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Journal articles on the topic 'Political societies'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 8 February 2022

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1

Upe, Ambo. "Mining and Peasant Societies Resistance: Political Ecology Perspective." International Journal of Psychosocial Rehabilitation 24, no. 4 (2020): 6609–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.37200/ijpr/v24i4/pr2020472.

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2

Fukuyama, Francis, and Samuel P. Huntington. "Political Order in Changing Societies." Foreign Affairs 76, no. 5 (1997): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20048214.

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3

Mallick, Pratick. "Urbanization in Developing Societies: A Political Challenge in the Age of Globalization." International Journal of Scientific Research 2, no. 12 (2012): 516–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.15373/22778179/dec2013/164.

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4

BOETTKE, PETER J., CHRISTOPHER J. COYNE, and PETER T. LEESON. "Comparative historical political economy." Journal of Institutional Economics 9, no. 3 (2013): 285–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137413000088.

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Abstract:Investigations of a society's competitiveness aim to trace the causal mechanisms behind patterns in wealth and poverty across societies. This paper argues that to be productive such investigations must be comparative, historical, and political economic in nature. Comparative historical political economy is how social scientists generate useful knowledge about the wealth and poverty of nations. Our contribution is a methodology – or rather a collection of methodologies – for understanding national competitiveness and attempts to improve it: one focuses on political-economic analysis, a

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5

Klosko, George. "Political Constructivism in Rawls's Political Liberalism." American Political Science Review 91, no. 3 (1997): 635–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952079.

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In Political Liberalism, John Rawls employs a distinctive method of “political constructivism” to establish his well-known principles of justice, arguing that his principles are suited to bridge the ineradicable pluralism of liberal societies and so to ground an “overlapping consensus.” Setting aside the question of whether Rawls's method supports his principles, I argue that he does not adequately defend reliance on this particular method rather than alternatives. If the goal of Rawls's “political” philosophy is to derive principles that are able to overcome liberal pluralism, then another an

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6

Blommaert, Jan. "POLITICAL DISCOURSE IN POST-DIGITAL SOCIETIES." Trabalhos em Linguística Aplicada 59, no. 1 (2020): 390–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/01031813684701620200408.

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ABSTRACT In his contribution to the Special Issue “Digital and semiotic mechanisms of contemporary populisms”, Jan Blommaert offers a communicability model which accounts for political discourse (and others) in the post-digital era we live. He starts by arguing that the idea of the public (a homogeneous entity) that was very popular in the 20th century sociological imagination of how propaganda worked in “manufacturing consent” can no longer be used to explain the fragmented audiences of our post-digital era. The author illuminates his argument by resorting to the circulation of political twee

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7

Skogerbø, Eli, and Risto Kunelius. "Introduction – political communication in networked societies." Northern Lights: Film & Media Studies Yearbook 15, no. 1 (2017): 3–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/nl.15.1.3_2.

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8

Rosenswig, Robert M. "Some Political Processes of Ranked Societies." Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 19, no. 4 (2000): 413–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1006/jaar.2000.0360.

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9

SILVER, BRIAN D., and KATHLEEN M. DOWLEY. "Measuring Political Culture in Multiethnic Societies." Comparative Political Studies 33, no. 4 (2000): 517–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033004004.

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Comparative studies of mass political culture based on surveys, such as the World Values Survey (WVS), typically leap to using aggregate-level statistics for the entire population. No previous analyses of the WVS have examined the value differences associated with a common source of cleavage: ethnicity. The authors test for ethnic differences on 10 democratic values in 16 WVS countries from 1990 to 1993. Ethnic differences within countries on these indicators are often far larger than the aggregate differences between countries. Of 259 paired comparisons between the majority and the minority g

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10

Verdeja, Ernesto. "Political reconciliation in postcolonial settler societies." International Political Science Review 38, no. 2 (2017): 227–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512115624517.

