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Goldsmith, Lorna Colberg. "Comparative dimensions of social housing in Arhus and Newcastle, 1890s-1979 : the problem of the political culture of two social housing systems." Thesis, Northumbria University, 2007. http://nrl.northumbria.ac.uk/1695/.
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Denmark, being a much smaller country than Britain, has, in absolute terms, a smaller housing problem. Nevertheless, there are surely lessons to be learned from the highly successful system which the Danish people and Government have worked out for themselves. A housing society, or some equivalent organization, provided for each separate region or sub-region in Great Britain might offer a solution to the difficult [sic.] that design for our working-class housing is under the controls of councils of very varying degrees of technical knowledge, which then have to be prodded and supervised to some extent by various Government departments. The housing society seems an admirable compromise, provided that it can be kept on the completely non-profit making basis that is successfully secured in Denmark. Ian Bowen, Housing Policy in Denmark, The Architects' Journal, August 4, 1949, p.133 A generation of competent technicians and fearless, idealistic politicians [in Britain] have been able to make a contribution which will persist as a good example of the capabilities of the present and as an incomparable field of study for others who are working in planning. Aage Jedich, Report from Holme-Tranbjerg Council Committee's visit to England, 12.07.19631 A comparison of the housing provided by two cities within separate nation states may encourage a mutually admiring gaze from each position. Comparisons have provided a tool in learning about new housing practices, understanding one's own position from a different vantage point and throwing light on areas that may have remained unquestioned until a visit abroad revealed different approaches to a similar problem. As the quotes above suggest, professional groups involved in the provision of housing and urban planning in post-war Denmark and Britain held each other's national strategies in high regard as they contemplated their local problems of creating spaces for effective urban communities. It will become clear for the cities studied in this thesis that local councillors, public officials and social housing providers at times sought to explore the wider areas of learning that practices abroad could offer. Yet the main approach adopted in this thesis is the comparative historical approach: the thesis studies the origins and history of social housing systems in Arhus, Denmark, and Newcastle, Britain. The comparison creates contrasts and similarities between the two cities through an urban social history approach. The key theme explored in the work is the notions of local democratic culture arising within the social housing systems of the two cities covering most of the twentieth century, but with an emphasis on the period 1945-1979. The introduction will discuss themes running through the work and will consider how the structure of the thesis allows for the comparison to illuminate aspects of the local political culture of the two cities that was directly affected by and affected in turn the local provision of social housing. Like most Western European cities in the twentieth century Arhus and Newcastle faced the problems of providing adequate housing for large groups of working people as the cities grew or older housing types became outdated. The study examines the options and strategies that were explored and adopted by the housing authorities in the two cities to recover from slumps in housing provision. It is clear that each city approached housing provision through different groups of facilitators: in Arhus, as in Denmark in general, the housing association was the primary generator of social housing, while Newcastle followed the British pattern — providing social housing through the municipality. Thus the agency of provision was different in the two cases from the outset. How the mediating influence of housing associations between the Arhusian Council and residents in social housing contrasted with the direct provision of council housing in Newcastle is a key issue for the the...
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Weaver, Suzanne M. (Suzanne Markette). "Hans Haacke: an investigation of four site-specific works that incorporate painting as a means of revealing interrelated cultural, economic, and political systems in society, 1982-1984." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1992. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc798463/.
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Four site-specific works produced between 1982 and 1984 in which Hans Haacke utilized the traditional medium of oil on canvas were examined in conjunction with an overview of the underlying and interrelated principles and concepts that have guided his approach to art from 1958-1988.
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Gahre, Connor J. "SELLING AUTHORITARIANISM: SINGAPORE AND CHINA’S BRANDING PROCESSES." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1561577957887846.
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Luecke, Tim. "GENERATIONS IN WORLD POLITICS: CYCLES IN U.S. FOREIGN POLICY, THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE “WEST,” AND INTERNATIONAL SYSTEMS CHANGE 1900-2008." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1367505113.
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Potschka, Christian. "Towards a market in broadcasting : a comparative analysis of British and German communications policy." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2010. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/6324.
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Political structures and the evolution of late capitalism in liberal Western democracies lend a common frame to the development of national media systems. However, whereas media policy from the post-war period to the mid-1980s was largely driven by socio-political concerns and coextensive with policy for public service television, this model has been vehemently challenged. Key factors were the convergence of erstwhile-separated industries and infrastructures, as well as the ambitions of the corporate sector and governments alike, to benefit from the economic opportunities offered by the communications revolution. By assessing the changing relationship between the role of the state, economic structures and technological innovation, this research investigates these processes in the UK and Germany. Both countries have the two key public service systems but also feature striking differences such as the antithetic political systems and democratic processes (majoritarian vs. consensus democracy). The basic assumption suggests that a genuine understanding of contemporary developments is only possible if political/economic as well as historic/sociological perspectives are incorporated into the holistic approach applied. Thereby this study gives consideration to key processes and events which have determined transitions between communications policy paradigms and regulatory regimes. Given the Anglo-Saxon tradition of regulating, key processes and events in the UK are often indicated by the appointment and report of a committee of enquiry. For the purpose of this study the most crucial of these is the Committee on Financing the BBC (1986), which first applied market-driven politics onto British broadcasting, and whose recommendations still serve as a blueprint for current communications policy-making. In Germany the KtK Report (1974) formed the basis for decisive reforms in broadcasting and communications. Apart from that, however, Germany features the characteristic of administering state interventions in as detailed a manner as possible through legislation. Of central importance are, therefore, the rulings of the Federal Constitutional Court, which continuously set decisive parameters for the development of the broadcasting system. The thesis follows two driving themes which have been identified as crucial in terms of the comparative dimension and are elaborated continuously in more detail. First, the focus is on the interdependencies between public and private sector. Second, implications and responses of the central vis-à-vis federal characteristic of state formation are investigated. In doing so, the thesis draws on vast sources of archival documents as well as exclusive material from a series of elite interviews with a purposively-selected sample of very high-level sources, including Chairmen, Director-Generals, ministers, very senior civil servants and so on. The thesis demonstrates how communications policy-making is carried out in both countries and how these processes are determined by national regulatory frameworks which are rooted within the borders of the nation state. As such the research findings have broader implications for commercial and public sector regulation.
