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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Political system of Ireland'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

McKeown, Justin. "Materialising a Political Art Practice within Contemporary Systems of Power: Nothern Ireland." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.490033.

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Although Northern Irish society looks similar to its counterparts in Great Britain and the Republic of Ireland, it is codified quite differently. With the signing of the Good Friday Agreement and the cessation of paramilitary violence, politicians and other concerned parties have been trying to move Northern Ireland towards a more normal state of existence. This process is largely discussed as the process of 'normalisation'. Key to normalising Northern Irish society is an understanding of the way in which it is codified. It is my contention that key to this is an understanding of the role played by domestic space in the cohesion of everyday life in Northern Ireland. This thesis originates from the desire to create a political art practice that successfully materialises and engages with the political conditions underpinning Northern Irish society in the period 2005-2008. Crucial in this endeavour has been the practical and theoretical consideration of the significance of domestic space within Northern Irish culture.

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2

McCann, F. "Change in the political, economic, social and value systems of Ireland : A study in capitalist development." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.378686.

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3

Reilly, Patrick Kevin. "How the nature of political systems influences strategies chosen by leaders of social movements: A case study of the American and Northern Ireland civil rights movements." Diss., Connect to online resource, 2006. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1433507.

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4

Manzoor, Farhat. "A political history : abortion in Ireland." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342408.

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5

Richards, Anthony. "Political fronts of terrorist groups : a comparative study of Northern Ireland political fronts, their evolution, roles and potential for attaining political change." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14395.

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This thesis outlines the evolution and roles of the political fronts in Northern Ireland and their potential for attaining political change. It will assess the impact of a number of selected 'variables', both 'internal' and 'external', on the utility (or lack of utility) of these fronts. The variables that have been selected for consideration are: 1) Ideology, structure and leadership, 2) The notion of violence as a habit, 3) Popular support, 4) State response and 5) Other factors and events in the External Environment. Alexander George's 'structured, focused, comparison' methodology will be employed and the selected cases are the Irish Republican Army, the Ulster Defence Association and the Ulster Volunteer Force. Although all of the 'variables' have had a significant impact the thesis argues that the greatest motivation behind the use of Simi Fein has been the desire to mobilise or tap perceived existing support. In the case of the loyalist political fronts the domestic external environment, specifically the perception that the loyalist working classes had been manipulated by 'respectable' unionist politicians, was the most important factor behind their greater use. Paradoxically, it is unionist culture (such as its 'law abiding' nature and division of labour ethos) that has presented the most significant obstacle to their utility. The thesis will then assess whether or not political fronts represent moderation towards the use of violence on the part of the groups. It will suggest that they have in the loyalist cases. Although the following argues that political fronts are very much part of the 'terrorist machinery' as the political voices and propaganda outlets for terrorist groups, and that it is a misconception to view them as the 'moderate half of a movement, the thesis will contend that Sinn Fein has also ultimately come to represent moderation towards the use of violence. The conclusion will then suggest that the selected variables be tested in other examples and, assuming that Sinn Fein has come to represent moderation towards the use of violence, will then attempt to draw some lessons from the case of the IRA and its political front that might be considered when studying other cases.

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6

Campbell, Colm. "Emergency law in Ireland, 1918-25." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.238997.

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7

Ivory, Gareth E. "The political parties of the Republic of Ireland and the Northern Ireland question 1980-1995." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287963.

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8

Staunton, Enda A. M. "The Northern Nationalist political tradition." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324950.

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9

Biaggi, Cecilia. "Catholics in Northern Ireland : political participation and cross-border relations, 1920-1932." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:eeb511c0-ff08-4843-9d8b-bad91046351d.

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10

McGowan, Katherine Megan. "Political geography and political structures in earlier mediaeval Ireland : a chronicle-based approach." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272027.

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11

McGrattan, Cillian. "Northern Ireland, 1971-1985: Political Opportunities and Path-Dependence." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493901.

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12

Hanvey, Hilda. "Liberalism in Ireland : the political ideas of Daniel O'Connell." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243737.

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13

Hughes, A. "The Council of Ireland: a political and historical analysis." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.484951.

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In writing this thesis my aim has been to provide answers toa series of neglected and important questions about the Council of Ireland. I wanted to discover what political circumstances gave rise to the idea of the Council and what connection it had with wider British/Irish politics. I analysed what the Council was meant to achieve and if the concept and objective of the Council altered over time. In particular I examined how far the Council was used as a vehicle for Irish unity, what role it played in fostering better north/south relations and if it was used as a mechanism for crisis management in wider fields. I also wanted to ascertain how the Council was perceived by the different political groupings who supported the Council and who opposed its existence, and if this support and opposition altered, and why. The attitudes of the British and Irish governments to the Council were analysed to discover what they were, if they altered and, in addition, if their attitudes to each other altered as a result of being involved in the work of the Council. I examined the strengths and weaknesses the Council had over its lifetime and which elements of the Council and political society were constant and which changed, and why.

