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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political sociology'
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1
Crouch, David G. "A political sociology of toxicology." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.694645.
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2
Sumino, Takanori. "Political sociology of unity and division." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2dcfb15c-ede6-4bda-9766-2123828b43bf.
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Growing economic inequality and cultural heterogeneity has brought increased attention to the issue of 'unity in diversity', that is, the state of being joined together or being in agreement in the presence of actual and perceived differences among people. Despite the growing interest in 'politics in divided societies', many political-sociological aspects of this issue remain largely unexplored. At the heart of this thesis lies an interest in explaining how social forces shape political preferences regarding the tension between unity and diversity in contemporary democracies. More specifically, this research seeks to understand how social (and identity-based) cleavages affect public responses to the idea of solidarity-based welfare provision and the reconciliation of increased ethnic diversity with national unity (including the functioning of the welfare state). Drawing on the institutionalist view that pre-existing policy creates mass politics (policy feedback effect), the study also investigates whether institutional structures condition the association between social forces and political attitudes. Although several chapters put particular emphasis on policy feedback effects (e.g., Chapters 2, 3, and 5), they are still within the general scope of this thesis, that is, the 'social embeddedness of political attitudes'. The thesis consists of two parts: the first assesses the explanatory power of socioeconomic status and social policy structures in predicting public attitudes toward income inequality, redistribution, and taxation policies (Chapters 2 to 4), and the second examines how differences in occupational status and national identity result in differences in reactions to welfare chauvinism and multiculturalism (Chapters 5 and 6). Taken together, the findings of this study underscore the importance of social cleavages, identity, and institutional structures in explaining why and under what conditions people are more likely to sacrifice part of their private interest or particularistic identity for the common good or the general welfare of all individuals in a community, in a situation of growing economic inequality and increased cultural plurality.
3
Childs, Sarah. "Women's political representation in contemporary British politics." Thesis, Kingston University, 2000. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20645/.
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The 1997 British general election saw the return of 120 women Members of Parliament. The central question of this thesis is whether this unprecedented number of women MPs makes a difference to the political representation of women. The research is applied political theory, in which conceptual analysis is informed by and informs the empirical research. Pitkin's seminal contribution The Concept of Representation and Phillips' The Politics of Presence are both considered. In particular, Phillips' 'shot in the dark thesis', which makes a link between women's numerical representation and the substantive representation of women by women representatives, is subjected to empirical analysis. The data are drawn from interviews with half of the Labour women MPs elected for the first time in the 1997 election. The introduction in Chapter 1 includes discussions of the research objectives and the research design and methods. Chapter 2 explores women's legislative recruitment within the Labour Party, focusing upon its policy of all-women shortlists. Chapters 3 and 4 examine Pitkin's and Phillips' ideas respectively. The next three chapters (Chapters 5, 6 and 7) utilise the empirical data to analyse in tum symbolic, microcosmic and substantive conceptions of representation. The last of these chapters centres upon the question of whether women representatives seek and are able to act for women at constituency, parliamentary and governmental levels. The analysis broadly supports Phillips' thesis. However, the intersection of party and gender identities is emphasised to a greater extent. It is also argued that women MPs may not have, at least as yet, secured the 'safe spaces' from which to act for women. These conclusions suggest both that the complexity of the concept of representation must be recognised and that combining conceptual and empirical analysis engenders a more sophisticated understanding of women's political representation.
4
Martin, Gregory David. "New Age travellers : a study in sceptical sociology." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361322.
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Gurkan, Ceyhun. "Towards S Critical Sociology And Political Economy Of Public Finance." Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612630/index.pdf.
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The exploration of this thesis on public finance proceeds on two axes. First, it aims at developing an ontological perspective to public finance. Accordingly, public finance is defined to be the concrete political relation between the state and society. The thesis that presents a political and historical evaluation of public finance from a critical sociological and political economy approach associates the components of this definition such as public, the political etc. with the relevant debates in social and political theory. In line with this, the traditional harmony-perspective of neoclassical public finance theories, which is ignorant of the political, is criticized, calling it as &lsquopolice finance&rsquo
instead of &lsquo
public finance&rsquo
. Secondly, the thesis explores the history of fiscal thought between the 15th-19th centuries with special reference to the Ottoman Empire. All in all, with these topics this thesis aims at making a contribution to the field of &ldquo
fiscal sociology&rdquo
from a critical sociological and political economy approach.
6
Mena, Olivia. "Nomos : a comparative political sociology of contemporary national border barriers." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3281/.
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Since 2001, there are more than 50 national border barriers around the globe — proposed, under construction, or finished. My dissertation considers this new infrastructure inside larger questions of sovereignty, governance, immigration, and security in the “borderless” age of globalization. To approach this work I used an epistemological framework of border thinking, a “third space” hermeneutics that locates the border as a central place to theorize the complex geopolitical and postcolonial relationships. I conducted two case studies of this fortress infrastructure, one along the U.S.-Mexico border and another along the Costa Rican border with Nicaragua, considering how new border walls are material manifestations of inchoate sovereignty, occupying claims in the borderlands — one of the latest frontier zones of global capital. Broadly, this project calls for us to consider the global proliferation of national border walls and fences in a way that invokes collective action against the persisting operative logic of race/culture thinking that underpins securitization as both a form of governance and an ideology. It situates the urgency of this intellectual work inside the expanding sovereign jurisdictions of capital and opens up new sets of questions about how national border barriers are integral structures inside the changing ideo-political frameworks of war, sovereignty, and governance in the age of the drone.
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Carmichael, Jason T. "The political sociology of juvenile punishment treating juvenile offenders as adults /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1152203820.
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Dawson, Matt Paul. "A libertarian socialist critique of the political sociology of late modernity." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2011. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/7350/.