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Rojas, Jorge. "El Mercantilismo. Teoría, política e historia." Economía, 2012. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/118024.
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Mercantilism was a very complex phenomenom and, as such, can be examined from different angles. To begin with, it is the first important chapter of the history of economic thought. Second, it can be studied —or criticized— by the theory of international trade, that usually opposes its own free trade philosophy to the mercantilist doctrines. And third, the mercantilist policies of the European powers —both colonial and noncolonial—, from the XVI to the XVIII century, constitute an important topic of the world economichistory. Nevertheless, despite its complexity, mercantilist thought is usually presented ina very simple, almost naive, way: as a school that mistook precious metals for richness; that made the accumulation of those metals an end by itself, justifying with this purpose negative policies of protectionism and of intervention of the state in the economy. Here we will try to present mercantilism from its different angles, underlining its complexity,and emphasizing an aspect that it is not usually emphasized: the commercial colonial policies of the European powers from the XVI to the XVIII centuries. Finally, we make some questions on mercantilism, questions that we think have yet to be answered.El mercantilismo fue un fenómeno muy complejo y puede ser estudiado desde diversos ángulos. En primer lugar, constituye el primer capítulo de importancia de la historia del pensamiento económico. En segundo lugar, puede ser estudiado —o criticado— por la teoría del comercio internacional, la cual suele contraponer su propia filosofía librecambista a las doctrinas mercantilistas. En tercer lugar, las políticas mercantilistas de las potencias europeas —tanto coloniales como no coloniales—, desde el siglo XVI hasta el siglo XVIII, constituyen un tópico importante de la historia económica mundial.A pesar de su complejidad, el mercantilismo suele ser presentado de una manera muy simple, casi simplona: como autores que confundieron riqueza con metales preciosos, que convirtieron la acumulación de estos en un fin en sí mismo, para lo cual justificaronperniciosas políticas proteccionistas y de intervención del Estado en la economía.Tratamos acá de presentar al mercantilismo desde sus diferentes ángulos, enfatizando su complejidad, y resaltando un aspecto del mercantilismo que casi siempre se pasa por alto: las políticas comerciales coloniales de las potencias europeas entre los siglosXVI y XVIII. Finalmente, planteamos algunas preguntas sobre el mercantilismo que pensamos están aún pendientes de ser contestadas.
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Macedo, Gustavo de Conti. "Sistemas energeticos na historia e a construção de paradigmas na economia politica." [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/263204.
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Orientador: Sinclair Mallet-Guy GuerraDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Engenharia Mecanica
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T09:00:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Macedo_GustavodeConti_M.pdf: 1565469 bytes, checksum: 58228056c109197eafabf5d39f37ed23 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006
Resumo: Em que medida os sistemas energéticos de cada período histórico repercutem na elaboração das teorias econômicas? Esta é a pergunta que se tenta responder neste trabalho. A resposta é interessante. A atividade de produção de energia torna-se muito importante a partir da Revolução Industrial européia, pois desde então uma falha na oferta de insumos energéticos colapsaria toda a produção de bens de consumo levando ao caos e à morte centenas de milhares de pessoas. Os autores econômicos, por sua vez, na edificação de suas obras, são certamente influenciados por questões a eles contemporâneas, e os problemas no campo da energia são uma categoria que tem direcionado sistematicamente, em várias medidas, os argumentos teóricos do funcionamento das relações econômicas entre os agentes. A relação dialética entre tecnologia, energia e ciência é vista aqui segundo os principais eventos histórico-científicos desde o século XVI até o final do século XX, do carro de boi às células fotovoltaicas
Abstract: In which measure the power systems from each period of history affect the economic theory building? Answer this question is the meaning of this work. The answer is interesting. The activity of power production became very important since the European Industrial Revolution. Since then, a gap in the power supply would collapse the production of all goods, bringing chaos and death to society. Contemporaneous energy issues, on the other hand, have influenced scientists and economic writers (and their theories about how people are economically related with themselves) in many ways. The dialect relationship among technology, power and science is seen here following the main historical-scientific events, since the XVI century till now, from water wheels to photovoltaic cells. Key Words Political economic paradigms, power systems, energy, history of science, history of economic thought
Mestrado
Planejamento de Sistemas Energeticos
Mestre em Engenharia Mecânica
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Miller, Marian RC. "Building Bridges to Transcend Borders: Radical Transnational Feminist Praxis in Response to US Systems of Incarceration and Violence." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/257.
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This thesis explores the structures of white supremacist capitalist patriarchy as embodied in US systems of oppression and violence both within the United States and in El Salvador. As the United States illegally funded and trained the Salvadoran military during its 1978-1992 civil war, it simultaneously transformed the domestic prison system into one of mass incarceration, torture, and social death. In examining both policies, their roots in violence, racial capitalism, and gendered oppression emerge. Furthermore, by focusing the examination within a gendered lens, the potential of such methods of resistance such as radical transnational feminist praxis come to the forefront as today’s most integrated method of tearing down such pernicious systems of violence. As this thesis connects the dots between seemingly disparate structures of exclusion and incapacitation, the global levels of both infrastructural violence and feminist resistance surface.
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Zigante, Valentina. "Consumer choice, competition and privatisation in European health and long-term care systems : subjective well-being effects and equity implications." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2013. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/850/.
