept and effects of customs union, the agreement of Bel EurAsEC Customs Union and how this agreements effects Turkish investors in Kazakhstan and export of Turkey. In this contex, a survey is implemented to Turkish companies executives, according to the survey results, it is trying to reveal whether the Bel EurAsEC Customs Union have any effects on Turkey export. Also, in this paper, the effects of Bel EurAsEC Customs Union on Turkish investors which operates in Kazakhstan, investment attitude, behavior and decisions are being explored.
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JAYATUNGE, D. A. S. R., A. P. K. D. MENDIS, and VIJITHA DISARATNA. "SUFFICIENCY OF THE POLICIES RELATED TO CONSTRUCTION INDUSTRY IN SRI LANKA." In 13th International Research Conference - FARU 2020. Faculty of Architecture Research Unit (FARU), University of Moratuwa, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31705/faru.2020.15.
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Public policy on construction will reflect the economic, political, social, and cultural status of Sri Lanka. The construction industry in Sri Lanka has faced many issues in the recent past because of unsuccessful government policies. Therefore, an effective national policy for the construction industry has become necessary. Thus, the aim of this study was to examine the effectiveness of the existing construction policies. The empirical data required were collected by interviewing ten experts, who were selected using snowball sampling. The collected data were manually analysed using content analysis. The findings revealed that the National Policy on Construction (NPC), formulated by the National Advisory Council on Construction, which was set up under the Construction Industry Development Act No. 33 of 2014, is the only construction policy that has been formulated in Sri Lanka so far. NPC contains eighteen (18) policies applied for both the public and private sectors. Although according to the literature, policies in Sri Lanka change along with the change of governments, the study revealed that NPC, which has remained unchanged since its formulation in 2014, is still applicable in the country.
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Leitold, Herbert. "Supporting Decision Making and Policy Through Large Scale Pilots." In Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics Conference. AHFE International, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe100263.
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Under the European Commission’s ICT Policy Support Programme (ICT-PSP) so-called Large Scale Pilots (LSPs) have been launched to advance cross-border interoperability in key policy areas like eID, eHealth, eProcurement, eJustice or the Services Directive. Member States (MS) collaborated to make their existing services interoperable. The first LSPs started in 2008 and impressive results have meanwhile been achieved. Although being technical projects, key hurdles that had to be overcome wasn’t technology, but legal and operational issues, understanding the legacy and administrative cultures in the participating states, or governance of results. This paper will focus on those aspects. Taking the LSP STORK as an example, the experience made on decision making in such complex initiatives is discussed. The paper will discuss what activities preceded the piloting, like the ministerial declaration that expressed the political will, how the LSP was set up to implement it, and how it led to policy initiative like the upcoming Regulation on electronic identification and trust services for electronic transactions in the internal market (eIDAS).
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RAO, JINGJING, and TETSUTARO UEHARA. "A Chronological Review of Deepfake Detection: Techniques and Evolutions." In 6th International Conference on Natural Language Processing, Information Retrieval and AI. Academy & Industry Research Collaboration Center, 2025. https://doi.org/10.5121/csit.2024.150202.
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Since the development of deep learning technology, various new technologies have emerged one after another, greatly facilitating our daily lives. However, the development of these technologies has also brought some troubles, among which Deepfake technology is a typical example. Deepfake technology is mainly used to generate false pictures and videos, or modify real pictures and videos to achieve the purpose of deception. In the early days of this technology, people could often distinguish the authenticity with the naked eye. However, as the technology matures, the generated pictures and videos become more and more realistic, and many criminals have begun to use this technology to commit economic fraud, produce illegal pornographic content, distort political facts and other illegal acts. In order to better understand the importance of Deepfake detection and its related technologies, this article sorts out the main Deepfake detection technologies from 2018 to 2024. We briefly explain the various methods mentioned in the work and organize them into a table form. At the same time, we also set up a series of Q&A sessions, the purpose of which is to comprehensively introduce Deepfake technology and its detection methods from multiple perspectives, so as to help readers fully understand the latest developments and challenges in this field.
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Langer, Sabina. "PARTICIPATION TO EMPOWER CHILDREN AND STRENGTHEN THE COMMUNITY." In International Conference on Education and New Developments. inScience Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2021end069.