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This thesis argues that despite the proclamations within the sociological field of 'late modernity', socialism is still of great relevance as both a form of critique, and as an alternative political model. Nevertheless, such an argument requires a refinement of both of the key terms. Firstly, via discussing the work of the three most prominent sociologists of late modernity (Zygmunt Bauman, Ulrich Beck and Anthony Giddens), this thesis argues that there have been significant changes with the shift to 'late' modernity, most notably the, contested, emergence of 'individualization'. I discuss how the 'disembedded individualization' favoured by Beck and Giddens is flawed empirically. However the 'embedded individualization' developed by Bauman and other researchers is a much more faithful depiction of the continued inequalities and privatisation of previously collective political concerns within late modernity. Using such a distinction can demonstrate the flawed nature of the political alternatives offered by Beck and Giddens and can, potentially, open the door to an alternative socialist conception. This socialist alternative also has to be reconsidered. To do this I draw upon a tradition of 'libertarian' socialism, best elaborated in the work of Emile Durkheim and G.D.H. Cole. This focuses upon the development of internally democratic associational groups as forum for individuals to express their functionally differentiated desires. I argue that this model has great potential for a period of individualized late modernity. It is also my claim that elaboration of such a project can be a criticism against the suggestion that there is a natural 'fit' between neoliberal capitalism and late modernity. In short, socialism, when defined as a libertarian form has the potential to be both a form of critique concerning the role of the state and market under late modernity, as well as providing a possible alternative.
9
Brown, Joseph Andrew. "The sociology of first-time voting in Great Britain, (1964-1987)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316954.
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Phipps, Alan J. "Criminal victimisation, crime control and political action." Thesis, Middlesex University, 1987. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/13570/.
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This thesis outlines the emergence of victimology as a major subdiscipline within criminology. Its growth is traced to intellectual debates and problematics in the history of criminology, and the interactions with wider political and social currents. Chapter I provides an overview of literature in victimology, its scope and areas of theory and research. Chapter II examines the context of the 'discovery of criminal victimisation' by the President's Crime Commission, 1967, and, the linking of state intervention in crime and poverty in the reformism of the Johns on Administration. Victimology' s growth is linked to the 'data revolution' in criminal justice and. the state fundine of victimisation surveys through the Law Enforcement Assistance Administration. Chapter III analyses the alliance between sooial science and social democracy, and Chapter IV deals with the alliance of criminologists and social reformism in relation to the political history of crime statistics. The latter's problems are assessed in relation to the 'dark figure' of crime, and the roles of police and victims. The chapter also evaluates the claims that victimisation surveys are a superior method of counting crime. Chapter V examines the orientation towards victims. in social democratic, right-wing and radical criminologies. Chapter VI traces the intellectual and political backgrounds of the Merseyside and Islington Crime Surveys, including the debates within the Labour Party on policing and crime, and the alliance between radical v. reformists and left-realist criminologists. Chapter VII describes the design of a draft questionnaire for the Islington Crime Survey and offers a critical comparison of the questionnaires for the final Islington and Merseyside questionnaires and those used in other surveys. Chapter VIII summarizes the themes and findings of this thesis and comments upon the theoretical methodological and policy issues for the development of a radical victimology.
11
Tilley, James Robert. "Social and political generations in contemporary Britain." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.247159.
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Badsey, Phylomena H. "The political thought of Vera Brittain." Thesis, Kingston University, 2005. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/20238/.
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This thesis investigates the political thought of the well known British 20th Century political activist and writer Vera Brittain (1893-1970), who is acknowledged as one of the most important feminists and pacifists of her era. It was undertaken in response to the continuing success of her most widely known work, 'Testament of Youth: An Autobiographical Study of the Years 1900-1925, first published in 1933, and her increasing importance since her death to modem feminists, pacifists, and to the study of the First World War (1914-1918). It draws extensively on Vera Brittain's own writings, published, and unpublished, and includes material never before used in previous research. It provides a comprehensive review of the secondary literature on Vera Brittain, showing that the power of her arguments has been undermined by studying each area of her life and literary work in isolation. Although Vera Brittain's work and life have been frequently cited for specific purposes, this thesis is the first to identify her political thought in its totality. In particular, this thesis identifies for the first time the importance in Vera Brittain's political thought of her Christian beliefs, particularly after 1940; and the way in which this related to her two other major political beliefs, her feminism which she adopted very early in her life, and her pacifism, which she adopted in 1937. The emphasis placed in previous secondary literature on Testament of Youth and Vera Brittain's role in the First World War has also obscured the importance of her later political thought, particularly during the Second World War (1939-1945), and in her role in the early years of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND) and the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa. The argument made in this thesis is that Vera Brittain's mature political thought was based on her faith in individuals, which acted like a 'thread' upon which the three 'pearls' or 'circles' of her political thought, those of Christianity, feminism and pacifism, were strung, each interacting with the other at various times, and finally joining to become the 'necklace' of her political thought. The thesis concludes that Vera Brittain's political thought did not constitute a coherent political theory of which she was herself aware; she developed a personal ideology or belief-system, but although she also held a world-view throughout most of her life, this was not original or unique to her. Her political writings and actions reflected the issues of her own time, including Equality Feminism, and the Christian Pacifist opposition to war. But she also drew on earlier political theories of the relationship between. the state and the individual, such as those of Mary Wollstonecraft and John Locke. In her political thought, she also acknowledged the importance of the issues of race, class, gender and sexuality, which would later become central to Second Wave Feminism. In sum, this thesis describes the political thought of Vera Brittain, its importance in the history of political thought, and its continuing relevance for today.
13
Ross, David John. "Effect of Political Skill on Perception of Organizational Politics and Work Withdrawal among Community College Employees." Thesis, Walden University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3643215.