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11

Roßteutscher, Sigrid. "Advocate or Reflection? Associations and Political Culture." Political Studies 50, no. 3 (2002): 514–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00382.

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This article questions one of the crucial issues of the current social capital debate: do voluntary associations necessarily contribute to the creation or maintenance of a civic culture? Based upon empirical and historical evidence this article demonstrates that associations' cultural spirit simply reflects and amplifies dominant cultural traits of a given time and a given society. Changes in public culture prompt changes in associative culture, and not vice versa. In other words, contemporary associations are more democratic and more civil because they exist within societies which are themsel

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12

Pantin, Vladimir I. "Political Cleavages and Splits in Modern Societies." South-Russian Journal of Social Sciences 20, no. 3 (2019): 28–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31429/26190567-20-3-28-40.

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13

Long, J. Anthony. "Political Revitalization in Canadian Native Indian Societies." Canadian Journal of Political Science 23, no. 4 (1990): 751–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900020837.

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AbstractAt present, the federal government is engaged in community-based self-government negotiations with a number of Indian bands and tribal groups across Canada with the objective of bringing about legislative arrangements for a limited form of self-government outside the Indian Act. An important part of these negotiations involves the federal government's promise to allow the incorporation of “customary or traditional structures,” where desired, into redesigned Indian governments. This article explores the difficulties confronting Indian leaders in their attempts to revitalize traditional

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14

Wolkenstein, Fabio. "Partisanship and political liberalism in diverse societies." Contemporary Political Theory 17, S4 (2017): 256–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41296-017-0169-0.

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15

Inglehart, Ronald. "The Renaissance of Political Culture." American Political Science Review 82, no. 4 (1988): 1203–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1961756.

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The publics of different societies are characterized by durable cultural orientations that have major political and economic consequences. Throughout the period from 1973 to 1987, given nationalities consistently showed relative high or low levels of a “civic culture”—a coherent syndrome of personal life satisfaction, political satisfaction, interpersonal trust and support for the existing social order. Those societies that rank high on this syndrome are much likelier to be stable democracies than those that rank low. Economic development and cultural change are linked in a complex pattern of

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16

Inglehart, Ronald, and Scott C. Flanagan. "Value Change in Industrial Societies." American Political Science Review 81, no. 4 (1987): 1289–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962590.

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Ronald Inglehart has argued that, while most of the major political parties in Western countries tend to be aligned along a social class–based axis, support for new political movements and new political parties largely reflects the tension between materialist and postmaterialist goals and values. This has presented something of a dilemma to the traditional parties, and helps account for the decline of social-class voting. Scott Flanagan takes issue with Inglehart's interpretation in several particulars. Although their views converge in many respects, Flanagan urges conceptual reorientations an

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17

Gayubas, Augusto. "Warfare and Socio-political hierarchies: reflections on non-State societies of the predynastic Nile Valley." Gladius 35 (December 16, 2015): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/gladius.2015.0001.

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18

Schertges, Claudia. "Political News and Political Consciousness." Policy Futures in Education 5, no. 3 (2007): 345–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2304/pfie.2007.5.3.345.

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This article deals with mass media in modern democratic societies, using the example of Israeli news reports in German television (TV) news. Central to this interest are processes of mediating politics: political socialisation and education; that is to say, empowering citizens via TV news to participate in democratic processes. The article outlines the current state of TV news making in Germany. Against this background, whilst focusing on TV news production, processes of alienation within the making of news as well as a process of alienation making by the news are discussed.

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19

Acemoglu, Daron, and James A. Robinson. "A Theory of Political Transitions." American Economic Review 91, no. 4 (2001): 938–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.91.4.938.

