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1

Gupte, Kalpana. A study in the process of political socialization. Bombay: Himalaya Pub. House, 1989.

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2

Verma, Jag Mohan Singh. Democratic ethos and developmental process in India. New Delhi: Uppal Pub. House, 1991.

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3

Neundorf, Anja, and Kaat Smets. Political Socialization and the Making of Citizens. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935307.013.98.

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Political socialization describes the process by which citizens crystalize political identities, values and behavior that remain relatively persistent throughout later life. This chapter provides a comprehensive discussion of the scholarly debate on political socialization, posing a number of questions that arise in the study of political socialization and the making of citizens. First, what is it about early life experiences that makes them matter for political attitudes, political engagement, and political behavior? Second, what age is crucial in the development of citizens’ political outlook? Third, who and what influences political orientations and behavior in early life, and how are cohorts colored by the nature of time when they come of age? Fourth, how do political preferences and behavior develop after the impressionable years? The chapter further provides an outlook of the challenges and opportunities for the field of political socialization.
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4

Demographic gaps in American political behavior. The Perseus Books Group, 2014.

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5

Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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6

Muxel, A., and Chantal Barry. Politics in Private: Love and Convictions in the French Political Consciousness. Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.

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7

Shah, Dhavan V., Kjerstin Thorson, Chris Wells, Nam-jin Lee, and Jack McLeod. Civic Norms and Communication Competence. Edited by Kate Kenski and Kathleen Hall Jamieson. Oxford University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199793471.013.008.

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The chapter examines the extant literature on political socialization, focusing on the role of communication in this process. Reviewing a wide range of approaches to socialization—from those stressing the role the institutions that teach young people civic values and practices to those emphasizing the role of dispositions that encourage political development and learning—we highlight communication’s influence in establishing civic norms and competencies. Increasingly, digital, social, and mobile media are implicated in these dynamics. We first define core concepts such as civic norms and the various sources from which they are acquired, communication competence and the challenges of navigating an increasingly complex media environment, socialization and attention to this ongoing process into adulthood, and citizenship and its changing styles and expanding boundaries. These core concepts provide the basis for considering the major points of development and dispute over political socialization.
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8

1943-, Marcus George E., ed. With malice toward some: How people make civil liberties judgments. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

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9

Marcus, George E., Elizabeth Theiss-Morse, and John L. Sullivan. With Malice Toward Some : How People Make Civil Liberties Judgments (Cambridge Studies in Political Psychology and Public Opinion). Cambridge University Press, 1995.

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10

Marcus, George E., Elizabeth Theiss-Morse, John L. Sullivan, and Sandra L. Wood. With Malice toward Some: How People Make Civil Liberties Judgments (Cambridge Studies in Public Opinion and Political Psychology). Cambridge University Press, 1995.

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11

Studlar, Donley. E. E. Schattschneider,. Edited by Martin Lodge, Edward C. Page, and Steven J. Balla. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199646135.013.39.

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E. E. Schattschneider’s short book,The Semi-Sovereign People: A Realist’s View of Democracy in America(1960), is an analysis of the functioning of US democracy, especially the struggle between “privatization” and “socialization” of issues as well as the competition for space on a crowded political agenda. Its major contribution was to develop the concept of agenda-setting, the “conflict of conflicts,” as an essential dimension of the policy process. Intended as a “defense of parties” manifesto against the then-popular group theories of politics, Schattschneider’s book was part of the elitist–pluralist debate in its time as well as leading to a variety of later, more empirical studies on various dimensions of the policy process. Schattschneider’s ideas have inspired many subsequent studies on agenda-setting, both in the US and abroad. This chapter examines the longer-term impact of these ideas as well as the book’s shortcomings, such as lack of attention to the media.
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12

Hart, Daniel, and James Youniss. Civic Development in the 21st Century. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190641481.003.0007.

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Communities and political governance can be improved by promoting civic development. Unfortunately, contemporary ideological, ethnic, and economic segregation are corrosive to civic development, and the decline of community institutions and civic engagement opportunities within them weaken the traditional structures of democratic socialization. The transformations in social life wrought by computer-mediated communication and social interaction have not as yet been found to be powerful factors for youth participation in their communities or in the political process. We ought not hope that the challenges to youth engagement we have described throughout the book will resolve as a result of the passage of time. Instead, by committing to providing youth with real community civic opportunities, we can create capable citizens who will invigorate American society.
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13

Gibson, James L., and Michael Nelson. Black and Blue. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190865214.001.0001.

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It is not hyperbole to proclaim that a crisis of legal legitimacy exists in the relationships between African Americans and the law and legal authorities and institutions that govern them. However, this legitimacy deficit has largely (but not exclusively) been documented through anecdotal evidence and a steady drumbeat of journalistic reports, but not rigorous scientific research. We posit that both experiences and in-group identities are commanding because they influence the ways in which black people process information, and in particular, the ways in which blacks react to the symbols of legal authority (e.g., judges’ robes). Based on two nationally-representative samples, this book ties together four dominant theories of public opinion: Legitimacy Theory, Social Identity Theory, theories of adulthood political socialization and learning through experience, and information processing theories, especially the Theory of Motivated Reasoning and theories of System 1 and System 2 information processing. Our findings reveal a gaping chasm in legal legitimacy between black and white Americans. More importantly, black people themselves differ in their legal legitimacy. Group identities and experiences with legal authorities play a crucial role in shaping whether and how black people extend legitimacy to the legal institutions that so much affect them.
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14

du Toit, Fanie. Reconciliation as Interdependence. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190881856.003.0009.

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This chapter endeavors to develop a coherent framework for political transition—as reconciliation. I argue that reconciliation explains how relationships emerge in unfavorable conditions; how once a modest beginning is achieved, cooperation can grow, trust strengthened, and understanding deepened through appropriate processes and institutional arrangements; and how eventually a fundamentally more just society is built—all as part of a comprehensive transitional agenda. In South Africa, reconciliation politics propagated the idea, diametrically opposed to apartheid, that racial groups were fundamentally and comprehensively interdependent. This provided a compelling rationale for taking reconciliation seriously—and twenty-four years on, it still does. Reconciliation embraces a shared future on the basis that this is not only desirable but unavoidable, and turns to deal with a troubled past because it obstructs this future. More broadly, therefore, reconciliation can be described as “working toward fairness and inclusivity, reconciliation entails the mutual acknowledgment, the progressive institutionalization, and the long-term socialization of a comprehensive and fundamental interdependence.”
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15

Hutchinson, Mark P., and Candy Gunther Brown. Introduction. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198702252.003.0001.

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This introduction combines a statistical and geographical overview of Protestant dissenting traditions, defining key terms such as modernity, dissent, liberalization, globalization, and glocalization, and pointing to concurrent discourses in other disciplines such as indigenization theory. The various chapters are introduced, pointing towards the importance of changing imperial politics, rising nationalism, adaptive structures and approaches, and the process of crossing cultural boundaries as these interact with new technologies. A number of graphs indicating the geographical and numerical development of dissenting Protestant movements across the twentieth century are provided. The work of scholars such as Appadurai, Berger, Elvin, Horton, Giddens, Waters, and others is canvassed and placed within a statistical and evidential framework. The entanglement of multiple layers of colonialism and previous globalizations is pointed to. Liberalization, primitivism, popularization, charismaticization, re-socialization, and even, in some cases, re-nationalization, it is noted, are all responses to the increasingly common experiences of living in transnational spaces.
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