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Community college student support services are an important aspect of success among community college students. Theoretical and empirical models of organizational politics and withdrawal guided the expectation that community college employees who perceive their organizations as political may withdrawal from their organization, diminishing the services delivered to students at the institution. A multisite cross-sectional survey design was utilized to gather quantitative data via Survey Monkey from national professional organizations. Two-hundred seventeen usable surveys from community college administrators (executive, mid-level managers, and administrators) were gathered. Data were analyzed via correlation and regression models to examine if political skill reduced or moderated the relationship between perception of organizational politics and work withdrawal behaviors. Employee political skill was a partial antidote, reducing the effect of organizational politics on withdrawal behaviors, but there was not a significant interaction moderating effect. Recommendations include political skill training for community college administrators as part of their professional development program, as well as including graduate education components and new employee orientation programs. Such training could lead to positive social change in community college settings by increasing levels of service and job satisfaction and reducing attrition among community college administrators, leading to higher levels of community college student satisfaction and graduation rates.
14
Price, Gareth Owen. "A political sociology of language in Taiwan : local, national and global contexts." Thesis, University of Essex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.502197.
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Mesch, Gustavo Sergio. "The political, ecological and organizational determinants of neighborhood action /." The Ohio State University, 1993. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487846354485344.
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Chernilo, Daniel. "Sociology and the nation-state : beyond methodological nationalism." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2004. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3656/.
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The equation between society and the nation-state in sociology has been subject to severe criticisms in recent times. This equation has been given the name of ‘methodological nationalism’ and is underpinned by a reading of the history of sociology in which the discipline’s key concept, society, and modernity’s major sociopolitical referent, the nation-state, allegedly converge. At the critical level, my thesis argues that this is too restrictive a view of the history of the discipline and at the positive level it reconstructs the conventional version of sociology’s canon in relation to nation-states. The first part of the thesis surveys the main trends in the current sociological mainstream, reviews the rise of the critique of methodological nationalism and establishes a distinction between a referential and a regulative role of the idea of society in sociology. The body of the thesis constructs a history of the sociology of the nation-state in its classical (K. Marx, M. Weber and E. Durkheim), modernist (T. Parsons and historical sociology) and cosmopolitan (U. Beck and M. Castells) moments. As an essay on the history of sociology, this thesis seeks to uncover how the conceptual ambivalences of sociology reflect the actual ambivalences in the position and legacy of nation-states in modernity.
17
Sandovici, Maria Elena. "Social capital and political action." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2005.
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18
Uzoaba, J. H. E. "Organized crime and political economy : A comparative study." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.375580.
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19
Martinez, Lisa M. "Latino political participation: Internal diversity and external constraints." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/289237.
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This dissertation addresses Latino political outcomes using a broadened approach along two dimensions. The first dimension considers contemporary theories of political participation by examining the impact of human capital, political engagement, ethnic identification, and organizational involvement on conventional and unconventional forms of participation. For the second, I extend political opportunity structure and resource mobilization models to make new predictions about how characteristics of the environment in which Latinos are embedded influence participation by Latinos as a group. I test these new predictions using three sets of dependent variables: broad, conventional participation (voting); broad, unconventional participation (e.g., boycotting, attending rallies, protesting); and Latino-oriented, unconventional participation (e.g., attending rallies in support of a Latino issue or concern; contributing money to or volunteering for Latino candidates). Data for the individual-level analysis are drawn from the 1989/90 Latino National Political Survey and the 1999 National Survey on Latinos in America. Using logistic regression, I test predictions about how individual-level factors influence Latinos' participation within the context of the larger political system. I find that resources, especially education, affect the likelihood of conventional and unconventional political participation. As well, organizational affiliation and recruitment increase the likelihood of involvement in conventional and less conventional political acts. The analyses also reveal considerable differences in the likelihood of being politically active among non-Latinos and Latinos as well as between Latino sub-groups. For the contextual analysis, I model the impact of state-level characteristics on electoral and non-electoral forms of political expression. I find some support for resource mobilization and political opportunity theories. Net of individuals' attributes, state-level characteristics affect voting and social activism, suggesting that the receptivity of the political environment influences participation.
20
Araújo, Francisco José [UNESP]. "Mandonismo e cultura política pós-1985." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/106280.
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Este trabalho volta-se para a análise do mandonismo no Brasil contemporâneo. Tem como objetivo dar conta das suas formas de reprodução e atualização, portanto, da sua sobrevivência. Para tanto, examina o conteúdo da Cultura Política brasileira no que tange às tradições republicana, liberal e democrática, o tipo de estado federativo que se organizou no Brasil e as condições de existência da accountability horizontal e vertical. O enfoque tem como recorte histórico o período que se inicia no pós-1985, quando são restaurados o regime democrático e o estado de Direito. Toma-se como caso-exemplo o ex-presidente José Sarney, tendo-se em vista que ele obteve, nos últimos 40 anos, destaque tanto no âmbito regional como nacional além de ter participado diretamente de todos os grandes acontecimentos políticos no período abordado. Foi, inclusive, o primeiro presidente civil depois de 1964. A tese parte do suposto de que o mandonismo é um fenômeno que não se restringe ao Nordeste ou a regiões mais pobres, como costuma ser afirmado no Brasil. Está presente também nos centros mais ricos, manifestando-se sob formas mais sofisticadas menos caricaturais. Os mandões das regiões brasileira econômicas e politicamente hegemônicas agem de forma sincronizada em defesa dos seus interesses harmonizados o que lhes confere grande eficiência, não se diferenciando dos demais mandões do Norte e Nordeste quanto à prática de governo privado. Assim como estes buscam controlar a alocação dos recursos e manter influência sobre diversos agentes estatais da accountability horizontal, a fim de garantir vantagens na utilização dos recursos e bens públicos e ficar na impunidade.
This work is directed towards the analyses of mandonismo in contemporary Brazil. Its aim is to its reproductive forms and actualizations, and therefore, its survival. To accomplish such work, it examines the contents of the Brazilian political culture in its republican, liberal and democratic tradition, the type of federal State that was development in Brazil and the conditions of existence for horizontal and vertical accountability. This approach has as its historical background the period beginning after 1985, when the democratic system and the State of law were restored. The former president José Sarney was used as a case-example. In the last 40 years, he obtained success both in regional and national scopes. Moreover, he took direct part in all major political events during the period of time studied. Apart from that he was the first civilian president after 1964. This thesis begins with the assumption that mandonismo is a phenomenon that is not restricted to the Northeast or to the poorer areas of Brazil, as it is commonly affirmed. It is also present in the rich centers, being revealed under more sophisticated forms, less caricatured. The bosses of the Brazilian economical and hegemonic political regions act in a synchronized way to defend their own harmonized interests, which gives them great efficiency. They do not differ themselves from the bosses of the North and Northeast regions who the practice their own private government. In the same way, they aim to control resource allocations and maintain influence over many horizontal accountability state agents, in order to guarantee advantages in using resources and public property and remaining under impunity.
