Journal articles: 'Political system of Ireland'

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Peillon, Michel. "Ireland : A Political System Apart." Études irlandaises 15, no. 2 (1990): 127–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/irlan.1990.945.

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Bernadaux, Chloé. "The Relative Success of Consociational Institutions in Deeply Divided Societies." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 47 (December 31, 2020): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.47.4.

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Lebanon and Northern Ireland conjure opposite images on consociationalism in the minds of many political scientists. While in Lebanon, the consociational system widely proved inefficient in preventing the outbreak of ethno-national conflicts, the Northern Ireland’s experience of consociationalism remains vastly positive. Following a “Most Similar Systems Design” defined by Adam Przeworski and Henry Teune (2000), this research note tests the hypothesis that the positive nature of exogenous influences participates to a higher political stability in Northern Ireland relative to Lebanon, where external influences of negative nature had the reverse effect. For the sake of this study, the developments taking place after the signature of the agreements shaping both consociational systems – the Ta’if Agreement of 1989 in Lebanon and the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 in Northern Ireland – are analysed through a particular focus on elites’ external relations with patron states and their interactions with their regional or global environments.

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Mekhonoshina, Yu A. "THE EU ECONOMY MANAGEMENT SYSTEM IN CONDITIONS OF ECONOMIC CRISIS. IRELAND’s CASE." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 4 (December 28, 2020): 462–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-4-462-466.

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In 2008 the world faced a powerful economic crisis, which led to significant problems in the EU. Some states, such us Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece and Spain, were on the verge of default. In such conditions the EU had to take appropriate measures to save European countries. The author reviewed the measures which concerned Ireland. At the beginning of the century Irish economy showed rapid growth. But in 2010 the default threatened “The Celtic tiger”. It was conditioned by the collapse of mortgage landing system and the rapid outflow of foreign capital. As far as Ireland participates in the euro zone the other European countries are interested in the stabilization of Ireland’s economy. All measures of saving Ireland’s economy could be divided to two groups. The first group includes the measures taken by the government of Ireland. This is state financing of bank sphere, which was done without being agreed with the EU (moreover, the European council reacted negatively), and changing of tax rate approved by the EU. The second group is represented by the measures of European institutes. It includes preferential credits and suppression of sanctions for violation of Maastricht criterion in exchange for austerity budget. In Ireland’s case such policy doesn’t seem really effective. The level of Ireland’s budget deficit is more than 3 % of GDP and its current economic growth does not permit to redeem the loans. Economic problems provide political instability, that’s why Ireland’s government cannot elaborate long-term financial policy. Though European institutes managed to find consensus between different national interests, the EU needs no less than 15 years to return to pre-depression economic level.

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Coakley, John. "The Political Consequences of the Electoral System in Northern Ireland." Irish Political Studies 24, no. 3 (August 17, 2009): 253–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907180903075702.

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Gallagher, Michael. "Does Ireland need a new electoral system?" Irish Political Studies 2, no. 1 (January 1987): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907188708406435.

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Wall, Oisín. "‘Embarrassing the State’: The ‘Ordinary’ Prisoner Rights Movement in Ireland, 1972–6." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (August 28, 2019): 388–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419863846.

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This article explores the early years of the campaign for ‘ordinary’, not politically-aligned, prisoners’ rights in Ireland. It argues that this campaign has often been overshadowed by the activities of ‘political prisoners’, who only constituted a small minority of prisoners in the period. The article follows the development and changing tactics of the ordinary prisoners’ movement, through the rise and fall of the Prisoners’ Union (PU) (1972–3) and into the early years of the Prisoners’ Rights Organisation (PRO) (1973–6), which would become the longest-lasting and most vocal penal reform organisation in Ireland, until the formation of the Irish Penal Reform Trust in 1994. It argues that the movement constantly adapted its tactics to address emerging issues and opportunities. Ultimately, it contends that by 1976 the PRO was an increasingly legitimate voice in Ireland’s public discourse on prisons. It shows that, although the campaign did not achieve any major penal reforms in this period, it had a significant impact on public debates about prisons, prisoners’ mental health, the failures of the penal system, and prisoners’ entitlement to human rights.

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Ní Raghallaigh, Muireann, and Liam Thornton. "Vulnerable childhood, vulnerable adulthood: Direct provision as aftercare for aged-out separated children seeking asylum in Ireland." Critical Social Policy 37, no. 3 (February 17, 2017): 386–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0261018317691897.

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Ireland’s approach to after-care for ‘aged-out’ separated children is problematic. Currently, upon reaching the age of 18, most separated young people are moved to ‘direct provision’, despite the fact that the state can use discretionary powers to allow them to remain in foster care. Direct provision is the system Ireland adopts providing bed and board to asylum seekers, along with a weekly monetary payment. Separated young people in Ireland are in a vulnerable position after ageing out. Entry into the direct provision system, from a legal and social work perspective, is concerning. Utilising direct provision as a ‘form of aftercare’ emphasises governmental policy preferences that privilege the migrant status of aged-out separated children, as opposed to viewing this group as young people leaving care. In this article, utilising a cross-disciplinary approach, we provide the first systematic exploration of the system of aftercare for aged-out separated children in Ireland. In doing so, we posit two core reasons for why the aftercare system for aged-out separated children has developed as it has. First, doing so ensures that the state is consistent with its approach to asylum seekers more generally, in that it seeks to deter persons from claiming asylum in Ireland through utilisation of the direct provision system. Second, while the vulnerability of aged-out separated children is well-documented, the state (and others) ignore this vulnerability and are reluctant to offer additional aftercare supports beyond direct provision. This is due, we argue, to viewing aged-out separated children as having a lesser entitlement to rights than other care leavers, solely based on their migrant status.