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14

Lee, Stuart Joseph Wilson. "The relationship between political violence and conventional crime in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609888.

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15

Rose, Peter. "The Labour government's Northern Ireland policy 1964 - August 1969." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264207.

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16

O'Neill, Aileen. "Quangos, accountability and devolution : the case of Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365396.

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17

Stephens, Judith M. "Making a niche : the Green Party in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.295426.

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18

McKeever, Patrick Gerard. "The discourse of Nationalists in Northern Ireland 1921-91." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.238842.

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19

Fitzpatrick, Claire Majella. "Labour, ideology and the states in Ireland, 1917-32." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/251551.

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20

Rees, R. "The Northern Ireland problem : A study of the Northern Ireland government in the context of its relations with Dublin and Westminster, 1945-1951." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235275.

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21

O'Reardon, Colm. "The political economy of inequality : Ireland in a comparative perspective." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310435.

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22

Small, Stephen. "Republicanism, patriotism and radicalism : political thought in Ireland, 1776-98." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285408.

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23

Robinson, Philip Alexander. "A political ecology of bovine tuberculosis eradication in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Durham University, 2014. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10796/.

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Bovine tuberculosis (TB) is arguably the most important animal health problem in the world. TB is endemic in the Global South, and also affects several nations and regions with highly developed cattle farming industries and statutory eradication programmes in the European Union, including Northern Ireland. The disease has implications for livestock agriculture, wildlife ecology, public health, and the national economy. In addition to scientific and technical complexities, socio-economic and socio-cultural factors affect efforts to control the disease. Disease problems such as TB at the human-nature interface are complex and indeterminate, and require innovative multidisciplinary research to find holistic and workable solutions: geography has much to contribute. This investigation uses a political ecology framework, and provides explanations for the historical and geographical patterns of the disease through a ‘chain of explanation’ approach (Blaikie & Brookfield, 1987). It utilizes political ecology, STS, rural, cultural, health, ‘more-than-human’ and veterinary literatures to produce a political ecology of animal disease control in the First World. Significantly, this account is as much about people and politics as it is about land use, technology, cattle, badgers, bacteria and disease. Conducted from the positionality of being a vet and a farmer’s son, and based on ethnographic interviews with farmers, vets, policy makers and other agricultural industry representatives, the links in the chain explain why the statutory eradication programme has not yet been successful in achieving its original aim. The disease continues to spread across the landscape and evades efforts to eradicate. The thesis shows how TB permeates time and space shaped by global economic forces, political structures, cultural practices and complex ecologies. TB, often invisible and underestimated, must be made visible again. New network structures are required to rescale governance and move closer to the target of TB eradication.

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24

Knox, Colin Gerard. "Local government leisure services : planning and politics in N. Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.335979.

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25

Bell, K. E. B. "Any news? : an anthropological investigation of political journalists in Northern Ireland." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.269033.

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26

Covaciu, Ana. "Institutional change through discursive opportunities : The path to marriage equality in Ireland." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-270728.

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The thesis investigates the institutional change in the case of the same-sex marriage referendum in Ireland. By using theories of discursive opportunity, framing and institutional change the study traces the public discourse on homosexuality, and analyzes which opportunities for progressive gay rights policies it presented. The focus is particularly on three informal institutions: marriage, family and religion which are at the center of controversy in the case of same-sex marriage. The first part of the paper conducts a frame analysis on the public discourse surrounding homosexuality as presented in newspaper articles of the Irish Times. In the second part of the study, the discourse of three prominent gay rights movements is analyzed in order to see how they used the opportunities presented by the public discourse and achieved a yes vote in the marriage referendum. The paper concludes with a discussion on how institutions both offer opportunities for change or reframing of current institutionalized meanings, but also constrain the framing processes of actors.

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27

Diskin, M. "Official or democratic : The battle for unionist votes in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.372087.

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28

Day, Charles Stephen. "Political violence in the Newry/Armagh area 1912-1925." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324902.

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29

Frazier, Erica Lynn. "The Green New Deals of Great Britain, Ireland and Northern Ireland : A Critical Discourse Analysis." Thesis, Orléans, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017ORLE1159.