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We develop a theory of political transitions inspired by the experiences of Western Europe and Latin America. Nondemocratic societies are controlled by a rich elite. The initially disenfranchised poor can contest power by threatening revolution, especially when the opportunity cost is low, for example, during recessions. The threat of revolution may force the elite to democratize. Democracy may not consolidate because it is redistributive, and so gives the elite an incentive to mount a coup. Highly unequal societies are less likely to consolidate democracy, and may end up oscillating between r

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20

Goncharov, Vitaly Viktorovich, Sofya Sergeevna Protasova, Olga Valeryevna Ignatyeva, Svetlana Alexandrovna Olekhnovich, and Tatyana Ivanovna Kuzmina. "Transformation of national political elites in the era of globalization: socio-economic and political-legal analysis." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, no. 1 (2021): 401–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202171759p.401-409.

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The authors analyze the mutual influence of the processes of globalization of the socio-political, financial-economic and state-legal development of national societies and states and the development of national political elites. The paper identifies the main problems that are generated by the transformation of national political elites under the influence of globalization processes, as well as their impact on the prospects for the preservation and development of national societies and states, including in terms of preserving the national and state sovereignty, independence, and territorial int

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21

Feng, Wang. "On Political Parties in China and Western Societies." Politics, Culture and Socialization 4, no. 2 (2014): 120–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/pcs.v4i2.19800.

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22

Taddeo, Mariarosaria. "Cyber Conflicts and Political Power in Information Societies." Minds and Machines 27, no. 2 (2017): 265–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11023-017-9436-3.

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23

Bernstein, Steven L., Carol L. Barsky, and Eleanor Powell. "Professional Societies, Political Action Committees, and Party Preferences." American Journal of Public Health 105, no. 1 (2015): e11-e14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2014.302292.

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24

Badamchi, Meysam. "Political liberalism for post-Islamist, Muslim-majority societies." Philosophy & Social Criticism 41, no. 7 (2014): 679–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453714564455.

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25

Cavanaugh, Kathleen A. "Interpretations of political violence in ethnically divided societies." Terrorism and Political Violence 9, no. 3 (1997): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546559708427414.

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26

Jebril, Nael, Jamie Matthews, and Matthew Loveless. "Societies in flux: Media, democratization and political socialization." Interactions: Studies in Communication & Culture 8, no. 2 (2017): 101–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/iscc.8.2-3.101_2.

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27

Neufeld, Blain. "Civic respect, political liberalism, and non-liberal societies." Politics, Philosophy & Economics 4, no. 3 (2005): 275–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x05056603.

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28

Echegaray, Fabián. "Corporate mobilization of political consumerism in developing societies." Journal of Cleaner Production 134 (October 2016): 124–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jclepro.2015.07.006.

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29

Ross, Marc Howard. "Political Organization and Political Participation: Exit, Voice, and Loyalty in Preindustrial Societies." Comparative Politics 21, no. 1 (1988): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/422072.

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30

Ensor, Bradley E., Marisa O. Ensor, and Gregory W. De Vries. "Hohokam Political Ecology and Vulnerability: Comments on Waters and Ravesloot." American Antiquity 68, no. 1 (2003): 169–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3557040.

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Waters and Ravesloot (2001) test the assumption that natural river channel change caused periods of Hohokam cultural reorganization. However, they conclude that channel changes did not correlate with all periods and areas of significant cultural changes and that landscape alone cannot explain Hohokam transformations. An anthropological perspective on political ecology and disasters can explain why environmental processes and events differentially impact societies, differentially impact societies diachronically and differentially impact social groups within societies. We suggest that this persp

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31

Kennedy, Paul. "Political Barriers to African Capitalism." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 2 (1994): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012726.

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Whatconstraints have so far prevented the full emergence in subSaharan Africa of strong and effective local capitalist classes capable of playing a leading rôle in the economic transformation of their societies?

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32

Innes, Abby. "Corporate State Capture in Open Societies." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 3 (2016): 594–620. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325416628957.

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Investigations into Central Europe’s emerging party–state relationships—in contrast to those of the former Soviet Union—have focused less on the abuse of public office for private gain and more on patronage and clientelism as political resources. That debate in turn has been bounded by the conventional political science preoccupation with civil society, party, and state relations. This article contends that these conventions have tended to deflect our attention from the contemporary dynamics of political corruption in Central Europe, in which the commercial sector is a major player and the gai

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33

Soros, George. "Toward Open Societies." Foreign Policy, no. 98 (1995): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1148958.