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In a pandemic, children’s participation is even more important than before. This paper presents the first stage of an exploratory study for my PhD research in Pedagogy beginning in January 2021 in Milan. The participants are 19 pupils of class 4B (primary school), their parents and the teachers who joined energies to reproject a square, in order to transform it into a welcoming space for the entire community. In Italy, public speeches did not mention children who could not finally use public spaces for months as they were identified as the “plague spreaders”. The project revisits this perspective by considering children as potential actors of the transformation. Only if adults set the conditions for a change, children, their needs and their imagination could become agents for that change and centre of the community. The project name is Piazziamoci (Let’s place ourselves here) to signify the conscious act of taking a place together. After a theoretical framework of the study within Student Voice, I describe the generative circumstances, the context and the first steps of the project. The children explored the square, interviewed the inhabitants, shared information and dreams with their classmates coming up with proposals to present to City Council. This first phase aimed to set the basis of my investigation on the participants self-awareness as people and members of the community; it also focuses on the perception of the square as a common good. To this purpose, this work introduces concepts as the capacity to aspire (Appadurai, 2004), imagination and creativity (Vygotsky, 1930/2004), interdependence (Butler, 2020), and, therefore, a political and educational interpretation of the project.
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Bardzinska-Bonenberg, Teresa. "Ring-and-circle, symbolical and practical meaning of the form in town planning and architecture." In Virtual City and Territory. Centre de Política de Sòl i Valoracions, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/ctv.8043.
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In the research analysis of historical urban and architectural developments was confronted with the newest concepts in town planning and architecture. The search was set against the background of political and social situation as well as changing technical possibilities. Applied methodology was focused on finding links between forms created by people and crucial events characterizing analyzed periods. The methods involved included studies of literature, historical registers in museums and research in situ.
 Oval or circular urban systems and structures were shaped by several factors: safety, community demand, worship, expression of emotions and experience of decision makers and builders.
 At times when the defence of people and their possessions was a frequent necessity it was a ring of walls or circular rampart or tower on a plan of a circle that were used. Logics of this solution can be easily proved by simple equations. When mathematics imbued with magic or religion, and became a tool of shaping architecture, use of a ring was symbolic, and often used in sacred urban layouts and architecture. Circle, as the most perfect of figures was appreciated by the people of power of all periods up to now. First theoretical urban plans developed either from circular focal building or implemented circle or ring in shaping the whole layout. In the era of rationalism theorists of that time saw the opportunity to organize functional zones in concentric way. Recent decades unveiled new phenomena: circular projects in urban and architectural scale.
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Weinstein, Beth. "Forensics and Fora: Reconstructing and Re-membering the Centre d’Identification de Vincennes (CIV)." In 110th ACSA Annual Meeting Paper Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.110.59.
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Between early 1959 and the declaration of Algerian independence in summer 1962, the Centre d’Identification de Vincennes (CIV) was the primary place where Algerian-French workers picked up during nightly police raids were triaged, interrogated, and far worse. Though this “identification center” and “administrative interment” site is consistently referred to in histories of the Algerian War, the CIV has, for over five decades, evaded location and escaped description as a space and place that was itself a contributor to the violence enacted against this community. Forensic architecture, as a set of methods developed through Eyal Weizman’s eponymous lab (Forensic Architecture or FA), expands the tools and purview of architectural practice to include the “production of architectural evidence and to its presentation in juridical and political forums.”1 These techniques “focus attention on the materiality of the built environment and its media representations”2 as forms of evidence. The relatively recent development of such methods may explain how the razed CIV’s space, place and events that occurred there remained obfuscated for so long. This paper discusses the architectural methods used to produce evidence of the CIV’s location, to virtually reconstruct its material architecture, to speculate on its immaterial atmospheres, and the centrality of these methods to make this architecture knowable as a contributor to state sanctioned violence. Forensic evidence demands a forum; thus, the conclusion discusses spatial and performative fora as potential frameworks for revealing and debating such hidden histories and for collective remembering.
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ASCANI, Michela, and Gaetano MARTINO. "OBJECTIVES AND RESOURCES USES RANKING IN SOLIDARITY PURCHASING GROUPS: LITERATURE REVIEW AND DESIGN PRINCIPLES." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.061.