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Cette thèse suit l’évolution et la transmission du concept de GND à travers le temps et l’espace via l’analyse des documents produits par les groupes GND de Grande Bretagne, d’Irlande et d’Irlande du Nord dans une perspective comparative. La thèse intègre des méthodes quantitatives et qualitatives, dont des entretiens semistructurés, l’analyse lexicométrique et une forme adaptée de l’Analyse Critique du Discours afin de répondre à la question suivante : « Comment les discours et les idéologies des 'Green New Deals' de l'Irlande, la Grande-Bretagne et l'Irlande du Nord peuvent-ils être compris en relation les uns aux autres et dans leurs contextes respectifs ? » La thèse explore l'influence des contextes et des groupes sur les discours et le contenu idéologique des textes Green New Deal, et avance l’argument que bien que les Green New Deals aient, à des degrés divers, le potentiel pour constituer la première étape d'une transition sur le long terme vers une économie politique juste et verte, ils se doivent de développer certains thèmes pour permettre à leur potentiel transformateur d’opérer, au lieu de renforcer les idéologies actuellement dominantes
This thesis follows the evolution and transmission of the Green New Deal concept through time and space by examining the British, Irish and Northern Irish Green New Deal documents from a comparative perspective. It uses quantitative and qualitative methods including Corpus Linguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis and the collection of elite oral history interviews to respond to the guiding question, “How can the discourses and embedded ideologies of the Green New Deals of the Republic of Ireland, Great Britain and Northern Ireland be understood in relation to one another and their respective contexts?”. The thesis explores the influence of contexts and groups on the discourses and ideological contents of the Green New Deal texts, ultimately finding that though the Green New Deals have the potential to act as transitional documents in a move towards a just green political economy, further work must be done to develop key themes in the texts and ensure they realise their transformative potential rather than simply reinforcing currently dominant ideologies

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30

Duffy, Mary. "Northern Ireland during the troubles : social attitudes and political preferences, 1968-1993." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324760.

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31

Spencer, Graham. "Disturbing the peace? : politics, television news and the Northern Ireland peace process." Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298106.

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32

Donaghy, Tahnya Barnett. "Women, political recruitment and candidacy in Scotland and Northern Ireland, 1996-1998." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301698.

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33

Murphy, Simon Francis. "Conflict and conflict regulation in Northern Ireland : October 1968 to November 1985." Thesis, Cardiff University, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.277405.

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34

Ishizuka, Katsumi. "Ireland and international peacekeeping operations 1960-1999 : a study of Irish motivations." Thesis, Keele University, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302298.

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35

Kirby, Shane Christian. "Selling the Good Friday Agreement : developments in party political public relations and the media in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3184.

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This study documents the rise of party political public relations in Northern Ireland and explores its impact on the media and the peace/political process more generally. While this research primarily charts and describes the chronological development of public relations pertaining to Northern Ireland's four main political parties (the SDLP, Sinn Fein, the DUP and the UUP), it also explores the media-source relations or interactions between journalists and public relations personnel. Significantly, political public relations has expanded considerably in Northern Ireland since the mid-90s, and political parties are increasingly utilising PR to enhance their media relations capabilities and improve their image (or `brand') with the public. What was once mainly the remit of the British government and its agencies in Northern Ireland (that is, political public relations) has now become an area in which the four main political parties (to varying degrees of success) have become increasingly more professional and well-resourced. The result of this expansion of party political public relations has seen the regional media in Northern Ireland become increasingly more vulnerable to the promotional efforts of `spin doctors' or media relations personnel from all four parties. This research, while acknowledging that there are undoubtedly multiple factors involved in how people decide to vote, argues that the 71.12% Yes vote in favour of the Good Friday Agreement can be partly explained by the significant impact of public relations strategies and techniques employed by a number of key behind-the-scenes players and conducted publicly by influential, high-profile figures. Essentially, it challenges the argument prevalent in the vast majority of literature on elections that public relations campaigns have very little `effect' on voting behaviour or that those changes of voting behaviour are due either to other factors or to long-term media campaigns and influences. This research also argues, on the one hand, that the electoral success of both Sinn Fein and the DUP in recent years (the two parties `hungry' for political power, who became the leading political parties in nationalism and unionism respectively) can be partly explained by their `courting' of the media and their development of strong and efficient communications structures. On the other hand, the recent electoral failure of both the SDLP and the UUP can be partly explained by their laissez-faire or complacent approach to both public relations and the media, and their weak and inefficient communications structures in comparison to both Sinn Fein and the DUP.

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36

Robinson, Joseph. "Splintered Memory: Remembering and Reinscribing the Past in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/19194.

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Sixteen years after the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland remains a deeply segregated society. One driver of this ongoing separation is the divergent ways in which the Troubles are remembered. Paramilitary groups in particular have been quite successful at inscribing their exclusionary conflict memories into public space. However, this work departs from the larger sub-field by arguing that narratives of violence are spatially and discursively resisted in Northern Ireland. I argue additional claimants have asserted their rights to remember in public space and have challenged the appropriation of their loved ones' bodies. Public space in Northern Ireland increasingly is becoming evocative of multiple pasts; it is splintering and diversifying. I argue that one of the chief drivers of this diversification is the reclamation and reinscription of the bodies of those 3,700 men, women, and children who violently lost their lives during the Troubles.
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37

Ward, Rachel Joanne. "Unionist and loyalist women in Northern Ireland : national identity and political action." Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.274383.