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Gallagher, Michael. "The political consequences of the electoral system in the Republic of Ireland." Electoral Studies 5, no. 3 (December 1986): 253–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0261-3794(86)90014-4.

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Hanly, Conor. "The Reporting of Child Abuse and Neglect in Ireland in an International Context." International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family 34, no. 2 (August 1, 2020): 145–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/lawfam/ebaa003.

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Abstract Starting in the early 1990s, reports published over a quarter of a century detailed shocking levels of child abuse and child neglect in Ireland, along with failures by Church and State officials to take effective action. These revelations, supported by international research, made a compelling case for the introduction of some form of mandatory reporting. Yet until 2015, Ireland’s child protection system relied upon the discretion of those who suspected incidents of child abuse. The Children First Act 2015 introduced a new system of mandatory reporting that applies to professionals working in the health, education, childcare and law enforcement fields, a system that became active at the end of 2017. This article reviews the development of the reporting system in Ireland, and analyses the new obligations created by the 2015 Act. The article also analyses some initial figures for 2018, which show a substantial increase in the number of reports of child abuse and neglect made in that year. Additionally, the article argues for the insertion into the new system of some nuance in order that victim autonomy might be better respected.

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Farrell, David M., Malcolm Mackerras, and Ian McAllister. "Designing Electoral Institutions: STV Systems and Their Consequences." Political Studies 44, no. 1 (March 1996): 24–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1996.tb00755.x.

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Although championed by advocates of proportional representation, the single transferable vote form of PR has been used consistently in only a small number of countries – principally Australia, Ireland and Malta. This paper examines the origins and development of STV and its implications for the political systems that use it. The results show that STV varies so widely in its form and application, differing on no less than five major characteristics, that it is impossible to identify any single generic type. These differences are also reflected in the party strategies that are used to maximize the vote under STV. A regression analysis of the various types of STV shows that Malta is the most proportional system, followed by Ireland and Tasmania. Ireland has the largest party system among the countries that use STV, net of other factors.

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Fleming, David A. "Patriots and politics in Navan, 1753–5." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 144 (November 2009): 502–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140000585x.

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The structure and nature of the electoral system in Hanoverian Ireland remains an under-explored aspect of Irish political history. A number of older works remain influential, partly because they have not been superseded by modern studies. Of these, Edward and Annie Porritt’s The unreformed House of Commons stands out. In a section on the parliamentary representation in Ireland, the Porritts examined the differences between the British and Irish systems, contrasting the more open and generally progressive British system to that of a closed and restricted Irish one, where the Protestant political elite maintained a firm grip on local power and preferment. While now superseded for England, the Porritts’ thesis remained -and to some extent remains - popular among Irish historians.

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Rice, Charis, and Ian Somerville. "Political Contest and Oppositional Voices in Postconflict Democracy." International Journal of Press/Politics 22, no. 1 (November 15, 2016): 92–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161216677830.

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This article investigates how political institutions affect government–media relationships. Most studies of media-politics focus on majoritarian parliamentary or presidential systems and on how party systems affect journalism. This tends to neglect important issues that pertain in more constitutionally complex democracies, such as the consociational institutions in postconflict societies. Taking the Northern Irish context as a strategic case study, we analyze data from thirty-three semistructured interviews with the actors responsible for communicating political issues in Northern Ireland: political journalists and the two groups of government communicators, civil service Government Information Officers (GIOs) and Ministerial Special Advisers (SpAds). By examining their roles and relationships in this context, we demonstrate the importance of considering the institutional design of the democratic system itself when attempting to develop a more comprehensive and nuanced theory of media-politics. In Northern Ireland, the absence of an official political opposition in the legislature, together with the mandatory nature of the multiparty coalition, means that the media have come to be perceived by many political and media actors as the opposition. This in turn influences the interpersonal interactions between government and media, the way political actors try to “manage” the media, and the media’s approach to reporting government.

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Weeks, Liam. "Why are there Independents in Ireland?" Government and Opposition 51, no. 4 (March 30, 2015): 580–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.47.

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Although the clichéd status of the phrase ‘the party’s over’ makes it almost redundant, the esteem in which parties are held has never been lower. One facet of party decline is the renewed interest in independents. Previously confined to transition states and non-democracies, they have begun to make some political headway in more established states. This is a worrying development for both political parties and those who profess their normative value. This article examines the source of the re-emergent independent presence via a case study of Ireland, a party democracy where they have had the greatest impact. Using constituency-level data, the influences of political, cultural and institutional factors are examined. It is found that independents are a product of both a small political system and declining party attachment. They are a protest option for those not drawn to ideological anti-establishment parties, while there is mixed evidence concerning the influence of a centre–periphery socioeconomic divide.

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Kostka, Wojciech, and Magdalena Lesińska. "Specyfika systemu pojedynczego głosu przechodniego (PR-STV) na przykładzie wyborów samorządowych w Irlandii i udziału w nich społeczności imigranckich." Historia i Polityka, no. 35 (42) (May 14, 2021): 9–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2021.001.