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Consumer choice has become a key reform trend in the provision of public services in Western European welfare states. Research on the welfare effects of choice reforms – including greater provider choice for the individual and competition between providers – has largely focused on economic evaluations of the extrinsic (outcome) effects of choice, thereby leaving its intrinsic, or procedural, value unexplored. The overarching objective of this thesis is to investigate the welfare effects of choice in the provision of health and long-term care (LTC) and their implications for equity. The thesis utilises the subjective well-being approach – incorporating both procedural and outcome utility from choice – to measure welfare effects based on quantitative analysis of survey data. Welfare effects and equity implications are examined in relation to: competition in health care in the English National Health System (NHS); choice of care package in the German long-term care system; and individual preferences and views of choice as a priority in the provision of health care in three NHS countries. The thesis argues that both service characteristics – extent of competition, information availability, technical complexity – and individual capabilities – ability to process information, capacity to manage transaction costs, availability of private support – influence the benefits that individuals derive from choice. Results suggest that choice policies have an overall positive welfare effect in both health and long-term care. However, while direct evidence of outcome improvements is found, the empirical analysis only finds indirect evidence of procedural utility. Middle class characteristics, primarily income and education, are found to have a positive influence on the benefits of choice, amounting to evidence of inequitable facets of choice policies. The middle class further exhibits preferences for choice over and above other characteristics of health care systems. Overall, this thesis advocates a holistic approach to the analysis of choice, incorporating its procedural value and paying particular attention to the equity implications of the choice situation, information processing and differences in available options as well as preferences for choice.
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Brosius, Logan Robert Thomas. "On the Rise of China, The Reconfiguration of Global Power, and the Collapse of the Modern Liberal Order." Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1453337681.
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der, Weduwen Arthur. "Selling the republican ideal : state communication in the Dutch Golden Age." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/16612.
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This study seeks to describe the public communication practices of the authorities in the Dutch Golden Age. It is a study of 'state communication': the manner in which the authorities sought to inform their citizens, publicise their laws, and engage publicly in quarrels with their political opponents. These communication strategies underpinned the political stability of the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic. Concerned about their decorous appearance, the regents who ruled the country always understated the extent to which they relied on the consent of their citizens. The regents shared a republican ideal which dismissed the agency of popular consent; but this was an ideal, like so many ideals in the Dutch Republic, which existed in art and literature, but was not practised in daily life. The practicalities of governance demanded that the regents of the Dutch Republic adopt a sophisticated system of communication. The authorities employed town criers and bailiffs to speed through town and country to repeat proclamations; they instructed ministers to proclaim official prayer days at church; and they ensured that everywhere, on walls, doors, pillars and public boards, one could find the texts of ordinances, notices and announcements issued by the authorities. In the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic, politics was not the prerogative of the few. That this was due to the determined efforts of the authorities has never been appreciated. Far from withholding political information, the regents were finely attuned to the benefit of involving their citizens in the affairs of state. The Dutch public was exposed to a wealth of political literature, much of it published by the state. The widespread availability of government publications also exposed the law to prying, critical eyes; and it paved the way to make the state, and the bewildering wealth of legislation it communicated, more accountable.
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Hanna, Ninos. "Founding of the Federal Reserve System: A Political History." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:104882.
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Thesis advisor: Marc LandyThesis advisor: Gerald Easter
The Federal Reserve System has been the focus of significant scrutiny, but stakeholders educated as to its history and functions are aware that it serves as a crucial resource for preserving national (and by extension global) economic stability. This paper consists of a historical overview of the Federal Reserve and the many controversies, which have led to adjustments that improved the system and kept it effective throughout changing times. With discussion of its constitutional foundations, the establishment of the central bank of the United States, pertinent legislation, and political controversies, the Federal Reserve will be explained in a comprehensive way that can lead to accurate appreciation for the nature of the System, as it exists today – with greater transparency and importance than ever before
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Siebrits, Andre. "The role of great power war in the rise of Hegemons : a study of Dutch Hegemonic ascent in the modern world-system." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/2787.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores the claim that Great Power Wars are a necessary condition for successful hegemonic ascent in the modern world-system, primarily from the standpoint of World- Systems Analysis. This study advances the conception of hegemony primarily in economic and state terms, and it was investigated, by way of a historical case study, how the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648) impacted the economic domains of agro-industrial production, commerce, and finance of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, and its main rival for systemic leadership, Hapsburg Spain. The variables utilised in the study were Great Power War, and the ‘material base’ of the state involved (both independent), the three abovementioned economic domains (intervening), and hegemony or defeat (dependent). The case study was primarily descriptive and explanatory, with the use of process-tracing in its compilation, and a method of within-case structured, focused comparison was utilised with the aim of tentatively producing standardised, generalised knowledge concerning the wider link between Great Power War and hegemony beyond the Dutch case. The findings of the study, although derived from only one historical case of hegemonic ascent in the modern world-system, strongly support the argument that Great Power War is necessary to secure the hegemony of the leading insular core state, which is physically removed from the fighting during the conflict, since the full mobilisation of its economy is effected, while the economies of most other core states are impaired, especially the main continental rival for hegemony. However, the ascending hegemon must also possess the requisite favourable ‘material base’. Further research on this topic is called for, given the potential destructiveness of a future Great Power War, and its role in establishing hegemony in the modern world-system.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die bewering dat Groot Moontheid Oorloë ‘n noodsaaklike vereiste is vir suksesvolle hegemoniese bestyging in die moderne wêreld-sisteem, hoofsaaklik vanaf die standpunt van Wêreld-Sisteem Analise. Hierdie studie bevorder die konsepsie van hegemonie hoofsaaklik in ekonomiese en staat terme, en dit het ondersoek, deur middel van ‘n historiese gevallestudie, hoe die Dertig Jaar Oorlog (1618-1648) ingewerk het op die ekonomiese arenas van agri-industriële produksie, handel, and finansies van die Verenigde Provinsies van Nederland, en hul mededinger vir sistemiese leierskap, Spanje. Die veranderlikes wat in die studie ingespan was, was Groot Moontheid Oorlog, en die ‘materiële basis’ van die state in kwessie (onafhanlik), die drie bogenoemde ekonomiese arenas (albei tussenkomend), en hegemonie of nederlaag (afhanklik). Die gevallestudie was hoofsaaklik beskrywend en verduidelikend, en proses-nasporing (oftewel ‘process-tracing’) is in die samestelling daarvan benut, en ‘n metode van gestruktureerde, gefokusde vergelyking (oftewel ‘structured, focused comparison’) is gebruik binne die gevallestudie met die doel om tentatiewe gestandardiseerde en veralgemeende kennis te genereer wat bydra tot die verduideliking van die wyer skakel tussen Groot Moontheid Oorlog en hegemonie buite die geval van die Verenigde Provinsies. Die bevindinge van die studie, hoewel gegenereer aan die hand van slegs een historiese geval van hegemoniese bestyging in the moderne wêreld-sisteem, het sterk steun verleen aan die argument dat Groot Moontheid Oorloë nodig is om die hegemonie van die vernaamste insulêre kern staat te bewerkstellig, wat fisies verwyderd van die gevegte is tydends die oorlog, aangesien die volle mobilisasie van die ekonomie van hierdie staat bewerkstellig word, terwyl die ekonomieë van die meerderheid van die ander kernstate benadeel word, veral die vernaamste kontinentale mededinger om hegemonie. Die opkomende hegemoon moet egter ook oor die vereiste gunstige ‘materiële basis’ beskik. Verdere navorsing in hierdie veld word benodig, gegewe die waarskynlike vernietiging wat gesaai kan word deur ‘n toekomstige Groot Moontheid Oorlog, en die rol daarvan in die daarstelling van hegemonie in die moderne wêreld-sisteem.