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38

Ayers, Mary Kathryn. "The Changing Role of Women in Ireland: A Political and Legal Perspective." W&M ScholarWorks, 1992. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625754.

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39

McCoy, John Gerard. "Local political culture in the Hanoverian Empire : the case of Ireland, 1714-1760." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239422.

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40

O'Flynn, Padraigin Mary. "Colonization by Other Means: Consequences of Peace Agreements in Northern Ireland and Palestine." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1558056015928991.

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41

Pauley, Jennifer Anne. "The social and political roles of Edith, Lady Londonderry 1878-1959." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.241026.

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42

Willis, Michael Anthony. "Relative deprivation and political conflict : a Northern Irish case study." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302764.

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43

Flynn, Mary K. "A comparative study of nationalist movements in early twentieth century Spain, France and Ireland." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.239342.

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44

Doyle, John. "Parity of esteem? : Ulster unionists and equality of citizenship in Northern Ireland, 1972-1998." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301702.

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45

Hamilton, Douglas. "The economic and politics of cross border development and intergration : the case of Ireland." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251018.

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46

Githens-Mazer, Jonathan. "Cultural and political nationalism in Ireland : myths and memories of the Easter Rising." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1838/.

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This thesis examines the political transformation and radicalisation of Ireland between the outbreak of the First World War, August 1914, and Sinn Fein's landslide electoral victory in December 1918. My hypothesis is that the repertoire of myths, memories and symbols of the Irish nation formed the basis for individual interpretations of the events of the Easter Rising, and that this interpretation, in turn, stimulated members of the Irish nation to support radical nationalism. I have based my work on an interdisciplinary approach, utilising theories of ethnicity and nationalism as well as social movements. With these theoretical tools, I go on to categorise the Easter Rising as a 'cultural trigger point': an event or series of events that creates a sense of agency and urgency in the face of what is perceived by the members of the nation as an injustice. These perceptions were reflected through the prism of Irish national myths, memories and symbols of the preceding three hundred years, including the Penal Laws and the Famine. My method here is to compare the condition of popular Irish nationalism before and after the Easter Rising in order to assess the impact of this event and its aftermath on the Irish nation. I trace, in particular, the impact of the Great War on cultural and religious nationalism and its role in the decline of moderate nationalism and the rise of radical Irish nationalism. The analysis of this process of radicalisation is accomplished through an examination of various contemporary sources such as personal journals, letters, Government Intelligence Reports, Episcopal letters, Diocesan Archives and Newspapers.

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47

Nolan, S. J. "Communicative success in political wall murals in Northern Ireland : a critical discourse analysis." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.403176.

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48

O'Kane, Damian Patrick. "Stress and the appraisal of political violence : a longitudinal study in Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260477.

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49

Smith, Janet. "The feminism and political radicalism of Helen Taylor in Victorian Britain and Ireland." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2014. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/692/.

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This thesis offers an examination of the feminism and political radicalism of Helen Taylor. Despite the growth of interest in the political and social campaigns of nineteenth century women, Helen Taylor has remained a marginal figure of historical enquiry, referenced mainly in terms of her relationships with her contemporary English feminists and step-father, John Stuart Mill. Divisions in the women’s suffrage movement have been blamed on her difficult personality with no examination that it was her socialist anti-imperial feminism which was at the heart of the antagonism. Her important contribution to Victorian social and political life has been largely ignored. The study will examine the significance of her work across a wide range of political and social organisations from 1876 onwards; namely the London School Board, the Irish question, land reform, the Social Democratic Federation, her attempt to become the first woman MP and her membership of the Moral Reform Union. This work will illustrate how the political ideology of her feminist mother Harriet Taylor and her step-father John Stuart Mill remained at the heart of Helen’s political throughout her public life. It will further consider how the organisations she joined were gendered and how she attempted to negotiate and contest this. It will ask why she was able to successfully resist the middle class ideal of separate spheres for men and women. Finally it offers further evidence to challenge the claim made by some historians that all British Victorian feminists were imperialist in nature.

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50

McAtackney, Laura. "The archaeology of political prisons : the case of Long Kesh/Maze, Northern Ireland." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/7ba6af03-8328-4be7-8855-f688ca2fca31.

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Long Kesh/Maze prison first came to public attention as a short-term solution to prison overcrowding, resulting from the introduction of internment at the start of the Troubles in Northern Ireland in 1971 Despite such inauspicious beginnings, the site developed from a collection of pre-existing Nissen huts to encompass the infamous H Blocks and was soon inextricably entwined with the course of the conflict. Since closing in 2000, the prison has retained its rating as a high security zone and remains largely inaccessible whilst high-profile disputes rage in the public arena regarding its future.

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