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The aim of the article is a critical analysis of the electoral system of a single transferable vote on the example of local elections in Ireland and its evaluation from the point of view of key participants: voters, political parties and new players – immigrant candidates. The organization of elections, the vote counting methods and the rule of transfer of votes to seats as well as the influence of the electoral system on political parties strategies and voter behavior are presented in detail. In principle, the proportional system should be more friendly to independent candidates and small interest groups, but the case of immigrant candidates running in the elections in Ireland shows that in practice it is difficult for new players to achieve election success without the support of political parties. The analysis is based on a diverse sources, the review of academic literature and statistical data is complemented by the results of qualitative research – the in-depth interviews with Polish candidates running in the local elections in Ireland in the years 2009–2019.

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15

Delay, Cara, and Annika Liger. "Bad Mothers and Dirty Lousers: Representing Abortionists in Postindependence Ireland." Journal of Social History 54, no. 1 (August 26, 2019): 286–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz065.

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Abstract This article investigates how the criminal courts and popular press depicted abortionists across key decades of political, economic, and cultural transformations in postindependence Ireland (1922–1950). It demonstrates how and why the legal system and the media highlighted those abortion-related crimes in which bad mothers, ambitious parvenus, and ethnic “others” subverted society, religion, motherhood, and, in Ireland’s case, national values. At stake in depictions of abortionists was not only morality and criminality but also Irishness itself. Courts and newspapers presented abortion defendants as “others” in terms of gender, sexuality, class, race, and religion. Doing so branded abortionists as dangerous outsiders in, and even traitors to, a fragile Irish nation still working to define itself.

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Arthur, Raymond. "Protecting the Best Interests of the Child: A Comparative Analysis of the Youth Justice Systems in Ireland, England and Scotland." International Journal of Children's Rights 18, no. 2 (2010): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181809x439392.

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AbstractIn the Republic of Ireland the government has proposed amending the Irish Constitution in order to improve children's rights. In this article I will argue that the proposed amendment represents a serious diminution in the rights historically afforded to young people who offend, disregards Ireland's commitments under international law and also ignores the well established link between child maltreatment and youth offending. The Irish approach echoes developments in the English youth justice system where the welfare concerns of young people who offend have become marginalised. I will compare the Irish and English approaches with the Scottish youth justice system which looks beyond young people's offending behaviour and provides a multi-disciplinary assessment of the young person's welfare needs. I will conclude that in Ireland, and in England, the best interest principle must be applied fully, without any distinction and integrated in all law relevant to children including laws regulating anti-social and offending behaviour.

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McGann, Michael, Mary P. Murphy, and Nuala Whelan. "Workfare redux? Pandemic unemployment, labour activation and the lessons of post-crisis welfare reform in Ireland." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 40, no. 9/10 (September 18, 2020): 963–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-07-2020-0343.

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PurposeThis paper addresses the labour market impacts of Covid-19, the necessity of active labour policy reform in response to this pandemic unemployment crisis and what trajectory this reform is likely to take as countries shift attention from emergency income supports to stimulating employment recovery.Design/methodology/approachThe study draws on Ireland’s experience, as an illustrative case. This is motivated by the scale of Covid-related unemployment in Ireland, which is partly a function of strict lockdown measures but also the policy choices made in relation to the architecture of income supports. Also, Ireland was one of the countries most impacted by the Great Recession leading it to introduce sweeping reforms of its active labour policy architecture.FindingsThe analysis shows that the Covid unemployment crisis has far exceeded that of the last financial and banking crisis in Ireland. Moreover, Covid has also exposed the fragility of Ireland's recovery from the Great Recession and the fault-lines of poor public services, which intensify precarity in the context of low-paid employment growth precipitated by workfare policies implemented since 2010. While these policies had some short-term success in reducing the numbers on the Live Register, many cohorts were left behind by the reforms and these employment gains have now been almost entirely eroded.Originality/valueThe lessons from Ireland's experience of post-crisis activation reform speak to the challenges countries now face in adapting their welfare systems to facilitate a post-Covid recovery, and the risks of returning to “workfare” as usual.

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Cusack, Alan. "Addressing vulnerability in Ireland’s criminal justice system: A survey of recent statutory developments." International Journal of Evidence & Proof 24, no. 3 (May 6, 2020): 280–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1365712720922753.

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For over a quarter of century Ireland’s statutory special measures framework, as originally enacted by the Criminal Evidence Act 1992, remained largely unchanged, falling beyond the reformative gaze of successive Irish governments. This period of political inertia, however, came to an abrupt end in 2017 when Irish policymakers, motivated by developments at a European Union level, introduced two landmark legislative instruments which promised to reimagine the availability and diversity of Ireland’s store of statutory testimonial accommodations, namely the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 2017 and the Criminal Justice (Victims of Crime) Act 2017. By interrogating these newly-commenced instruments in light of the experience of crime victims with intellectual disabilities, this paper surveys the current procedural landscape governing the treatment of vulnerable crime victims in Ireland and is intended to go some way towards exposing the embedded evidential barriers which continue to prejudice efforts aimed at securing their best evidence in court.