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Frye, Saylor. "The Unrepresentative Nature of the Electoral College." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1623847201581298.
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Walker, Gareth. "An uncooperative community : revisiting water privatisation and commoditisation in England and Wales." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:97e3c382-5475-4926-903f-0df327ebf720.
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Since its inception in 1989, the private water sector of England and Wales has been enlisted as a centrepiece in debates concerning the merits of privatisation. Advocates point to increased environmental performance and increased investment. Critics note a significant retraction of the early free market aspirations and increasingly prescriptive regulation. However, market mechanisms and liberalisation are once again being emphasised in policy, reigniting the debate surrounding the commoditisation of water. This thesis engages directly and critically with Karen Bakker's 'Uncooperative Commodity' approach to the 'reregulation' of the industry, arguing its tenants must be adapted to accommodate these recent developments. While Bakker's earlier accounts of the reregulation of the water industry placed a great emphasis on the geography and biophysical properties of water, later work by both her and her contemporaries have developed more refined and socialised models of how water and society interact to produce temporary regularities in the material world. This thesis argues that an appropriate means of developing Bakker's original thesis would be a greater focus on socio-historical context when exploring the materiality of water, and hence the degree to which water may be transformed into a private commodity. Bob Jessop's Strategic Relational Approach (Jessop 2008) is deployed as a means of describing and relating: (1) the degree to which research can identify underlying mechanisms which govern the outcomes of attempts to commoditise water under capitalist modes of production, (2) the role of the state and politics in flanking or supporting the commoditisation of water and (3) the role of existing discursive-institutional structures in introducing path-dependencies and uneven power geometries which in turn effect the outcomes of collective action towards the commoditisation of water. The thesis documents historical developments in English and Welsh resource planning, regulation, and policy from 1945 to 2012 in order to explain the current structure of the industry, its response to water scarcity, and the origins of the current reform programme. It then focuses on the conflicts and tensions between actors in the industry generated by the current reform programme and their role in affecting the degree of success of the programme itself.
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Sanati, Reza. "OPEC and the International System: A Political History of Decisions and Behavior." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1149.
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The conventional understanding behind how the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) has formulated its decisions and subsequently behaved in the international system has consistently centered on the role of market forces. Either proactively or reactively, it has been assumed that OPEC’s actions were merely engaging and responding to the supply and demand dynamics in the global economy. Though space was always given to the political considerations of certain OPEC Member States, and how that impacts the behavior of the Organization, inquiry into OPEC decision-making and behavior has generally centered on economic considerations, with politics playing an intermittent supporting role.
This work challenges the assumptions behind the conventional narrative of OPEC’s behavior in the international system. By utilizing a historically-based process tracing method, relying heavily on archival data from OPEC’s headquarters and declassified American national security documents from the late 1940s to the present, a more sophisticated model of decision-making and behavior is developed. Accordingly, OPEC’s decisions and behavior are more accurately a product of four inter-related determinants: the role of market forces, the influence of outside actors (usually great powers) upon the Organization, interstate relations and politics among Member States, and the pressure of the internal state dynamics within OPEC Member States. It is at the intersection of these four variables where OPEC’s behavior is more readily understood. Thus, with a sophisticated understanding of the interplay of these determinants, OPEC’s decision-making process and behavior can be more accurately understood and possibly forecasted to a limited degree.
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Meyer, Anthony Lee Isaac. "Determining the Significance of Alliance Pathologies in BipolarSystems: A Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1464219367.
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Rosenfeld, Sam Hoffmann. "A Choice, Not an Echo: Polarization and the Transformation of the American Party System." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11666.
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This dissertation offers an intellectual and institutional history of party polarization and ideological realignment in the postwar United States. It treats the construction of an ideologically sorted party system as a political project carried out by conscious actors within and around the Democratic and Republican parties. The work of these activists, interest groups, and political elites helped to produce, by the last decades of the twentieth century, an unpredicted and still-continuing era of strong, polarized partisanship in American politics. In tracking their work, the dissertation also account for changing ideas about the party system over time, starting with an influential postwar scholarly doctrine that cast bipartisanship as a problem for which polarization would provide the solution.History
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Chibois, Jonathan. "« L’Assemblée du 21e siècle ». Anthropologie et histoire des infrastructures de communication d’une institution politique d’État." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019EHES0083.