21
Neilson, Lisa Anne. "Social capital and political consumerism: a multilevel analysis." Connect to resource, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1156951934.
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Clark, Wayne Louis. "Activism and political participation : roles, relationships and dependencies." Thesis, University of Bedfordshire, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10547/556422.
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The past decade has seen an upsurge ofacademic and popular interest in the political activity undertaken by citizens. This thesis presents a predominantly qualitative analysis ofthe nature of voluntary political participation, and subsequently addresses a number of key concerns about the current state of democracy in Britain. It is argued that existing analysis of political participation tends to focus on quantitative questions such as the levels and socio-demographic composition of political activity, with little attention being given to the experiences of those citizens who engage with political organisations. The analysis utilises the theoretical work of JUrgen Habermas in order to consider the potential role of both state mechanisms of participation and structures of civil society within the development of rational and deliberative democracy. The primary research draws upon sixty interviews conducted within the British Labour Party, the British section of Amnesty International, two Tenants' Associations, one Residents' Association and an alternative lifestyle collective known as Exodus. Three main themes are addressed in the form of a comparative study. Firstly, the thesis considers the nature of the various organisations and their membership policies. Secondly, a typology ofpolitical participation and activism is presented. Finally, analysis is provided of the experiences ofthe respondents of the actual process ofparticipation. Addressing these themes enables the thesis to explore the nature of the discourse that occurs within spheres ofvoluntary political participation, and to provide some insight into the dialectical relationship that exists between structures of participation and the activity that develops within such contexts. It is concluded that a range of conflicting tensions currently inform voluntary political participation. These factors raise a number of serious questions about the role of civil society within processes of democratisation.
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Bunis, William Kane. "Social movement activity and institutionalized politics: A study of the relationship between political party strength and social movement activity in the United States." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/186323.
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The relationship between social movement activity and conventional politics has received little systematic attention from the sociological social movements literature. In this dissertation I bring together diverse literatures (i.e., the social movement literature in Sociology and the interest group and political party literature in Political Science) to broaden our conceptualization of social movement activity and to understand more adequately the changing nature of that activity. The central premise of this dissertation is that variation in the openness or accessibility of the political opportunity structure is shaped, in part, by the strength of the political parties. The central proposition is that an erosion of political party strength is associated with an increase in social movement activity within institutionalized politics. Without the centrist demands of a traditional two-party political system, the system is vulnerable to a more diverse set of demands as well as a more extreme set of demands. A second proposition suggests that the degree to which a given party has been in or out of power at the presidential level shapes party vulnerability to social movement interests. This may reflect a natural tendency for parties to become increasingly vulnerable to more radical interests over their period of dominance. To address these questions, an historical analysis of party conventions and party platform battles is utilized. The analysis is designed to yield an empirical description of the tensions between the centrist interests of a traditional two-party system and more radical interests associated with an erosion of party strength in such a system. The significance of these arguments rests upon their demonstration of a faulty conceptualization of institutional versus noninstitutional strategies of collective action that permeates much of the sociological social movements literature. I argue that the distinction should not follow an either/or mentality. Rather, under varying historical circumstances the embeddedness of movement interests within institutional structures should be and is variable as well.
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Chu, Jou-juo. "The sociology of labour radicalism : the Latin American experiences and the Taiwanese case." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.316759.
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Wishart, William. "Underdeveloping Appalachia: Toward an Environmental Sociology of Extractive Economies." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/18414.
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This dissertation uses mixed methods to examine the role of the coal industry in the reproduction of Central Appalachia as an internal periphery within the United States and the economic, ecological, and human inequalities this entails. It also analyzes the related political economy and power structure of coal in a national context. Particularly important for analysis of the region's underdevelopment are the class relations involved in unequal ecological exchange and the establishment of successive "modes of extraction."
I employ a historical comparative analysis of Appalachia to evaluate Bunker's thesis that resource dependent peripheries often become locked into a "mode of extraction" (with aspects parallel to Marxist concepts of mode of production) triggering economic and ecological path dependencies leading to underdevelopment. This historical comparative analysis establishes the background for a closer examination of the political economy of the modern US coal industry.
After sketching the changes in the structure of monopoly and competition in the coal industry I employ network analysis of the directorate interlocks of the top twenty coal firms in the US within the larger energy policy-planning network to examine their connections with key institutions of the policy formation network of think tanks and business groups. My findings show the importance of the capacities of fossil fuel fractions of the capitalist class in formulating energy policy around issues such as the 2009 climate legislation.
As a contribution to the growing literature applying the concept of metabolism as link between contemporary and classical theory, I examine the conflict at Coal River Mountain from the vantage points of ecology, political economy, and human development in dialectical rotation. Utilizing Marx's method of successive abstractions, the mountain is presented as a nexus of metabolic rifts in the human relationship to the earth's natural systems and an impediment to genuine human development. Finally, I conclude with some implications of this analysis for building a critical environmental sociology of extractive economies.
This dissertation includes previously published materials.2016-09-29
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Partington, Geoffrey. "The significant past in Australian thought : some studies in nineteenth century Australian thought and its British background." Title page, preface and contents only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09php2732.pdf.
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Withers, Edward John. "The political impact of the mass media : theory and research in media sociology." Thesis, McGill University, 1989. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=75992.