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The objective of the paper is investigating food networks (FNs), focusing on the emerging of recurring themes in literature and investigating how the networks relationships may influence the resources uses in farming activities. The research was carried out through access to Web of Science and Scopus databases in order to investigate the literature on FNs. The period considered is 2000-2016, using as selected key words food networks, food and practices, alternative food networks. Then we selected and classified the resulting articles and identified a set of themes addressed in literature. The main outcome of this analysis is the identification of the following themes: a) common/shared FNs characteristics; b) trust creation and embeddedness facilitated by face to face relations; c) role of FNs in transformation of food systems towards social, environmental and health objectives; d) food citizenship/sovereignty-civil engagement; e) values inspiring FNs objectives, namely sustainability, fairness/social justice, health protection, ethical consumption/political action; f) governance of the consumers-producers relations. We argue that identified themes are dimensions related to FNs objectives. More precisely we then conceptualize the identified characteristics as drivers of the ranking of resource uses in farming systems. Elaborating on this idea we derive principles for supporting the design of governance of these groups. The study concludes underlying the complexity of food networks and their capability to influence the resources uses by setting up flexible but resilient governance structures.
Reports on the topic "Political set-up"
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Penfold, Michael, Francisco Monaldi, Richard Obuchi, and Rosa Amelia González de Pacheco. Political Institutions, Policymaking Processes, and Policy Outcomes in Venezuela. Inter-American Development Bank, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011294.
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This case study of Venezuela's democratic institution and policymaking processes is part of the broader regional project based on the theoretical framework developed by Spiller, Stein and Tommasi (2003). The framework focuses on the conditions that foster political cooperation among political actors to sustain inter-temporal policy commitments. The study shows that the political institutions that established Venezuela's democracy in the 1960s were deliberately set up to generate a cooperative equilibrium with low stakes of power, resulting in a relatively effective policymaking process and good policy outcomes. However, an oil boom unraveled the cooperative framework and induced rapid economic decay. The political reforms implemented in the late 1980s to improve the democratic process further weakened the party system and induced a highly uncooperative and volatile policymaking process. The recent political reforms, increasing the stakes of power, have stimulated a complete breakdown in cooperation and a highly polarized political system.
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Levy, Brian. How Political Contexts Influence Education Systems: Patterns, Constraints, Entry Points. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-2022/pe04.
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This paper synthesises the findings of a set of country studies commissioned by the RISE Programme to explore the influence of politics and power on education sector policymaking and implementation. The synthesis groups the countries into three political-institutional contexts: Dominant contexts, where power is centred around a political leader and a hierarchical governance structure. As the Vietnam case details, top-down leadership potentially can provide a robust platform for improving learning outcomes. However, as the case studies of Ethiopia, Indonesia, Nigeria, and Tanzania illustrate, all-too-often dominant leaders’ goals vis-à-vis the education sector can veer in other directions. In impersonal competitive contexts, a combination of strong formal institutions and effective processes of resolving disagreements can, on occasion, result in a shared commitment among powerful interests to improve learning outcomes—but in none of the case studies is this outcome evident. In Peru, substantial learning gains have been achieved despite messy top-level politics. But the Chilean, Indian, and South African case studies suggest that the all-too-common result of rule-boundedness plus unresolved political contestation over the education sector’s goals is some combination of exaggerated rule compliance and/or performative isomorphic mimicry. Personalised competitive contexts (Bangladesh, Ghana, and Kenya for example) lack the seeming strengths of either their dominant or their impersonal competitive contexts; there are multiple politically-influential groups and multiple, competing goals—but no credible framework of rules to bring coherence either to political competition or to the education bureaucracy. The case studies show that political and institutional constraints can render ineffective many specialised sectoral interventions intended to improve learning outcomes. But they also point to the possibility that ‘soft governance’ entry points might open up some context-aligned opportunities for improving learning outcomes. In dominant contexts, the focus might usefully be on trying to influence the goals and strategies of top-level leadership. In impersonal competitive contexts, it might be on strengthening alliances between mission-oriented public officials and other developmentally-oriented stakeholders. In personalised competitive contexts, gains are more likely to come from the bottom-up—via a combination of local-level initiatives plus a broader effort to inculcate a shared sense among a country’s citizenry of ‘all for education’.
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Levy, Brian. How Political Contexts Influence Education Systems: Patterns, Constraints, Entry Points. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2022/122.