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34

BRATT, DUANE. "Rebuilding Fractured Societies." Security Dialogue 28, no. 2 (1997): 173–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010697028002005.

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35

Leland, RJ, and Han van Wietmarschen. "Political Liberalism and Political Community." Journal of Moral Philosophy 14, no. 2 (2017): 142–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455243-46810052.

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We provide a justification for political liberalism’s Reciprocity Principle, which states that political decisions must be justified exclusively on the basis of considerations that all reasonable citizens can reasonably be expected to accept. The standard argument for the Reciprocity Principle grounds it in a requirement of respect for persons. We argue for a different, but compatible, justification: the Reciprocity Principle is justified because it makes possible a desirable kind of political community. The general endorsement of the Reciprocity Principle, we will argue, helps realize joint p

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36

Holman, Christopher. "Pierre Clastres as comparative political theorist: The democratic potential of the new political anthropology." European Journal of Political Theory 20, no. 1 (2017): 67–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885117729772.

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This article examines the political anthropological work of Pierre Clastres in light of the emergence of the subfield of comparative political theory. In particular, it argues that Clastres’ reconstruction of the political philosophy of various Amazonian societies offers an alternative model for the engagement with texts and traditions external to the history of so-called Western societies. Rejecting all impulses toward totalization – as represented, for example, in the assertion of a dialogical potential for establishing modes of intercultural exchange aimed at achieving mutual understanding

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37

BOIX, CARLES, and FRANCES ROSENBLUTH. "Bones of Contention: The Political Economy of Height Inequality." American Political Science Review 108, no. 1 (2013): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000555.

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Human osteological data provide a rich, still-to-be-mined source of information about the distribution of nutrition and, by extension, the distribution of political power and economic wealth in societies of long ago. On the basis of data we have collected and analyzed on societies ranging from foraging communities to the ancient Egyptian and modern European monarchies, we find that the shift from hunting and gathering to complex fishing techniques and to labor-intensive agriculture opened up inequalities that had discernible effects on human health and stature. But we also find that political

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38

Ember, Carol R., Eric C. Jones, Ian Skoggard, and Teferi Abate Adem. "Warfare, atrocities, and political participation: eastern Africa." Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research 11, no. 1 (2019): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jacpr-05-2017-0290.

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Purpose Ember et al. (1992) addressed whether the “democracies rarely fight each other” hypothesis held true in the anthropological record of societies of various sizes and scales around the world. They indeed found that more participatory polities had less internal warfare – or warfare between one society’s territorial units (e.g. bands, villages, districts). The purpose of this paper is to examine when political participation would have similar effects in eastern Africa, and whether more participatory polities commit fewer atrocities against each other. Design/methodology/approach A cross-cu

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39

Helps, Lisa. "Muslims in Western Societies." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 2 (2007): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i2.1559.

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“There is no ‘Islam’ and there is no ‘West’,” boldly proclaimed the programof the Trudeau Foundation’s conference held in Vancouver, BC, Canada on16-18 November 2006. Rather, the premise was that there are numerousIslams (religious, political, and geographical) and many Wests. Given thiscontext, some 160 scholars, activists, and policymakers came together underthe more general heading of “Muslims in Western Societies” to discuss,debate, and make sense of the complex interactions among and manifestationsof these many Islams and many Wests.The event was organized around five themes: “Religious B

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40

Vukojevic, Stefan. "Political stability in deeply divided and post-conflict societies." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 174 (2020): 207–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn2074207v.

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Political stability is one of the paramount concepts in deeply divided and post-conflict societies, and its clearer determination in scientific literature is questionable for several reasons. First, the difference in political-social contexts of political stability is neglected, that is, the difference between the consolidated democratic societies and deeply divided/post-conflict societies with newly established or renewed democratic institutions, or a recently ended war. Secondly, due to the frequent normative elements, the ways of the operationalization of concepts are difficult to identify.