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In the area of mass communications and media sociology, connections between theoretical claims and empirical evidence have often been tenuous. Using American national Election Study data gathered by the Center for Political Studies, this dissertation tests a series of hypotheses about the political impact of the mass media. The work profiles the news audience, and examines the public's reliance upon television and newspapers as sources of political information. Next, evidence is brought to bear upon the set of pessimistic assumptions that television news personnel hold about the tastes and capacities of the news audience. Finally, a crucial test is developed in order to evaluate five competing and contradictory hypotheses, all attempting to explain the relationships between the consumption of political materials through the mass media, political interest, and political participation. Of the previously untested claims assessed in the thesis, few were supported by the evidence gathered in research.
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Leggett, Will. "A political sociology of the Third Way : social theory and centre-left strategy." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.399868.
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Crawford, Joe. "A political sociology of eviction practices in the Scottish social rented housing sector." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/22336.
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Based on in-depth semi-structured interview data from 35 housing professionals, this study examines the question; why do social landlords evict their tenants. Drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu this study argues that by examining the relationship between objective and subjective positions, the false antinomy of structure/agency can be dissolved, providing a more heuristic understanding of eviction practices in the social rented housing sector. This relationship is captured in what Bourdieu (2000) calls ‘objectivity of the second order’, that is, the collective conventions, the shared norms and values, and the categories of perception which agents apply to the world. The argument put forward here is that, in order to understand evictions practices in their ‘totality’, it is necessary to move beyond social physics and social phenomenology by constructing, as the object of study, the relation between the two. Using Boltanski and Thevenot’s (1991) ‘economy of worth’ model, (itself a form of frame analysis), it is possible to capture an important aspect of this ‘objectivity of the second order’, via the frames through which housing professionals derive meaning from their work, providing access to an otherwise elusive aspect of qualitative enquiry. This research contributes new insights and analysis in the field of housing studies by adopting a comprehensively theoretical approach, which has not been applied to understanding evictions practices, thereby adding to existing knowledge. It also provides a detailed political sociology of why, despite the apparent contradictions, social landlords evict their tenants.
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Beerli, Monique J. "Saving the saviors : an international political sociology of the professionalization of humanitarian security." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0033.
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Aujourd’hui, un discours dominant affirme que le travail humanitaire est devenu dangereux. Face à l’insécurité croissante, les organisations humanitaires ont développé de nouvelles politiques de sécurité afin de mieux protéger le personnel et les infrastructures. En se fondant sur la sociologie des professions d’Abbott, ainsi que sur la théorie du pouvoir de Bourdieu, cette thèse propose une sociologie politique internationale de la professionnalisation de la sécurité humanitaire. Afin de combler les lacunes des explications et des critiques de la sécurité humanitaire, ce travail examine les conditions de possibilités à l’émergence d’un microcosme de professionnels. Du fait de cette transformation de la division du travail, les humanitaires considèrent désormais que certaines des populations les plus nécessiteuses se trouvent au-delà des limites raisonnables du sacrifice. En comparant le coût de la perte d’une « vie d’humanitaire » à la valeur potentielle du sauvetage des vies, les humanitaires participent à l’intensification des inégalités mondiales. Les humanitaires ne contentent plus seulement d’atténuer la souffrance de lointains étrangers, mais ils contribuent aussi à redéfinir la notion de « populations dans le besoin », en les étiquetant comme « populations dangereuses ». Ainsi, la mise en place de la sécurité comme sens pratique de l’humanitaire inverse les impératifs humanitaires fondés sur le sauvetage des vies et sur la défense d’une humanité partagée. Tout en contribuant aux débats sur la sécurité humanitaire, cette thèse participe également à faire avancer les études sur les élites transnationales, sur la sécurité et sur les organisations internationalesIn recent years, a dominant discourse has emerged asserting that humanitarian work has become a dangerous profession. In response to growing insecurity in the field, humanitarian organizations have developed new security policies to better protect humanitarian staff and infrastructures. Drawing from Andrew Abbott’s historical sociology of professions and Pierre Bourdieu’s social theory of power, this thesis proposes an international political sociology of the professionalization of humanitarian security. To address the shortcomings of normative-functionalist explanations and poststructuralist critiques of humanitarian security, this thesis examines the conditions of possibility fostering the emergence of a microcosm of humanitarian security professionals. As a consequence of this transformation in the division of humanitarian labor, humanitarian organizations now classify some of world’s neediest populations as beyond the limits of reasonable sacrifice. In the production of this exclusion, humanitarian actors reconstruct “populations in need” as “dangerous populations.” By weighing the cost of the loss of a “humanitarian life” against the potential value of saving the lives of needy others, humanitarian actors contribute to the intensification of global divides in their quest for a common humanity. In sum, the imposition of security as a humanitarian logic of practice is analyzed as a driving force of the inversion of the humanitarian imperative to save lives and act in defense of a shared humanity. Contributing to debates on humanitarian security, this thesis also advances the study of international organizations, security, and transnational power elites
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Jonna, R. "Toward a Political-Economic Sociology of Unemployment: Renewing the Classical Reserve Army Perspective." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/13340.
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The following study is concerned with the problems posed by contemporary unemployment--especially the U.S. but also globally to some extent. The most immediate problem is the dominance of neoclassical models, which routinely neglect the deeper issues raised by contemporary mass unemployment. To go beyond these inadequacies, the study also assesses the performance of sociological interpretations. One key finding is that sociological analyses also largely fail to provide a compelling theory of unemployment and, moreover, that most perspectives implicitly adopt problematic assumptions from neoclassical economics. This highlights the dual nature of the problems posed by unemployment: on one hand, it is an urgent social issue; and, on the other hand, it exemplifies significant weakness within most sociological paradigms.
In order to address the challenges posed by unemployment, the narrative centers on the resolution of three key anomalies of unemployment: 1) persistent unemployment; 2) so-called "jobless recoveries;" and 3) the rise of worker precariousness. The anomalies are taken as evidence of paradigmatic contradictions within neoclassical economics and, to some extent, sociology.