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This paper synthesises the findings of a set of country studies commissioned by the RISE Programme to explore the influence of politics and power on education sector policymaking and implementation. The synthesis groups the countries into three political-institutional contexts: Dominant contexts, where power is centred around a political leader and a hierarchical governance structure. As the Vietnam case details, top-down leadership potentially can provide a robust platform for improving learning outcomes. However, as the case studies of Ethiopia, Indonesia, Nigeria, and Tanzania illustrate, all-too-often dominant leaders’ goals vis-à-vis the education sector can veer in other directions. In impersonal competitive contexts, a combination of strong formal institutions and effective processes of resolving disagreements can, on occasion, result in a shared commitment among powerful interests to improve learning outcomes—but in none of the case studies is this outcome evident. In Peru, substantial learning gains have been achieved despite messy top-level politics. But the Chilean, Indian, and South African case studies suggest that the all-too-common result of rule-boundedness plus unresolved political contestation over the education sector’s goals is some combination of exaggerated rule compliance and/or performative isomorphic mimicry. Personalised competitive contexts (Bangladesh, Ghana, and Kenya for example) lack the seeming strengths of either their dominant or their impersonal competitive contexts; there are multiple politically-influential groups and multiple, competing goals—but no credible framework of rules to bring coherence either to political competition or to the education bureaucracy. The case studies show that political and institutional constraints can render ineffective many specialised sectoral interventions intended to improve learning outcomes. But they also point to the possibility that ‘soft governance’ entry points might open up some context-aligned opportunities for improving learning outcomes. In dominant contexts, the focus might usefully be on trying to influence the goals and strategies of top-level leadership. In impersonal competitive contexts, it might be on strengthening alliances between mission-oriented public officials and other developmentally-oriented stakeholders. In personalised competitive contexts, gains are more likely to come from the bottom-up—via a combination of local-level initiatives plus a broader effort to inculcate a shared sense among a country’s citizenry of ‘all for education’.
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Wagner, Rodrigo. Mechanism for Market Valuation of State-Owned Enterprises without Privatization. Inter-American Development Bank, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0007032.
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State-owned enterprises (SOEs), including state-owned banks, can be both systemically and politically important for many economies. While many of these firms have been privatized in recent decades, for various political or practical reasons many are likely to remain 100 percent state-owned, which prevents them from obtaining a market-based valuation. Having a market signal for the value of SOEs could be desirable because it could help: (i) inform the treasury of the net present value (NPV) of expected cash flows; (ii) impose some discipline on management; (iii) signal changes in capture by entrenched groups; and (iv) value discoveries and R&D that are slow to show up in cash flows. This paper presents a novel mechanism to create a market value for SOEs that cannot have publicly traded equity. It is based on the idea that parties, potentially independent from the SOE, can trade contingent financial claims for the future cash flows that an SOE pays to the government. Technically, it is a set of Arrow-Debreu securities that can mimic the SOE’s cash flows. The document discusses various ways to implement this principle, as well as the potential challenges and some answers to these challenges. Preliminary calculations show that issuing claims equivalent to 5 to 10 percent of salient Latin American SOEs could be sizeable to get analyst coverage and liquidity, without compromising state ownership of assets and decisions.
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Brown, Dustin, Jitinder Kohli, and Samantha Mignotte. TOOLS AT THE CENTRE OF GOVERNMENT:RESEARCH AND PRACTITIONERS' INSIGHTS. People in Government Lab, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-peoplegov-ri_2021/002.
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In this paper, the authors look at how the 'centre of government' (defined as "the people and organisations that support the head of government as the ‘guardians of overall strategic direction of government’, which often includes the president’s or prime minister’s offices as well as Cabinet, budget offices, etc") can add value from their position and with the tools available to them. The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the critical role not just of government generally, but in particular the essential role the centre of government must play to coordinate, communicate with the public, and navigate new problems that no longer respect the organisational boundaries we have created over time. More generally, the problems that governments need to solve are increasingly complex and horizontal, yet government is organised by vertical institutions and hierarchies. Whether handed down as a special assignment by a political leader or self-driven as part of their role, staff in the centre of government are responsible for driving forward progress on the government’s top priorities. With easy access to senior government leaders, but relatively small budgets and staff, the centre of government has a very different set of tools than other agencies. The authors present ten tools across four clusters that centres of governments can deploy: Cluster 1 tools – Planning from the centre: defining success and setting up agencies to improve Cluster 2 tools – Governing from the centre: creating structures to drive improvements Cluster 3 tools – Improving implementation from the centre: creating routines and driving change Cluster 4 tools – Improving service delivery from the centre: supporting and offering provision of cross-cutting services The tools presented focus on specific actions that the centre of government can take to drive a priority area for a leader. They go beyond the traditional areas of responsibility that are more well known that inherently sit with the centre of government.