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41

Wacquant, Loïc J. D., Paul Connerton, and Loic J. D. Wacquant. "How Societies Remember." Revue Française de Sociologie 32, no. 4 (1991): 634. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3322083.

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42

Halle, David, Richard V. Ericson, and Nico Stehr. "Governing Modern Societies." Contemporary Sociology 31, no. 3 (2002): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3089694.

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43

Touraine, Alain. "Sociology without Societies." Current Sociology 51, no. 2 (2003): 123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00113921030512005.

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44

Burgi, Noëlle. "Societies without citizens." European Journal of Social Theory 17, no. 3 (2014): 290–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431014530927.

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45

Olesen, Thomas. "The Politics of Whistleblowing in Digitalized Societies." Politics & Society 47, no. 2 (2019): 277–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032329219844140.

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Works on whistleblowing are overwhelmingly found within disciplines such as business ethics, law, and the professions. Despite its undeniable political and social effects, it is surprisingly understudied in political science and sociology. Recent cases such as those of Chelsea Manning, Edward Snowden, Christopher Wylie, and the Panama Papers should prompt political scientists and sociologists to engage systematically with the phenomenon. This article offers a theoretically driven discussion of three complementary questions. (1) What kind of political action is whistleblowing? (2) What are its

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46

O'FLYNN, IAN. "Divided Societies and Deliberative Democracy." British Journal of Political Science 37, no. 4 (2007): 731–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123407000397.

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Comparative scholars have disagreed for some time now as to whether democratic institutions in a divided society are more likely to remain stable if those institutions are premised on a concern for inclusion or on a concern for moderation. But since the empirical evidence marshalled by such scholars is often open to interpretative dispute, neither side has been able to prove its case conclusively. In order to help move this stability debate forward, this article demonstrates how inclusion and moderation can be recast as co-requirements of an underlying principle of political equality. To this

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47

LeVine, Mark. "Chaos, Globalization, and the Public Sphere: Political Struggle in Iraq and Palestine." Middle East Journal 60, no. 3 (2006): 467–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/60.3.13.

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Much of the literature on the contemporary Middle East explores the relationship of strong, authoritarian states with Islamist groups; the professional literature also has examined the role of strong societies with weak states. There has been less study of the role of the various players in weak states with weak societies. This article examines the cases of Palestine and Iraq, two societies undergoing occupation and with weak state structures, and the role of Islamist and other movements within them.

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48

Müller, Klaus. "‘Modernising’ Eastern Europe: theoretical problems and political dilemmas." European Journal of Sociology 33, no. 1 (1992): 109–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397560000638x.

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The upheavals in the Eastern European countries have demonstrated to the social sciences in a painful manner that they do not dispose of any adequate theory suited to grasp the dynamics and scope of the processes taking place there. Western sociology has won its categories from analysing Western societies and, in a premature manner, come to a generalised concept of society as such. Absorbed by the problems of advanced capitalism, it was not prepared for the collapse of the Easterns systems. Exploring socialist societies has, until recently, pre-eminently been a topic of specialised disciplines

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49

Sawyer, R. Keith. "Artificial Societies." Sociological Methods & Research 31, no. 3 (2003): 325–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049124102239079.

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50

Guessous, Nouzha. "Women’s rights in Muslim societies." Philosophy & Social Criticism 38, no. 4-5 (2012): 525–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453712448000.

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Major changes have taken place in Muslim societies in general during the last decades. Traditional family and social organizational structures have come into conflict with the perceptions and needs of development and modern state-building. Moreover, the international context of globalization, as well as changes in intercommunity relations through immigration, have also deeply affected social and cultural mutations by facilitating contact between different cultures and civilizations. Of the dilemmas arising from these changes, those concerning women’s and men’s roles were the most conflictive i

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