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Cette thèse pose la question de la transformation d'une institution politique d'État, l'Assemblée nationale française, du fait de l’apparition des technologies de communication électriques et numériques depuis la fin du XIXe siècle. Elle prend pour hypothèse que l’évolution des moyens de communiquer pourrait avoir engendré une évolution des modalités d’existence des États modernes. Elle s’inscrit en cela dans une anthropologie politique et technique dont le projet est de décrire le changement de l’ordre social.Afin de vérifier cette assertion, une enquête ethnographique a été entreprise au Palais Bourbon à Paris, avec pour objet d’étudier l’infrastructure parlementaire. Un travail aux archives de l’administration de l’Assemblée a été menée en parallèle, afin de conférer une profondeur historique aux observations réalisées in situ. Dans une telle approche, les élus de l’Assemblée ne sont pas considérés comme les seuls protagonistes du monde parlementaire, mais seulement comme une catégorie spécifique d’individus qui le constitue. Ce travail s’intéresse en effet à l'ensemble des réseaux de coopérations qui permettent au pouvoir législatif de concrétiser l’idéal d’une souveraineté nationale.Du fait de la spécificité du corpus de données, cinq études de cas ont été réalisées, qui sont autant de chapitres de ce manuscrit. Le premier s’attache à dépeindre la fragmentation de l’espace parlementaire que permettent les technologies de contrôle d’accès. Le second détaille la manière dont les outils de travail collaboratif permettent d’envisager autrement l’activité de représentation parlementaire. Le troisième présente la réorganisation de l’administration parlementaire à la suite de la création du service des systèmes d’information. Le quatrième s’attarde sur les enjeux médiatiques qui s’articulent aujourd’hui autour de la machine de vote électronique de l’hémicycle. Le cinquième expose la stratégie médiatique déployée par l’Assemblée pour lutter contre l’antiparlementarisme.Finalement, s’il est clair que l’Assemblée d’aujourd’hui ne ressemble plus à l’Assemblée d’autrefois, il est tout aussi net que l’ensemble des évolutions de son infrastructure de communication a eu pour visée de préserver un certain nombre de principes considérés comme fondateurs de l’ordre parlementaire. De ce point de vue, l’Assemblée s’est tout autant transformée qu’elle est restée immuable, ce qui invite à interroger l'idée même du changement de l'ordre social. De la sorte, cette thèse entend proposer aussi bien des éléments de contribution à la réflexion sur les enjeux de la « révolution numérique », que sur ceux du devenir de la démocratie représentative dans le cadre de l'État-nationThis thesis raises the question of the transformation of a state political institution, the French National Assembly, due to the emergence of electrical and digital communication technologies from the end of the 19th century. It suggests that the evolution of the means of communication may have led to the evolution in the way of life of modern States. In this respect, it is part of a political and technical anthropology whose purpose is to describe the change in the social order.In order to verify this proposition, an ethnographic survey was undertaken at the Palais Bourbon in Paris, with the aim of studying parliamentary infrastructure. Work in the archives of the Assembly's administration was carried out in parallel, in order to give historical depth to the observations made in situ. In such an approach, the elected representatives of the Assembly are not considered as the only protagonists of the parliamentary world, but simply a specific category of individuals who constitute it. This task focuses on all the networks of cooperation that enable the legislative power to give concrete expression to the ideal of national sovereignty.Due to the specificity of the data set, five case studies have been carried out, which correspond to chapters of this manuscript. The first depicts the fragmentation of parliamentary space that access control technologies allow. The second chapter details how collaborative work tools can be used to rethink the activity of parliamentary representation. The third presents the reorganization of the parliamentary administration following the creation of the information systems department. The fourth focuses on the media issues that currently revolve around the electronic voting machine in the Chamber. The fifth outlines the Assembly's media strategy to combat anti-parliamentarianism.Finally, while it is clear that today's Assembly no longer resembles the Assembly of yesteryear, it is just as clear that all the developments in its communication infrastructure have been aimed at preserving a number of principles considered to be fundamental to the parliamentary order. From this point of view, the Assembly has been transformed as much as it has remained immutable, which raises questions about the very idea of changing the social order. In this way, this thesis aims to propose both elements for contributing to the reflection on the challenges of the "digital revolution", as well as those of the future of representative democracy within the framework of the nation-state
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Rosenberg, Paul Adam. "The pattern of large-scale history : Hegel's system and its political transformations in Marx and Postmodernism." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.621367.
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Albrecht, Martin. "Enabling socio-technical transitions – electric vehicles and high voltage electricity grids as focal points of low emission futures." Licentiate thesis, KTH, Miljöstrategisk analys (fms), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kth:diva-206973.
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Today humankind is facing numerous sustainability challenges that require us to question CO2 intensive practices like those present in the transport and energy sector. To meet those challenges, many countries have adopted ambitious climate targets. Achieving such targets requires an understanding of the wider socio-technical context of transitions. The aim of this licentiate thesis is therefore to analyse such socio-technical transitions towards low-emission futures enabled by the electrification of passenger cars and high voltage grid development. A combination of different transitions theories (for ex. Multi-level perspective and Technological innovation systems) and institutional theory has been used. To reach the aim paper I analyses the climate impacts of electric vehicles (EVs) and policy measures to achieve a breakthrough scenario for EVs. The results show that a mixture of short and long term policies are needed that take into account the technology development stage and behavioural aspects of EV adopters. Paper II addresses the need to include the high voltage transmission grid and its planning procedures as a central part of debates on transitions. Therefore the opportunities, challenges and reasons for conflict in the established regime are studied. The results show that in order to achieve a sustainable grid development regime, it is necessary to spend time on achieving legitimacy and social sustainability. The third paper uses semi-structured expert interviews and focuses on innovation dynamics for EV adoption. By focusing on dynamics instead of single policy measures, it is possible to grasp interactions within a niche, but also in between a niche, regime and landscape. The results show that strong initial technology legitimacy was needed to start substantial innovation dynamics. This could be further strengthened with a strong and broad coalition of actors. Both those factors led, if present, to an improved variety and match of policy instruments. As such this thesis has shown that transitions are not just about technology or policy instruments as such but about the dynamics and processes needed to enable them. This can be relevant in other transitions that otherwise may underestimate the importance of these components.QC 20170512
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Bluffstone, Zoe. "Seeking Redemption in a World of Waste: A Comparative Analysis of Bottle Deposit Systems and Campaigns and a Consideration of Their Comprehensive Sustainability." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1462983935.