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Levy, Alberto. What Role Can Carbon Capture Technology Play in Reducing Future CO2 Emissions? Inter-American Development Bank, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0009311.
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2016 will surely be the hottest year since records began in the 19th century. The increase will be very close to the target set in the Paris Agreement to avoid an increase in global temperature by 1.5 °C. Average temperaturesin 2016 have risen to 1.2 °C above what they were before the industrial revolution. The dilemma facing the world today, in view of these data, becomes even more urgent: How to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from fossil fuels, accepting that their demand will continue to exist in the coming decades? In the energy sector, many solutions have been proposed to completely replace fossil fuels for electricity generation, such as massive deployment of renewable energy generation and increased energy efficiency. There are many restrictions, however, to achieve this result in the medium term, ranging from technological limitations in the massive deployment of energy efficiency and renewable energies, to the political economy of countries that are unlikely to reduce their oil production And carboniferous as long as demand exists. Carbon capture and storage (CCS) offers an alternative to mitigate CO2 emissions from fossil fuel power plants, considering that, given current and future energy needs, the operation of these plants will continue in the coming years. CAC could mitigate up to 90% of the carbon dioxide emitted by the use of fossil fuels in electricity generation and industrial processes. Additionally, the use of CAC with renewable biomass is one of the few carbon reduction technologies that can be used in a "carbon-negative" mode. If biomass from fuelwood crops were used, carbon could be absorbed and simultaneously generate electricity. CCS, therefore, is a viable alternative to solve the dilemma of reducing emissions while satisfying the growing energy needs of the world.
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De Bruin, Kelly C., and Aykut Mert Yakut. The impacts of aviation taxation in Ireland. ESRI, 2021. https://doi.org/10.26504/rs131.
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The aviation sector has a significant role to play in the reduction of carbon emissions, particularly in light of EU emissions targets. Within the EU, aviation emissions constitute 13.9 per cent of total transport emissions, where under the Green Deal a target of 90 per cent reduction in transport emissions by 2050 has been set. Several tax exemptions apply to the aviation sector due to its international nature, which have contributed to an increasing trend in emissions. Recent movements in EU policy under the ‘Fit for 55’ package, as well as public and political interest, have focused attention on changing the taxation struc-ture of the aviation industry in order to reduce CO2 emissions. This report focuses on several different potential policies and taxation structures which would attempt to decrease the emissions of the aviation sector: the removal of kerosene taxation exemption (in line with the recent EU proposal), removal of VAT exemption, introduction of a passenger tax, and abolition of free EU ETS allowances by 2026 (in line with the recent EU proposal). Each of these policies, as well a combination scenario, is assessed with respect to the impacts on the aviation industry, spillover effects, macro-economic and government revenue effects, and household effects, as well as the emissions impacts. This analysis applies the Ireland, Environment, Energy and Economy (I3E) model, which allows for the examination of spillover effects of the aviation industry to government, households and other industries. This methodology does not, however, allow for a detailed analysis of different passenger or airline types. In what follows, results are shown as cumulative percentage changes compared to no aviation taxation. Hence a decrease does not present an annual decrease but the build up of a cumulative decrease from 2022 to the given year.
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Olsson, Olle. Industrial decarbonization done right: identifying success factors for well-functioning permitting processes. Stockholm Environment Institute, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2021.034.