The main theoretical contribution of the study is a careful reconstruction of Marx's classical theory of the reserve army of labor (part of "The General Law of Accumulation"), which has inspired all critical sociological perspectives on labor markets to date. The investigation highlights distinctive characteristics of "political-economic sociology," a term that refers to economic sociologists who draw heavily on notions of class and power reminiscent of classical political economy and classical sociology, forming an important bridge with heterodox economic approaches.
The theory of the reserve army is in need of "renewal," however, because even political-economic sociologist have failed to carry the analysis forward and build upon the firm foundation provided by Marx. The study's conclusion is that the reserve army framework has enormous potential to strengthen existing work within political-economic sociology.
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Goe, W. Richard. "Food production in the emerging information society : a political-economic analysis /." The Ohio State University, 1988. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487596807820783.
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Tshandu, Zwelakhe. "Ethnicity and political mobilization in black Africa : a cross-national study /." The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487779439846173.
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Araujo, Francisco José. "Mandonismo e cultura política pós-1985 /." Araraquara : [s.n.], 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/106280.
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Orientador: Marco Aurélio NogueiraResumo: Este trabalho volta-se para a análise do mandonismo no Brasil contemporâneo. Tem como objetivo dar conta das suas formas de reprodução e atualização, portanto, da sua sobrevivência. Para tanto, examina o conteúdo da Cultura Política brasileira no que tange às tradições republicana, liberal e democrática, o tipo de estado federativo que se organizou no Brasil e as condições de existência da accountability horizontal e vertical. O enfoque tem como recorte histórico o período que se inicia no pós-1985, quando são restaurados o regime democrático e o estado de Direito. Toma-se como caso-exemplo o ex-presidente José Sarney, tendo-se em vista que ele obteve, nos últimos 40 anos, destaque tanto no âmbito regional como nacional além de ter participado diretamente de todos os grandes acontecimentos políticos no período abordado. Foi, inclusive, o primeiro presidente civil depois de 1964. A tese parte do suposto de que o mandonismo é um fenômeno que não se restringe ao Nordeste ou a regiões mais pobres, como costuma ser afirmado no Brasil. Está presente também nos centros mais ricos, manifestando-se sob formas mais sofisticadas menos caricaturais. Os mandões das regiões brasileira econômicas e politicamente hegemônicas agem de forma sincronizada em defesa dos seus interesses harmonizados o que lhes confere grande eficiência, não se diferenciando dos demais mandões do Norte e Nordeste quanto à prática de governo privado. Assim como estes buscam controlar a alocação dos recursos e manter influência sobre diversos agentes estatais da accountability horizontal, a fim de garantir vantagens na utilização dos recursos e bens públicos e ficar na impunidade.
Abstract: This work is directed towards the analyses of mandonismo in contemporary Brazil. Its aim is to its reproductive forms and actualizations, and therefore, its survival. To accomplish such work, it examines the contents of the Brazilian political culture in its republican, liberal and democratic tradition, the type of federal State that was development in Brazil and the conditions of existence for horizontal and vertical accountability. This approach has as its historical background the period beginning after 1985, when the democratic system and the State of law were restored. The former president José Sarney was used as a case-example. In the last 40 years, he obtained success both in regional and national scopes. Moreover, he took direct part in all major political events during the period of time studied. Apart from that he was the first civilian president after 1964. This thesis begins with the assumption that mandonismo is a phenomenon that is not restricted to the Northeast or to the poorer areas of Brazil, as it is commonly affirmed. It is also present in the rich centers, being revealed under more sophisticated forms, less caricatured. The bosses of the Brazilian economical and hegemonic political regions act in a synchronized way to defend their own harmonized interests, which gives them great efficiency. They do not differ themselves from the bosses of the North and Northeast regions who the practice their own private government. In the same way, they aim to control resource allocations and maintain influence over many horizontal accountability state agents, in order to guarantee advantages in using resources and public property and remaining under impunity.
Doutor
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Rindborg, Gabriel V. "Venezuelan Oil and Political Instability : A Case Study of Venezuela and its Oil Dependency." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-156457.
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The natural resource curse is a widely debated phenomenon usually proposing a connection between large extractive resource wealth and substandard economic performance. This paper concerns the connection between large extractive resource wealth and the potential for its effects on long term political stability. Using Venezuela as a case study, this paper delves into the political history of Venezuela, plagued by endemic political instability, and attempts to test the political aspect of the resource curse, analysing history with a focus on the oil industry. The conclusion is that there is a clear connection between oil price volatility and political instability, but only evident starting in the latter half of the 20th -century. Further research into specific regimes, eras, as well as comparative analyses between Venezuela and other states is required to provide additional answers in regard to specific causes for political instability in the early 20th -century and the pre-oil period.
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Davidson, Zachary P. "Political identification of STEM workers in the US." Thesis, University of Nevada, Reno, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10161306.
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The world is increasingly moving toward a technology- and information-based economy. With this change, a growing occupational category involves working in science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). What is the political identification of STEM workers? Quantitative work has shown that professionals, in general, are moving toward the Democratic Party (see, e.g. Hout, Brooks, and Manza 1995); but a qualitative interview-based study suggested that STEM workers, specifically, may be more conservative than others (Zussman 1985). The primary purpose of this study is to bring quantitative analyses to bear on this question to determine if STEM workers, are, indeed, more conservative than others. A secondary purpose is to begin explaining why they are more conservative, if such a pattern is found. The primary research hypothesis follows Zussman (1985) and predicts that STEM workers are significantly more conservative than other workers; a secondary hypothesis is that this significant difference will remain even when controlling for key demographic variables. Regression analyses provide support for both hypotheses, which suggests that STEM workers are, indeed, more conservative than others—a pattern that may be rooted in the structure of their work, a la Kohn (1989).
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Devine, Joseph. "One foot in each boot : the macro politics and micro sociology of NGOs in Bangladesh." Thesis, University of Bath, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301965.
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Abraham, John. "A political sociology of drug testing and regulation with particular reference to the benoxaprofen controversy." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327221.