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McGuinness, Seamus, and Adele Bergin. "The political economy of a Northern Ireland border poll." Cambridge Journal of Economics 44, no. 4 (March 4, 2020): 781–812. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cje/beaa007.

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Abstract Given the increased prominence of a border poll in Ireland, particularly following the outcome of the Brexit referendum, this paper provides an initial assessment of some of the issues that are likely to become central in any debate on this issue. We examine the relative income and growth position of Northern Ireland within a UK and Irish regional framework over time. We further compare, and contrast, in detail aspects of the structure of both economies on the island of Ireland in the areas of educational attainment, trade orientation and the role of Foreign Direct Investment. The paper goes on to analyse other relevant issues, such as the relative strength and weaknesses of the healthcare systems and the factors determining the potential economic cost of Irish unification. The objective of the research is to initiate an evidence-based approach to the question of a border poll and to provide an initial indication of the breadth of detail and analysis required for any debate to proceed in a meaningful manner.

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Kuhling, Carmen, and Kieran Keohane. "Health, Social Inequality and Taxation: How Ireland's Schizmogenic Social Model Undermines the Well-Being of the European Body Politic." Irish Journal of Sociology 17, no. 2 (November 2009): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.17.2.3.

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Before the recent economic recession Ireland had become one of the most affluent societies in the world, and the so-called Irish social model of low taxes and low public services provision was seen as one to be emulated, particularly amongst the accession states to the EU. However, Ireland has also become one of the most unequal societies in the OECD, and one of the unhealthiest, measured by all of the standard morbidity and epidemiological indicators, and the social gradient of health corresponds closely with social inequality. Ireland's healthcare system, always relatively underdeveloped in comparison to most European countries, reflects social inequality; it is a two-tiered system wherein a minority with private health insurance enjoy access to good care and facilities, while the rest make do with an underdeveloped, under-resourced and overstretched public health system and subsidise the private services. The Irish social model is schizmogenic, generating and amplifying social inequalities. This is clearly visible in the domain of health, which has become a crucible of public de-legitimation and political foment. Ireland's problems are problems for the health and well-being of the European body politic, insofar as other members emulate the Irish model, cutting corporate taxes and reducing public services in a race to the bottom away from the Rhinish and Nordic social models.

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Breathnach, Proinnsias, Eoin O’Mahony, and Chris van Egeraat. "The changing map of subnational governance in the Republic of Ireland." Administration 69, no. 1 (February 1, 2021): 113–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/admin-2021-0009.

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Abstract The evolution of the territorial structure of Ireland’s system of local government during the period of colonial rule by England is outlined. The independence period saw little change in this structure until the abolition of municipal-level government in 2014, reflecting the very marginal role of devolved administration in Ireland’s political system. The creation and functioning of regional-level administrative systems, mainly related to the management of EU Structural Fund expenditure, are reviewed. Regional assemblies, established in 2015, have the role of preparing regional strategies under the 2018 National Planning Framework. Ongoing problems arising from a mismatch between subnational governance systems and underlying socio-spatial structures are discussed.

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Paris, Chris. "The Changing Housing System in Northern Ireland 1998–2007." Ethnopolitics 7, no. 1 (March 2008): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449050701847269.

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Wren, Maev-Ann, and Sheelah Connolly. "A European late starter: lessons from the history of reform in Irish health care." Health Economics, Policy and Law 14, no. 03 (December 26, 2017): 355–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744133117000275.

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AbstractThe Irish health care system is unusual within Europe in not providing universal, equitable access to either primary or acute hospital care. The majority of the population pays out-of-pocket fees to access primary health care. Due to long waits for public hospital care, many purchase private health insurance, which facilitates faster access to public and private hospital services. The system has been the subject of much criticism and repeated reform attempts. Proposals in 2011 to develop a universal health care system, funded by Universal Health Insurance, were abandoned in 2015 largely due to cost concerns. Despite this experience, there remains strong political support for developing a universal health care system. By applying an historical institutionalist approach, the paper develops an understanding of why Ireland has been a European outlier. The aim of the paper is to identify and discuss issues that may arise in introducing a universal healthcare system to Ireland informed by an understanding of previous unsuccessful reform proposals. Challenges in system design faced by a late-starter country like Ireland, including overcoming stakeholder resistance, achieving clarity in the definition of universality and avoiding barriers to access, may be shared by countries whose universal systems have been compromised in the period of austerity.

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Catterall, Peter. "The British Electoral System, 1885–1970." Historical Research 73, no. 181 (June 1, 2000): 156–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00101.

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Abstract At a time when the electoral system is coming under renewed scrutiny, this article examines the origins and creation of the present system in 1884-5, and its subsequent survival. This is the first such analysis to draw upon Public Record Office and party archives. Whilst showing that the political classes have been quite prepared to consider the merits of alternatives, particularly S.T.V., for Ireland or in colonial settings, they have usually been seen as less appropriate for Westminster. In exploring why that should be the case this article seeks to provide a new explanation for the longevity of the electoral arrangements of 1885.