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Ekerholm, Helena. "Bränsle för den moderna nationen : Etanol och gengas i Sverige under mellankrigstiden och andra världskriget." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-57904.
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This thesis investigate Swedish policy-making concerning promotion of wood gas and ethanol distilled from fermented sulphite lye as domestic fuel alternatives in the Interwar years and World War II. With a departure point in the theories of social constructions of technology (SCOT), the sociology of expectations and Thomas P. Hughe’s socio-technical systems I analyse the measures that were undertaken in these efforts, the arguments put forward for and against the ethanol and wood gas projects and how the efforts turned out. I also investigate how the interpretations of ethanol and wood gas as fuel alternatives changed from the Interwar period on through World War II and what consequences this had for ethanol and wood gas policy immediately after World War II. Source material includes Parliament and Government records, cabinet meeting files, governmental commissions, authority archives, technical evaluations and handbooks and scientific medical publications. Ethanol and wood gas were promoted from a nationalist vantage point. The Interwar debate was imbued with visions of national techno-scientific prowess in a perceived ongoing global contest for technological and scientific advancement, of which achieving autarky, self-sufficiency on important raw materials and industrial products, was an ideal for some. Ethanol and wood gas were also promoted as means for creating a lucrative new market for the forestry industry, which also held a prominent position in nationalist visions of technology. Expectations of a new war also motivated the promotion of ethanol and wood gas as national fuels. Measures for promotion included tax exemptions, sales guarantees and legislation for mandatory ethanol purchase for all petrol importing companies and gasifier loan funds. Political conflicts mainly centred around the principles of free trade as opposed to protectionism, proper use of tax funds and whether the potentials of the fuel alternatives were rhetorically exaggerated. During World War II ethanol and wood gas in particular served as important petrol surrogates. The increased wood gas use led to negative interpretations of wood gas a fuel alternative due to its hazardous, dirty and time-consuming maintenance and the changed driving behaviour it required from its users compared to petrol or ethanol fuelled automobiles. Compared to wood gas, ethanol was appreciated for its socio-technical similarities to petrol, but production was after the war deemed difficult to maintain during wartime. Whereas wood gas remained an important stand-by surrogate during the cold war, Swedish politicians lost interest in ethanol of the kind that was promoted in the Interwar years.Fuel of the Future? A Research Programme on the Science, Technology and Selling of Biofuels in Sweden
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Ratcliffe, Donald John. "The origins of the Second American Party System : the Ohio evidence." Thesis, Durham University, 1985. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/7045/.
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The cleavage in voter loyalties that was to sustain the Second Party System in Ohio was created in the thirty years before 1830. Its origins are to be found in the national disputes of the 17908, which by 1802 had become involved with the issue of Ohio statehood. These early divisions were more deep-rooted than commonly assumed, dictating political behaviour for over a decade and providing political experiences that became controlling influences on later developments. However, the more immediate origin of the divisions established by the 1830s was the many-sided crisis of 1819-22, which made men look to politics for the solution of their problems, break with older loyalties and create new ones. In Ohio the demands for a non-slave-holding President and positive federal economic legislation melded into what became the National Republican and Whig parties, though a minority of Ohioans - for reasons peculiar to particular localities and particular ethnocultural groups - insisted on supporting Andrew Jackson in 1824 and subsequent years. The contest between these two groupings drew unprecedented numbers of new voters to the polls in 1828, most of whom committed themselves to Jackson, thus establishing the balanced distribution of party strength that was to persist for decades. Jackson's advantage in 1828 came from neither superior party organization nor the "rise of democracy," but from the opportunity to harness social resentments of long standing which had previously disrupted rather than reinforced party ties. Jackson's partisans could also call upon old-party loyalties that dated back to the War of 1812, and so created a party that bore some resemblance to the Jeffersonian Democrats, even if the crisis of the early 1820s had forged a nationalist opposition party far more powerful electorally in Ohio than the Federalists had ever been.
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Adonis, Andrew. "The political role of the British peerage in the third Reform Act system, c.1885-1914." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.253777.
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Cho, Hyojung. "Policy system and political dynamics of heritage conservation in the United States." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1181789281.
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Ribat, Jean-Bertrand. "Defeating systemic challengers| Coordination and the balance of power theory." Thesis, Indiana University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3620162.
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Using historical case studies I demonstrate that in the post-1494 European states-system, alliances could be formed to address the problem created by the presence of a potential hegemon only if there was a great power to coordinate and finance opposition to the challenger. This state's undertakings, as coordinator and financier, played a necessary but not sufficient role providing the means needed to address the collective action problem which, most of the times, interfered with the formation of an alliance. Not all states can fulfill the function of systemic coordinator. Only a great power with high levels of wealth and security, with spare resources to spend on allies, and with its political elite sharing the same foreign policy's goal--to contain or defeat the challenger--can be a coordinating state. It was only when there was an active coordinator in the European system that alliances were formed to deal with the destabilizing presence of a systemic challenger. Yet, the mere presence of an alliance never guaranteed that the challenger would not win. It was only when there was a coordinator with the capacity to provide directly and indirectly high amounts of additional-military-capacity that the alliance was successful. The amount of additional-military-capacity available is the result of the interaction of two independent variables, the amount of spare resources used by the leader of the coordinating state, and this leader's level of skills. The two-step model I build goes against the deterministic element located at the heart of the balance of power theory. Alliances were not necessarily formed and victorious as the theory states. It was the presence of a coordinator which made this double outcome possible. With the addition of the coordinator model, the balance of power theory becomes a powerful analytical tool at the disposal of IR specialists and statesmen.
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Uhrqvist, Ola. "Seeing and Knowing the Earth as a System : An Effective History of Global Environmental Change Research as Scientific and Political Practice." Doctoral thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema vatten i natur och samhälle, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-110654.