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This Thesis examines the testing and regulation of drugs in the United Kingdom and the United States with particular emphasis on a case-study of the benoxaprofen controversy. An analysis of the relationships between the pharmaceutical industry and the regulatory authorities is provided, including their respective handling of technical data regarding the efficacy and toxicity of drugs, and possible attendant biases. Chapter one reviews the literature pertinent to the study of the social and political aspects of scientific knowledge, culminating in the development of a theoretical and methodological framework for exploring commercial and regulatory bias in the control of drugs. A realist philosophy of science is proposed as a basis for conducting the empirical research discussed later in the Thesis. Chapter two presents an historical account of the development of British and American regulation from the Industrial Revolution to the early 1980s, focussing on government-industry relations and the extent of regulatory capture and corporate bias therein. It is argued that although the perspectives of industry and the State on drug regulation have varied over time according to a complex of factors, corporate bias has played a major role in defining the scope and timing of regulatory reform. Chapter three is a brief description of the scientific and economic reasons for the increasing innovation in non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drug therapy since the early 1950s. This provides an important technical background which is necessary to understand some of the scientific controversies over the value of benoxaprofen as a non-steroidal antiinflammatory drug. Chapters four, five, six and seven contain detailed scrutinies of all the major technical controversies regarding the efficacy and safety of benoxaprofen in order to elucidate the relationships between interests, commercial bias and scientific knowledge. It is concluded that the best interests of consumers were compromised fairly consistently by the decisions taken by senior scientists working for the manufacturers and the regulatory authorities, though to different degrees. In chapter eight I address the question of the generalisability of the benoxaprofen case-study across the pharmaceutical sector by discussing the testing, regulation and marketing of some other drug products. Finally, in chapter nine I return to the theoretical issues raised in chapter one in order to draw out some of the implications of the prior discussion for understanding the politics of regulatory decision-making and the scientific nature of drug testing. I also consider the implications of the empirical findings for political change and further research.
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Wilson, Keith. "Political radicalism in the North East of England 1830-1860 : issues in historical sociology." Thesis, Durham University, 1987. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1680/.
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Lavery, Sioned Ellen. "A very English Brexit: A comparative analysis of the immigration debate in the news media of the four UK nations." Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/19798.
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This thesis compares the immigration discourses in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland during Britain’s EU referendum. It has been speculated that immigration was influential in the decision to leave the European Union 23 June 2016. The decade prior to the referendum, immigration increased following EU expansion to include central and eastern European states. Migration is concentrated in south-east England with little inward migration to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. Using a discourse analysis of 1476 newspaper articles from each UK nation, the thesis finds anti-immigration sentiment disseminated during the campaign to be bound in English experiences and positive experiences specific to individual nations. A sense of possessiveness in British services and culture is linked to contemporary English nationalism, informed by feelings of lost power to devolved governments, the EU and opposition to immigration.
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Darke, Lillian. "Alien Agendas: A Comparative Analysis of Conspiracy Theories Across Western States." Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/19803.
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Conspiracy theories have been a topic of interest among academic and non-academic literature for decades. As of recently, the political implications of public conspiracism has begun to be taken seriously. Political science literature in the past has viewed conspiracy theories with a US-centric lens, with little focus on how conspiracy theories manifest in other states. Further, there has been a lack of communication and collaboration across disciplines, resulting in disjointed and ad hoc narratives for public conspiracy belief. The aim of this study was to explore how conspiracy theories manifest differently across western states and draw together literature from a variety of disciplines, such as political science, psychology, and sociology. 144,000 conspiracy theories across fora in the US, Australia, Canada, and England were explored and compared. Across the fora, themes were established and then analysed from three different perspectives; cultural determinism, group-dynamics, and external influences. It was found that there are important similarities between states regarding how conspiracy theories manifest, such as a broad anti-establishment narrative. It was also found that there are thematic differences between the states, such as the role of the state and unique historical influences which may have serious impacts upon the effectiveness of political intervention. It was concluded that research into non-US states is an important avenue for developing a more reliable and nuanced narrative of conspiracy belief, as well as for developing an understanding of state-specific challenges and approaches to conspiracism.
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Yeung, Chi Wai. "Urban redevelopment in late colonial Hong Kong : a socio-political analysis." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319958.
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The importance of land to the economy of Hong Kong lies in the fact that land sales are a major source of revenue to the colonial state. A continuous supply of land for private property development is essential for the survival of the colony's capitalist economy. If, for whatever reason, the supply of land is blocked, the developers, the state and the economy of Hong Kong as a whole will suffer. The failure of the market to release land in the old urban areas for redevelopment has forced the Hong Kong State to step in. The attempts, however, have been largely unsuccessful due mainly to the difficulties in land acquisition and the strong resistance from the affected residents. In 1987 the state established the Land Development Corporation [LDC] to intervene in the urban redevelopment process. The author argues that the LDC is basically a socio-political strategy serving the function of political legitimation for state intervention. The LDC can be regarded as a piece of state apparatus for providing the necessary means of intervention in the urban redevelopment process in order to ensure the release of land to private developers for profit making redevelopment projects (capital accumulation). At the same time it serves as a buffer to distance the state from being in direct conflict with the affected communities in the urban redevelopment process. However, if the conflict is a structural one inherent in the capitalist logic of development, the conflict will eventually be directed back to the state. The LDC will simply add one more layer to the administrative procedure in the redevelopment process. By conducting empirical studies on four of the LDC's redevelopment schemes during the period 1988-1992, with particular focus on the interactions between the affected communities and the LDC/the state, the author examines the role of the LDC so as to demystify the social reality of urban redevelopment in Hong Kong.
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Mehta, Lyla. "Contexts of scarcity : the political ecology of water in Kutch, India." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.263870.
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Karpov, Vyacheslav G. "Political Tolerance in the United States of America and Poland." The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1383315136.
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Pertwee, Ed. "Green Crescent, Crimson Cross : the transatlantic 'counterjihad' and the new political theology." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3780/.