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Walsh, Barbara. "Chain store retailing in Ireland: a case study of F.W. Woolworth & Co. Ltd, 1914-2008." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 6, no. 1 (February 11, 2014): 98–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-06-2013-0029.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to present a view of how a retail chain store and its marketing strategies impacted on shopping habits in twentieth century Ireland. Design/methodology/approach – Primary and secondary sources include company documents, oral history and press reports. Background social, political and economic factors are considered in conjunction with the methods this firm used to build customer-driven managed marketing systems and teams of good staff relationships. Findings – Woolworth's Irish stores responded to changing tastes and needs of consumers throughout Ireland. The Irish market required skilful techniques to overcome widening divisions within customer profiles to accommodate increasing north-south and urban-rural patterns. Welcomed by shoppers of all ages and genders, this firm's contribution to Ireland's retailing and wider commercial scene was innovative, popular, flexible and influential. Originality/value – The overview of this well-known retail chain store's experience in twentieth century Ireland can provide scholars with building blocks on which to expand knowledge and develop further understanding of a largely un-tapped field of research within the history of marketing in Ireland.

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Taggart, John. "‘I am not beholden to anyone… I consider myself to be an officer of the court’: A comparison of the intermediary role in England and Wales and Northern Ireland." International Journal of Evidence & Proof 25, no. 2 (April 2021): 141–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/13657127211002291.

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Intermediaries were first introduced by the Youth Justice and Criminal Evidence Act (1999) to facilitate communication between individuals with communication needs and the criminal justice system. Yet, despite increased academic attention into this new criminal justice actor, the content of the role remains unclear. Findings from 31 interviews with intermediaries in England and Wales and Northern Ireland as well as judges in Northern Ireland indicate that two distinct systems of intermediaries have emerged between the jurisdictions. The picture is complicated by an inequality in intermediary provision between witnesses and defendants. In England and Wales, the statutory intermediary scheme covers only witnesses whereas the ‘unitary’ system in Northern Ireland covers both witnesses and defendants. Drawing on the data collected, this article highlights key themes which underpin differences in intermediary practice and suggests that lessons can be learned in how we conceptualise the role and its work.

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McGraw, Sean. "Multi-dimensional Party Competition: Abortion Politics in Ireland." Government and Opposition 53, no. 4 (April 3, 2017): 682–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2017.7.

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While the questions of how parties seek to address (or not) pressing issues are critically important, scholars have generally paid little attention to where issues are addressed within the political system, and the consequences for party competition of that choice. The fact that issues can be addressed within several institutional (i.e. functional) domains and levels – general elections, parliament, referenda, courts, local government, etc. – implies that political parties may address an issue, and thereby interact with one another, in consequentially different ways depending on the institutional arena or level of government wherein they seek resolution. This article describes how Ireland’s parties addressed the electorally volatile issue of abortion via referendum campaigns. The article draws upon multiple sources of evidence to support its findings, including original data based on results from the author’s two parliamentary surveys following the 2007 and 2011 election campaigns.

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Hourihan, Kevin, and Donald Lyons. "Service Changes in a Central-Place System: County Tipperary, Ireland, 1966-19861." Rural Sociology 60, no. 2 (February 3, 2010): 244–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1549-0831.1995.tb00571.x.

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Cowell-Meyers, Kimberly B. "The Social Movement as Political Party: The Northern Ireland Women's Coalition and the Campaign for Inclusion." Perspectives on Politics 12, no. 1 (March 2014): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271300371x.

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For about 10 years beginning in the mid 1990s, Northern Ireland had its own women's political party. The Northern Ireland Women's Coalition (NIWC) was created by members of the women's movement to achieve “equitable and effective political participation” for women. Despite being small, marginal and short-lived, the party increased access for women in nearly all the other political parties in the system. I connect the scholarship on social movements with that on political parties by examining the impact a social movement can have through the venue of its own political party. I argue three main points. First, the success of the NIWC means political parties may be an under-employed tactic in the repertoires of contention used by social movements. Second, the way the movement had an effect as a party is under-theorized in the literature on social movements because it requires consideration of party-system variables such as competition and issue-space. Third, as an identity-based movement, the women's movement in NI construed its goal of access differently than social-movement literature typically does. This under-utilized and under-theorized tactic of movement qua party delivered gains with the potential for long-term influence over policy and cultural values. In short, the movement-party may be an effective mechanism for changing the patterns of democratic representation of marginalized groups.

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Rice, Charis, and Maureen Taylor. "‘What they say peters down’: How non-profit leaders assess the trustworthiness of government – Elite discourse and distrust in post-conflict Northern Ireland." Public Relations Inquiry 9, no. 3 (June 7, 2020): 237–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2046147x20920808.

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This article uses Northern Ireland as a research context to explore how elite discourse (from political and media actors/institutions) influences how Non-Profit Leaders (NPLs) assess the trustworthiness of government. We provide emergent themes which should aid theory development and practice in the area of political public relations by showing: (1) the value NPLs place on ‘soft’ trust qualities in trust assessments of government, namely benevolence; (2) the importance NPLs place on communicative acts which model trust (e.g. dialogue, compromise, mediation); and (3) the destructive role of divisive political elite discourse within a defective political system, amplified via the media, in NPLs’ distrust of government. The study thereby emphasises the crucial and constitutive role trust perceptions play in (in)effective political public relations, arguing that ‘trust’ must be defined by the perceiver and critically unpacked if public relations research is to fully appreciate its function. We propose that the nature of Northern Ireland’s post-conflict divided society, and political discourse in specific, makes certain trust antecedents most desirable to cross-community stakeholders. The findings contribute to further refining the concept of trust in public relations and they may also be instructive for other contexts.