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Previous research connecting scientific knowledge production with governing of the global environment usually start in international climate change negotiations and related assessments. From that vantage point Earth system science and models are studied as an expansion of Global Circulation Models. By tracing of the history of the present Earth system outlook this thesis offers a reflection about how scientific knowledge produce and connects problems with descriptions of desired order of things and strategies to get there. Knowledge becomes a productive power by shaping fields of possible action in relation to the global environment. The interpreted empirical material consists of scientific discussions from the International global environmental change programmes and particularly the International Geosphere-Biosphere Programme (IGBP) and the International Human Dimensions Programme on global environmental change (IHDP). The studied period spans from the start of the planning of the IGBP in 1983 to the presentation of the new research programme Future Earth in 2013. The thesis is organised around the effects of the IGBP’s strategy to use predictive Earth system models as a tool to bring a broad range of scientific disciplines together. The results demonstrate the historicity of the present Earth system outlook by showing how ecosystems and human dimensions were attributed new and more important roles as drivers of global change. The thesis also argue for the need to approach the ‘Earth system’ as a result of a productive tension between top-down perspectives found in global modelling and bottom-up empirical research engaging with process interactions down to local scales.Genom att studera diskussioner inom internationella miljöforskningsprogram spårar den här avhandlingen framväxten av dagens syn på planeten jorden som ett sammanlänkat system – Jordsystemet. Kopplingen mellan makt och kunskap, styrning och mentaliteter, ligger till grund för studiens tolkande ansats. Den knyter samman sätt att betrakta och beräkna den globala miljön, grunden för jordsystemperspektivet, och de handlingsalternativ det synliggör inom politik och vetenskap. Studien baseras primärt på analyser av arkivmaterial från International Geosphere-Biosphere Programme (IGBP) och International Human Dimensions Programme of Global Environmental Change (IHDP). Tillsammans representerar dessa två program ett brett nätverk för forskning om globala miljöförändringar. Den undersökta perioden startar i och med planeringen av IGBP 1983 och avslutas 2013 med att Future Earth etableras som ett nytt internationellt program för forskning om globala miljöförändringar. Avhandlingen undersöker effekter av IGBPs strategi att använda prediktiva Jordsystemmodeller som ett redskap för att integrera och koordinera forskningen om globala miljöförändringar. Studiens resultat visar på historiciteten i nuvarande sätt att betrakta Jordsystemet. Framförallt studeras hur introducerandet av ekologisk och social komplexitet i förståelsen och modelleringen av Jordsystemet hänger samman med en förändrad bild av relationen människa-miljö och därmed också bilden av globala miljöförändringar som vetenskapligt och politiskt problem. Avhandlingen visar att förståelsen av Jordsystemet vuxit fram i en produktiv spänning mellanovanifrånperspektivet i globala modeller och lokalt förankrad socio-ekologisk interaktion.
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Tombs, Michael Charles. "British politics in transition, 1923-1924 : the creation of a new two-party system." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272596.
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Kaul, Maya. "Deconstructing “Deviance” and “Disorder” as Systems of Domination: Chicago Public Schools as a Case Study of the Effects of Zero Tolerance Discipline Policies on Educational Outcomes in US Schools." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/184.
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The rise of “zero tolerance” discipline practices in US primary and secondary schools has become increasingly well documented by the media and empirical studies. Despite the extensive scholarship that has emerged from these conversations, many of these analyses are limited in their scope and do not connect the phenomena of zero tolerance in schools to the diverse, shifting forces at play within American politics and policy today. As such, the goal of this work is to synthesize ideas about zero tolerance across disciplines by integrating historical thought, philosophical frameworks of punishment, shifting policy goals within the US education system, the sociological constructions of “deviance” and “disorder” in the context of the US criminal justice system, and empirical data directly from a school district to develop particular policy recommendations accordingly. The primary research question of this analysis is: What are the effects of zero tolerance discipline policies on educational outcomes? To answer this question, Chicago Public Schools will be employed as a case study from which lessons for the nation at large will be drawn. Ultimately, this analysis ends up revealing the ways in which zero tolerance policies stem from much deeper forces at play between dominant and marginal groups, and what comes to be defined as “deviance” in relation to a socially constructed system of “order.”
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Tosaka, Rumi Morishima. "Is "identity-based conflict" a valid or banal concept? Event history analysis of civil war onset, 1960-2000." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1212613719.
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Rottwilm, Philipp Moritz. "Electoral system reform in early democratisers : strategic coordination under different electoral systems." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6c3ebcf9-f25b-4ce8-a837-619230729c33.
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On the basis of case studies of 19th and early 20th century Germany, Sweden and the Netherlands, I address the question of how and when incumbent right elites reformed electoral systems under a rising political threat from the left. Some states adopted proportional representation (PR) earlier than others. Why did different states adopt PR at different times? One important factor was the existing electoral system before the adoption of PR. This has been missed in academic research since most scholars have assumed that the electoral system in place before the adoption of PR in most Western European states was single-member plurality (SMP). I show that the system in place prior to PR in most Western European states was not SMP but a two-round system (TRS). TRS effects are still poorly understood by political scientists. I argue that both PR and TRS were used as safeguards by the parties on the right against an electoral threat from the left, which originated from the expansion of suffrage. PR was used as a last resort after other safeguards had been exhausted. I state that in the presence of a strong left threat, countries with TRS could wait longer to implement PR than countries with SMP in place. Under TRS, the adoption of PR was considerably delayed since electoral coordination between parties could be applied more effectively than under SMP systems. This was largely due to the increase of information and time after the first round of TRS elections, which was used by right parties to coordinate votes around the most promising candidate before the second round. First round results under TRS were used as an "electoral opinion poll". Based on these results, the right could react more effectively than the left in order to improve outcomes in round two.
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Mayo-Bobee, Dinah. "Recasting the Restrictive System: Portrayal of Deception in Jeffersonian Policies 1805-1815." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/728.