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This thesis explores the EuroAmerican ‘counterjihad’, a transnational field of antiMuslim political action that has grown significantly since it first became visible in the mid-late 2000s. Its key symptoms have included ‘Defence Leagues’ and ‘Stop Islamisation’ groups in various national contexts, grassroots mobilisations against mosques and minarets, campaigns to ‘ban the burqa’, as well as a very wide network of antiMuslim online spaces. The thesis argues that the counterjihad can be seen as a transnational political movement, and its discursive, aesthetic, organisational and tactical repertoires are all critically explored. It will be shown that the heterogeneous political tendencies that constitute the counterjihad are united by a shared narrative of Western crisis, decline and impending catastrophe; several overlapping conspiratorial narratives that attempt to explain this predicament; and, finally, a spectrum of compensatory political projects that seek to reinvigorate a sense of Western civilizational and white ethnic identity in a post-Cold War context where those identities are increasingly contested. The thesis also argues that the counterjihad is one aspect of a more general phenomenon: the striking reemergence in ‘late’ modernity of a number of ‘countermodern’ or ‘traditionalist’ political theologies. These new political theologies overlap with, but are not identical to, the ones that flourished during the long crisis of ‘classical’ European modernity in the early twentieth century (notably, ‘classical’ Italian Fascism and German National Socialism). Finally, the thesis considers the sociopolitical conditions that have fostered the reemergence of such phenomena today.
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Park, Chanyung James. "Immigration Rhetoric and the use of the Cultural Purity Argument." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1227301852.
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Holleman, Hannah, and Hannah Holleman. "Energy Justice and Foundations for a Sustainable Sociology of Energy." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12419.
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This dissertation proposes an approach to energy that transcends the focus on energy as a mere technical economic or engineering problem, is connected to sociological theory as a whole, and takes issues of equality and ecology as theoretical starting points. In doing so, the work presented here puts ecological and environmental sociological theory, and the work of environmental justice scholars, feminist ecologists, and energy scholars, in a context in which they may complement one another to broaden the theoretical basis of the current sociology of energy. This theoretical integration provides an approach to energy focused on energy justice. Understanding energy and society in the terms outlined here makes visible energy injustice, or the interface between social inequalities and ecological depredations accumulating as the social and ecological debts of the modern energy regime. Systems ecology is brought into this framework as a means for understanding unequal exchange, energy injustice more generally, and the requirements for long-term social and ecological reproduction in ecological terms. Energy developments in Ecuador and Cuba are used here as case studies in order to further develop the idea of energy justice and the theory of unequal ecological exchange. The point is to broaden the framework of the contemporary critical sociology of energy, putting energy justice at its heart.
This dissertation contains previously published and unpublished co-authored material.
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Terao, Hanno. "Towards a welfare society : a critical re-appraisal of L.T. Hobhouse's new liberalism and sociology." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2013. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/45326/.
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Although L.T. Hobhouse (1864-1929) has long been considered one of the leading political thinkers of the British new liberalism, the whole range of his thought has not been given as much attention as it deserves. Through a thorough analysis of Hobhouse’s academically written works, the thesis demonstrates that he made a considerable contribution to the political thought of the new liberalism through his clear and articulate vision of a liberal welfare society. This vision was built upon a strikingly consistent system of political, economic, sociological, and philosophical arguments. The thesis argues these claims from three perspectives. First, while sharing with other new liberals a focus on the cultivation of individual morality as the primary purpose of social reform, Hobhouse further associated the idea with a notably pluralist perspective, focusing on the activities of intermediate organizations as well as the state. Secondly, his ethics of harmony offered a distinctively new liberal criterion on the development of morality and wealth distribution, whilst showing a notable intellectual affinity with T.H. Green’s theory of rights. In fact, despite his incessant critique of philosophical idealism, Hobhouse’s views were what could properly be called those of an ‘idealist liberal’ in the realms of ethics and political philosophy. Finally, on the basis of the integration of his new liberal ethics, idealist-inclined realist metaphysics and neo-Spencerian evolutionary sociology, Hobhouse labelled the core principle of a liberal welfare society ‘citizenship’ in his sociology, identifying its partial realization in modern society. Welfare society was envisioned as a global community premised on the mutual recognition of moral rights and duties. This vision was later in part succeeded by T.H. Marshall’s sociological theory of citizenship, but its scope and philosophical depth was a specific product of Hobhouse’s systematic thought. In summary the thesis is an attempt to show the originality and comprehensiveness of Hobhouse's welfare thought and thus to restore his reputation as a serious thinker.
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Tanaka, Aiji. "Legitimacy in a maturing democracy : the impact of political culture and system performance on system support in Japan /." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/40194514.html.
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Akuany, Deng Dongrin. "The political consequences of uneven development in Sudan : an analysis of political struggles, with special reference to the Sudan People's Liberation Movement and the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLM/SPLA)." Thesis, University of Hull, 1990. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5659.
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The objective of this study is to investigate the origins and process of contemporary uneven development, regional disparities and political violence as reflected in the recurrent civil wars in Sudan. The Study confirmed the general outcry from the masses, that socioeconomic and political disparities and injustices imposed on the Sudanese people by Anglo-Egyptian Colonialism have been continued and expanded by the neo-colonial state under the Sectarian Jallaba leaders who inherited both political and economic power, after political independence. All peaceful demands for socio-economic and political equality and justice by the masses from the most backward areas have always been violently suppressed by the neo-colonial state. As a result, several political and liberation movements including SPLA/SPLM emerged. The Study argues that all attempts by successive governments in Khartoum to solve the current problems have failed because they did not correctly recognize the root causes of the problems and have instead continued to impose Islamization, Arabization and the policies of 'divide and rule' as a strategy to maintain the status quo and to strengthen the process of economic and political alienation of the majority of Sudanese people. The author concludes that the most acceptable solution to the majority of Sudanese people would be to replace what this thesis characterizes as a settler neo-colonial state, with a new national democratic secular federal state in which the Sudanese people, regardless of race and creed can live in peace and prosperity.