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Roberts, Hugh. "Sound Stupidity: The British Party System and the Northern Ireland Question." Government and Opposition 22, no. 4 (October 1987): 315–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1987.tb00058.x.

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Murphy, Mary P. "Arguments for a post-pandemic Public Employment Eco System in Ireland." Administration 69, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 127–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/admin-2021-0017.

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Abstract The past was a different country, and the future will be different too. The Covid-19 pandemic has brought in its wake massive unemployment, shifting attention away from pre-pandemic labour market challenges. More labour market turbulence can be expected in the context of the fourth industrial revolution, digitalisation and automation, as well as climate-change-related transitions. In this context of such acute uncertainty, flexible, adaptable public employment institutions are a core requirement. Concerned with institution building, this paper explores how to maximise synergies in existing Public Employment Services (PES) while developing an ecosystem that can utilise all other available resources across public, private and not-for-profit national and local institutions. The political context for policy and institutional reform is a centralised, relatively small and open state which demonstrates some capacity to learn from previous crises and institutional reforms to tackle unemployment. The concept of a Strategic Action Field is used to deepen our understanding of the structure and agency dynamics underlying PES reform in the context of quasi-markets. A more systematic approach to institutional reform is needed that values a diversity of actors – this is visualised as a Public Employment Eco System (PEES) embedded in processes of network governance and collaborative innovation.

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Gilligan, Robbie. "The family foster care system in Ireland – Advances and challenges." Children and Youth Services Review 100 (May 2019): 221–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.childyouth.2019.02.008.

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Suiter. "A Modest Proposal: Building a Deliberative System in Northern Ireland." Irish Studies in International Affairs 32, no. 2 (2021): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2021.32b.23.

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Kinzer, Bruce L. "John Stuart Mill and the Catholic Question in 1825." Utilitas 5, no. 1 (May 1993): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0953820800005537.

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John Stuart Mill's connection with the Irish question spanned more than four decades and embraced a variety of elements. Of his writings on Ireland, the best known are his forty-three Morning Chronicle articles of 1846–47 composed in response to the Famine, the section of the Principles of Political Economy that treats the issue of cottier tenancy and the problem of Irish land, and, most conspicuous of all, his radical pamphlet England and Ireland, published in 1868. All of these writings take the land question as their paramount concern. The fairly absorbing interest in the subject disclosed by Mill during the second half of the 1840s arose from the fortuitous conjuncture of the disaster unfolding in Ireland and his engagement with the principles of political economy. Between 1848 and 1871 Mill's Principles went through seven editions (excluding the People's edition) and the substantive revisions he made in the section on Ireland from one edition to the next illumine both the essence and the accidentals of his bearing towards that country. Mill's cogent and controversial advocacy of fixity of tenure in England and Ireland constituted the heart of his answer to the Fenian challenge. The land question aside, Mill was drawn into the battle over the Irish university system in the 1860s largely through his friendship with John Elliot Cairnes, professor of jurisprudence and political economy at the Queen's College Galway. On this subject, however, Mill wrote almost nothing for publication. The longest single piece he ever drafted on Ireland was his first, an essay that predated the Morning Chronicle articles by two decades. In his own bibliography this essay is referred to as ‘An article on the Catholic Question which appeared in the Parliamentary Review for 1825’. Although the essay of 1825 could justly have borne the same title as the pamphlet of 1868, the particulars of course differ markedly. Ireland never ceased to pose a question during the course of the nineteenth century, but the dynamics shaping that question changed much between the mid-1820s and the late 1860s. Even so, the 1825 essay prefigures something of Mill's later involvement with the Irish question, and also invites examination as a quite remarkable piece of political journalism from the pen of a young man not yet twenty, who would subsequently establish himself as the most influential thinker of his generation.

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Foreman, Maeve, and Muireann Ní Raghallaigh. "Transitioning out of the asylum system in Ireland: Challenges and opportunities." Social Work and Social Sciences Review 21, no. 1 (March 21, 2020): 34–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1921/swssr.v21i1.1365.

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Abstract: Asylum seekers are often considered by researchers to be ‘hidden’ or ‘hard to reach’. Yet, issues that impact on them are relevant to social work and its social justice remit. This paper presents research conducted with former asylum seekers to explore their experience of transitioning from ‘Direct Provision’ accommodation into the wider community following the granting of international protection. Ireland’s strategy for integration effectively excludes asylum seekers. They have limited access to work or education and are deprived of supports provided to programme refugees. Using a community-based participatory research methodology, the study illuminates challenges encountered transitioning out of the asylum system and charts the benefits of utilising a collaborative approach to access participants, to facilitate their engagement and to ensure that the research had an impact. It suggests that a partnership approach to research with hidden populations can raise awareness and influence positive social change.

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Marsh, Michael. "Party identification in Ireland: An insecure anchor for a floating party system." Electoral Studies 25, no. 3 (September 2006): 489–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.electstud.2005.06.013.

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Dochartaigh, Niall Ó. "Beyond the dominant party system: the transformation of party politics in Northern Ireland." Irish Political Studies 36, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07907184.2021.1877897.

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Kenny, Seán, and John D. Turner. "Wildcat bankers or political failure? The Irish financial pantomime, 1797–1826." European Review of Economic History 24, no. 3 (December 8, 2019): 522–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ereh/hez010.