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1 Introduction 1.1 The urgency of industrial decarbonization The last few years have seen several of the world’s largest carbon dioxide-emitting countries and leading heavy industry companies committing to mid-century net-zero targets (Buckley 2021; Denyer and Kashiwagi 2020; McCurry 2020; Myers 2020). Consequently, the discussion on economy-wide transition to net-zero is accelerating, with focus shifting from “if” to “when” and “how”, even for heavy industry sectors like steel, cement and chemicals. This makes it increasingly urgent to analyse not just whether it is technologically feasible to decarbonize heavy industry, but also investigate issues more directly related to practical implementation. This includes site-specific planning, infrastructure availability, and consultation with local authorities and other stakeholders. Many of the latter considerations are formalized as part of the permitting processes that are an essential vehicle to ensure that industrial interests are balanced against interests of society at large. However, doing this balancing act can turn out to be very complicated and associated with uncertainties as to their outcome, as well as being demanding in resources and time. At the same time, to ensure broad buy-in and support from society, the investments needed must be implemented in a way that takes a broad spectrum of sustainability concerns into account, not just climate change mitigation. A key question is if and how permitting processes can run more smoothly and efficiently while still ensuring inclusive consultations, fair procedures and adherence to legal certainty. This policy brief discusses this question from the starting point of Swedish conditions, but many of the points raised will be relevant for a broader international discussion on taking industrial decarbonization to implementation. 1.2 Industrial transition and permitting processes in Sweden Decarbonization of the industrial sector in Sweden essentially entails a relatively small number of investment projects in the cement, steel, petrochemical and refinery sectors, where the vast majority of carbon emissions are concentrated (Karltorp et al. 2019; Nykvist et al. 2020). However, while few in number, the size of these investments means that their implementation will by necessity become relevant to many other parts of society. In connection with the increasing focus on how to implement industrial decarbonization in Sweden, discussions about permitting processes have been brought higher up on the agenda. While there has been an active discussion on permitting processes in Sweden for quite some time, it has primarily been focused on aspects related to mining and wind power (Larsen et al. 2017; Raitio et al. 2020). The last few years have, however, focused increasingly on industrial projects, in particular related to a proposed – though eventually cancelled – expansion of an oil refinery in the southwestern part of the country (Blad 2020). In terms of political discussions, both the governmental initiative Fossil-free Sweden (2020) and the Swedish Climate Policy Council (2020) emphasize that permitting processes need to become faster in order for Sweden’s industrial transition to be implemented in line with the time plan set by the 2017 Swedish Climate Act. Business representatives and organizations are also voicing concerns about the slow speed of permitting (Balanskommissionen 2019; Jacke 2018). At the same time, criticism has been raised that much of the environmental damage done in Sweden comes from activities conducted within limits set by environmental permits, which could be a flaw in the system (Malmaeus and Lindblom 2019). Finally, recent public inquiries have also discussed permitting processes.
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Yatsymirska, Mariya. SOCIAL EXPRESSION IN MULTIMEDIA TEXTS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11072.
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The article investigates functional techniques of extralinguistic expression in multimedia texts; the effectiveness of figurative expressions as a reaction to modern events in Ukraine and their influence on the formation of public opinion is shown. Publications of journalists, broadcasts of media resonators, experts, public figures, politicians, readers are analyzed. The language of the media plays a key role in shaping the worldview of the young political elite in the first place. The essence of each statement is a focused thought that reacts to events in the world or in one’s own country. The most popular platform for mass information and social interaction is, first of all, network journalism, which is characterized by mobility and unlimited time and space. Authors have complete freedom to express their views in direct language, including their own word formation. Phonetic, lexical, phraseological and stylistic means of speech create expression of the text. A figurative word, a good aphorism or proverb, a paraphrased expression, etc. enhance the effectiveness of a multimedia text. This is especially important for headlines that simultaneously inform and influence the views of millions of readers. Given the wide range of issues raised by the Internet as a medium, research in this area is interdisciplinary. The science of information, combining language and social communication, is at the forefront of global interactions. The Internet is an effective source of knowledge and a forum for free thought. Nonlinear texts (hypertexts) – «branching texts or texts that perform actions on request», multimedia texts change the principles of information collection, storage and dissemination, involving billions of readers in the discussion of global issues. Mastering the word is not an easy task if the author of the publication is not well-read, is not deep in the topic, does not know the psychology of the audience for which he writes. Therefore, the study of media broadcasting is an important component of the professional training of future journalists. The functions of the language of the media require the authors to make the right statements and convincing arguments in the text. Journalism education is not only knowledge of imperative and dispositive norms, but also apodictic ones. In practice, this means that there are