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Abstract Using a new biography of banks, we examine the stability of Irish banking from 1797 to 1826 by constructing a failure rate series. We find that the ultimate cause of the frequent and severe banking crises was the crisis-prone structure of the banking system, which was designed to benefit the political elite. There is little evidence to suggest that wildcat banking or the failure of the Bank of Ireland to act as a lender of last resort were to blame. We also find that the main economic effect of the episodic crises was major diminutions in the money supply.

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Anthony, Gordon. "The Uniqueness of Northern Ireland Public Law." Legal Information Management 12, no. 4 (December 2012): 262–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669612000606.

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AbstractThis article is broadly based upon a presentation given by Gordon Anthony, which was given at the annual conference of the British and Irish Association of Law Librarians on 15 June 2012 in Belfast. Its purpose is to outline some of the ways in which public law in Northern Ireland is unique within the wider setting of the UK. Although it is true that the law of Northern Ireland shares much in common with principle and practice elsewhere in the UK, there are some notable differences that are attributable to the fact that Northern Ireland has its own court system and legal and political history. The article thus examines some of the differences that exist at the constitutional level and which can be associated with, most famously, the Belfast Agreement 1998. It also summaries some of the differences that can be found at the level of legal citation, for instance of case law and statute law for the jurisdiction.

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Lecky, Katarzyna. "Wetnurse Politics in Spenser’s View and Jones’ Arte and Science." Explorations in Renaissance Culture 47, no. 1 (June 16, 2021): 56–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23526963-47010005.

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Abstract This essay places Edmund Spenser’s View of the Present State of Ireland (1596) into conversation with John Jones’ 1579 nursing manual Arte and Science in order to contextualize Spenser’s medical solution to Irish rebellion. For both, the Irish wetnurse, who controlled the political system of fosterage undermining England’s agenda in Ireland, is central to the corporate identity of a conjoined Anglo-Irish kingdom. A View’s relationship to Jones’ text reveals the vexed ontological landscape of England’s early imperial self-fashioning, which linked the re-engineering of the genetic nature of colonial bodies to the management of women’s reproductive labor.

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Furlong, John. "Needles and Haystacks: Legal Information Sources in Ireland." International Journal of Legal Information 29, no. 2 (2001): 435–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500009513.

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Ireland is a small common law jurisdiction with a devolved legal system. These two factors combine to present a number of significant problems with regard to legal information sources:• Devolution has promoted incremental and incidental change. There has been little systemic review and the law is a complex mix of amendment, addition and judicial review.• Much of our legislation is reactive to social or political requirements.• Until recently, sources of law have not been prioritized as an important national resource requiring investment in terms of review and access.• Consolidation is infrequent and ineffective. Codification has only recently been considered.• Current sources of modern Irish law have been substantially shaped by major historical events of the last three centuries. Today's Irish legal system and sources of contemporary law owe a lot to the pragmatic adoption and adaptation of the Westminster model and the English common law as it stood in the early twentieth century.

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Serzhanova, Viktoria, and Adrianna Kimla. "Potencjalny wpływ brexitu na ustrój terytorialny i integralność Zjednoczonego Królestwa Wielkiej Brytanii i Irlandii Północnej." Przegląd Sejmowy 6(161) (2020): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2020.83.

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Withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union is undoubtedly an unprecedented event in the history of the EU. This process encounters many difficulties and reveals an increasing number of problems that contemporary Europe is facing and affects European integration. Even more complications in this area arise as a result of the deadlock in the internal dimension, and in the UK’s relations with the EU. It goes without saying, that this process will result in the need to create a completely new order in the UK’s relations with the EU and will have a huge impact on the global order. The whole process is multidimensional, hence the consequences of leaving the EU by the United Kingdom may have many effects for the UK not only in political and economic sense, but also in the field of its constitutional law and political system, including the area of the state’s territorial arrangement. The purpose of this study is to provide a legal analysis of Brexit’s potential consequences for the territorial system and threats to the territorial integrity of the United Kingdom itself, in particular for the status of its constituent parts and further relations between England and Wales, Scotland, Northern Ireland and Ireland. The risk of the split and disintegration of the United Kingdom as a result of Brexit cannot be overlooked.

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Brown, Kevin J., and Faith Gordon. "Older victims of crime: Vulnerability, resilience and access to procedural justice." International Review of Victimology 25, no. 2 (August 16, 2018): 201–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269758018791426.

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This article provides the first comprehensive examination of the phenomenon of unequal access to procedural justice for older victims of crime. It analyses quantitative and qualitative data exploring the interactions of older people with the criminal justice system of Northern Ireland. It identifies that older victims of crime are less likely to have a successful crime outcome (known as ‘detection’ or ‘clear-up’ in other jurisdictions) to their case when compared to other adults. The results provide evidence of a system failing to adequately take into account additional vulnerabilities that disproportionately impact on older victims’ ability to engage with the justice process. There is an analysis of the relationships between vulnerability, resilience and access to justice. The current conceptual understanding of vulnerability as applied to older people within the justice system is challenged. The findings are relevant for researchers and policy-makers in the United Kingdom, Ireland and further afield concerned with the treatment of older and vulnerable victims by the justice system.

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O'Leary, Brendan. "The implications for political accommodation in northern Ireland of reforming the electoral system for the Westminster parliament1." Representation 35, no. 2-3 (June 1998): 106–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899808523027.

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Morgan, Hiram. "The end of Gaelic Ulster: a thematic interpretation of events between 1534 and 1610." Irish Historical Studies 26, no. 101 (May 1988): 8–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400009421.

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The period between the Kildare rebellion and the plantation of Ulster marks the final phase of a distinct political system. During these years the English administration in Ireland made strenuous efforts to reform Gaelic society. This paper aims to show that indigenous society was not inevitably doomed to submit before a superior Renaissance state. Indeed it proved flexible in responding to the challenge and was itself in the process of ‘modernisation’. This process was most marked in Ulster which was the strongest Gaelic region and the crown’s most intractable problem. The northern province was differentiated from the other Gaelic regions of Ireland by its political and physical geography. Ulster was an homogeneous cultural zone and contained the powerful polities of Tyrone, ruled by the O’Neills, and Tirconnell, ruled by the O’Donnells. Guarding the southern approaches of the province was a barrier of rough terrain interrupted by lakes and passes.

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O'Leary, Brendan. "The Limits to Coercive Consociationalism in Northern Ireland." Political Studies 37, no. 4 (December 1989): 562–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1989.tb00289.x.

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The merits of consociation as a means of solving the Northern Ireland conflict are presented through contrasting it with other ways of stabilizing highly divided political systems. Why voluntary consociation has been unsuccessful in Northern Ireland and unfortunately is likely to remain so is explained. The signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement (AIA) must be understood against the background of the failure of previous consociational experiments. The AIA partly represented a shift in British strategy from voluntary to coercive consociationalism. The prospects for this coercive consociational strategy and variants on it are evaluated. Irish history is something Irishmen should never remember, and Englishmen should never forget.

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CORRIGAN, OWEN. "Migrants, Welfare Systems and Social Citizenship in Ireland and Britain: Users or Abusers?" Journal of Social Policy 39, no. 3 (November 26, 2009): 415–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047279409990468.

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AbstractPublic discourse on migrant interactions with state welfare systems has often assumed exploitative motivations on the part of migrants, with charges of welfare tourism a recurring theme among segments of the political spectrum. Academic research has also tended to characterise migrant welfare utilisation in simple dichotomous terms where migrants are either ‘welfare dependent’ or not. This article argues for the analytic utility of disaggregating the concept of welfare utilisation into distinct component parts, denoting usage, participation and dependency with regard to state-provided cash welfare benefits. Using EU survey data, these distinct components of welfare utilisation among migrants are assessed in comparative cross-national context, comparing welfare and labour market outcomes for similar cohorts of migrants faced with dissimilar incentive structures. The results have direct implications for policy-makers, and for migrant experiences of social citizenship, in so far as they show little support for the moral hazard view of migrant interactions with welfare systems. Migrants in Ireland's relatively more generous welfare system are seen to have no greater likelihood of welfare dependency, and in fact show a lower usage of welfare (as a proportion of total income) than similar migrants in Britain, controlling for characteristics. Intriguingly, however, the likelihood of forming a partial labour market attachment is seen to respond to increasing levels of welfare usage in Ireland, but not in Britain, suggesting that migrants may be taking an active role in how they define their position in the work-welfare nexus in response to welfare system incentives.

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McGarry, John, and Brendan O'Leary. "Consociational Theory, Northern Ireland's Conflict, and its Agreement 2.-What Critics of Consociation Can Learn from Northern Ireland." Government and Opposition 41, no. 2 (2006): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2006.00178.x.

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AbstractIn the second of two articles the authors show what integrationist critics of consociational theory can learn from the case of Northern Ireland, namely, that consociation may be more realistic than integration, that a ‘grand coalition’ may have more virtue than the ‘minimum-winning’ variety, that consociations can be both liberal and democratic, and that PR-STV has considerable advantages over integrationists’ preferred electoral system, the Alternative Vote.

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Bell, John, Ian Somerville, and Owen Hargie. "The structuration of a sporting social system? Northern Ireland fans, Football for All and the creation of the Green and White Army." International Review for the Sociology of Sport 55, no. 7 (July 17, 2019): 975–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1012690219862917.

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In terms of the extant literature to date on sport and fandom in the divided society of Northern Ireland, academic attention has focused almost exclusively on its apparently contentious nature. However, until now, there has been a dearth of actual empirical data to inform such analyses. This article is designed to help rectify this deficit by drawing upon interviews with Northern Ireland football supporters and Irish Football Association staff to explore their co-creation of the Football for All campaign, which aimed to challenge sectarian fan behaviour within the national stadium. This resulted in the previously variegated Northern Ireland fan base becoming the Green and White Army, an informal collective identity for supporters. In continually (re)producing the Green and White Army as a ‘social system’, it is argued that fans are knowledgeable actors who continually draw upon what Giddens refers to as practical and discursive consciousness. Informed by Giddens’ structuration theory, the article argues that in relation to the current policies of the Union of European Football Associations and the Fédération Internationale de Football Association to close stadiums in the event of ‘discriminatory’ fan behaviour, priority should instead be given to supporting fan activism to effectively challenge such behaviour at matches; particularly given the potential for social control over supporters in a situated geographical space.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political system of Ireland'

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