rules in media creativity that are based on logical necessity. Apodicticity is the first sign of impressive language on the platform of print or electronic media. Social expression is a combination of creative abilities and linguistic competencies that a journalist realizes in his activity. Creative self-expression is realized in a set of many important factors in the media: the choice of topic, convincing arguments, logical presentation of ideas and deep philological education. Linguistic art, in contrast to painting, music, sculpture, accumulates all visual, auditory, tactile and empathic sensations in a universal sign – the word. The choice of the word for the reproduction of sensory and semantic meanings, its competent use in the appropriate context distinguishes the journalist-intellectual from other participants in forums, round tables, analytical or entertainment programs. Expressive speech in the media is a product of the intellect (ability to think) of all those who write on socio-political or economic topics. In the same plane with him – intelligence (awareness, prudence), the first sign of which (according to Ivan Ogienko) is a good knowledge of the language. Intellectual language is an important means of organizing a journalistic text. It, on the one hand, logically conveys the author’s thoughts, and on the other – encourages the reader to reflect and comprehend what is read. The richness of language is accumulated through continuous self-education and interesting communication. Studies of social expression as an important factor influencing the formation of public consciousness should open up new facets of rational and emotional media broadcasting; to trace physical and psychological reactions to communicative mimicry in the media. Speech mimicry as one of the methods of disguise is increasingly becoming a dangerous factor in manipulating the media. Mimicry is an unprincipled adaptation to the surrounding social conditions; one of the most famous examples of an animal characterized by mimicry (change of protective color and shape) is a chameleon. In a figurative sense, chameleons are called adaptive journalists. Observations show that mimicry in politics is to some extent a kind of game that, like every game, is always conditional and artificial.
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Veilleux-Lepage, Yannick, and Emil Archambault. A Comparative Study of Non-State Violent Drone use in the Middle East. ICCT, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19165/2022.3.01.
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This report examines the drone programs of five non-state groups operating in the Middle East: Hezbollah, Hamas, the Houthi Movement, Islamic State (IS), and the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK). In contrast to other violent non-state actors, these five groups have shown that they are willing to engage in tactical and/or technical innovation in the use of drones, have sustained a long-term engagement with drone technology and demonstrated the capacity to develop drone infrastructure. The development of drone programs by these five different groups is different in terms of timescales, methods, strategies, and tactics. Therefore, the report rejects the notion that all non-state groups’ drone programs follow a similar course of development. Instead, it argues that a terrorist group’s use of drones needs to be situated within the context of that group’s overarching strategic goals. Because of this, we argue that states and militaries that are going up against these groups need to first understand what a specific group hopes to accomplish with drones in order to fully comprehend the specific threat, and secondly understand the specific challenges presented by innovation within drone programs (as opposed to episodic drone use). This report outlines offers a framework for the study of drone innovation which is not limited to these groups, but which could also apply to other groups in the future. It does this by describing five different routes that non-state actors have taken to develop drone technology. This paper has made three important additions to the body of knowledge on this topic through systematic empirical data collection and analysis. First of all, the findings suggest that there is a need to refocus attention away from the most high-profile threat – that of drone-deployed WMDs – and toward the more common and empirically demonstrated methods that groups use when employing drones. We have found no evidence of a non-state group seriously attempting to deliver WMDs by drone. While there are indications that Islamic State (IS) pursued both WMD programs and drone programs in parallel, there is no evidence that they are sought to integrate the two. Security professionals, as such, should focus their attention on the empirically-demonstrated uses of drones by armed non-state groups, and on the plurality of means through which drones can enhance these groups’ activities. Second, scholarship and security planning must concentrate on the particular danger posed by drone programs (as opposed to the occasional use of drones) and the potential for innovation in drone use. When fighting drone programs, nations and armies need to retain a focus on innovation and adaptation, and they must understand how organizations grow tactically, strategically, and technically. Drone development is neither linear nor static. Finally, this report demonstrates that there is no single route of development for the use of drones by non-state entities, nor is there a pattern that these groups want to follow in order to expand their capabilities. Each organization uses drones in a manner that is unique to its own set of logistical, political, and strategic parameters; hence, drone programs need to be positioned within the larger context of the organization’s military means and operations. Therefore, militaries and states that are confronting drone programs need to maintain a holistic approach. While they may draw on existing practices that have had varying degrees of success in countering drone threats and engage in preventive action to mitigate the scope of drone programs, approaches should consider drone programs not only as a distinct, isolated threat, but also as part of broader military operations, strategies, and conflict processes.