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Baptista, Gualter Barbas. "Bridging environmental conflicts with social metabolism : forestry expansion and socioeconomic change." Doctoral thesis, FCT - UNL, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/5891.
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Dissertação apresentada para obtenção do Grau de Doutor em Ciências do Ambiente, pela Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Faculdade de Ciências e TecnologiaEnvironmental conflicts have traditionally been approached from several scientific fields. However, the different theoretical and empirical developments have proceeded in parallel, with often competing descriptive languages. Furthermore, they tend to focus on resolution, while neglecting the role of conflicts as an expression of groups facing social and ecological injustices perpetrated by the hegemony. This research attempted to build a politically useful understanding of why and how environmental conflicts appear, through interdisciplinary bridging and the avoidance of the post-political hegemony. By focusing on an ex-post historical analysis of the conflicts against eucalyptus plantations in Portugal in the late 1980s, it attempted to identify patterns and dynamics that relate to conflicts. Theories were anchored along the concepts of social metabolism and, more particularly, the framework of multiple scale integrated assessment of societal and ecological metabolism (MuSIASEM). An adaptation of MuSIASEM for conflict analysis was iteratively developed with the empirical analysis of the political ecology of the case study. During the pre-analytical phase, an open information space is developed, comprising environmental conflicts literature, as well as the environmental history and institutional analysis of the case study. The information space is subjected to successive compressions before reaching a relevant structure of the problem. A storyteller is defined according to the relative power imbalances of the conflict situation. Theoretical pathways are created to serve as auxiliaries for the formalization process and for structuring the analysis. The analysis process navigates through the formalizations within each theoretical pathway. Impredicative loop analysis (ILA) is used to expose tensions and constraints generated by emerging hypercycles or clashing metabolic profiles. Finally, the results are subjected to a dialectical discussion, allowing the communication between different pathways. Dialectical discussion along the pathways is particularly useful for promoting interdisciplinary dialogue. The political ecology analysis of the case study has revealed that the higher intensity of conflicts in the late 1980s was due to a series of factors. The immediate cause was resource xii scarcity, which led to a speculative race for lands that included land grabbing strategies. The growing environmental movement in Portugal has provided the rural and peasant identities (the storytellers), with new languages that empowered their struggles. Institutional changes contributed to conflicts attenuation in the 1990s. However, a growing global consumption of paper continues to push the frontiers of industrial forestry around the world. Latin America and Eastern Europe have increased their peripheral position in the world-system of the paper industry, as suppliers of cheap pulp and land for fast-growth tree plantations. Packaging, as a main end-use of paper, can be used to hide from the consumer the impacts of production. This end-use of paper might intensify unequal ecological exchange in different areas and commodities, while being reinforced by it. In this context, conflicts might lead to a relocation of impacts, leaving the hegemony untouched.
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Fahey, Joseph Francis. "Americanized Delsarte Culture as physical and political expression : how American women shaped Francois Delsarte's system of applied aesthetics into a progressive force for social reform, performance, and professionalism /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1282920980.
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Benning, Elizabeth Jane. "Economic power and political leadership : the Federal Republic, the West and the re-shaping of the international economic system, 1972-1976." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2011. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3215/.
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This thesis explores the role the Federal Republic of Germany played in the transformation of the Western international economic system between 1972 and 1976. It has two main aims: first, it examines Bonn's activities in the shaping of the Western response to the collapse of the Bretton Woods monetary system, the first oil crisis 1973174 and the 1975 world recession; and second, it studies the effect of these actions on West Germany's political position in the Western alliance. As will be shown, Bonn was able to have a significant impact via four means: an ability to manage its economic and political goals; clever use of its economic strength; the adoption of a mediating role among its Western allies, above all the United States and France; and the strong political leadership of Helmut Schmidt (as finance minister, then chancellor). As a final consequence, the Federal Republic through a combination of its actions, the waning of American, French and British economic and political power, the transformation of the institutional setting and the advancement of economic issues to the fore of political debates achieved the permanent enhancement of its political status within the Western alliance.
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Kaltschew, Kristian. "Das politische System Kenias : Autokratie versus Demokratie." Universität Potsdam, 2010. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4794/.
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Kenia erlangt Anfang der 1960er seine Unabhängigkeit und wird in der Folge von den Präsidenten Kenyatta und später Moi autoritär regiert. Als Konsequenz des internationalen und nationalen Druckes werden 1991 wieder Mehrparteienwahlen zugelassen. Die Hoffnungen auf einen Trendwechsel werden zunächst aber nicht erfüllt. Präsident Moi bleibt bei den Wahlen 1992 und 1997 siegreich und versucht jeden möglichen Reformprozess aufzuhalten bzw. zu verlangsamen. Mit dem neu gewählten Präsidenten Kibaki entsteht 2002 die Hoffnung auf Veränderung. Aber als alter Wegbegleiter Mois erfüllt Kibaki nicht die internationalen und nationalen Erwartungen. Moi und Kibaki organisieren jeweils kontra-demokratische Eliten hinter sich und nutzen das mächtige Präsidentenamt, die stärkste Institution im politischen System Kenias, um den Status quo so lange wie möglich zu erhalten. Die Parteien werden weder durch die Regierung noch durch die Opposition zu starken Institutionen transformiert und das unstete Verhalten der Geberländer vermag den Einfluss der autoritären Führung nicht dauerhaft einzuschränken.
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Watson, Peter S. "The world trade system beyond 50 -- a historical analysis & proposals for reform : revitalizing Cordell Hull's founding vision." Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=35969.
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The thesis reviews the 50 year history of the GATT/WTO trading system in order to assess how far the system has achieved the goals and objectives of its principal founders, with a view to recommending proposals for completing the same in the context of the next major round of WTO negotiations. Emphasis is laid throughout the work on actions which need to be taken to ensure that the world trade system has a set of integrated rules which address the realities of increasing international economic interdependence. The conclusion of this work incorporates various steps that can be taken towards achieving this objective.A principal thesis of this work is that the actual achievements of the GATT/WTO system are less than those intended by Cordell Hull, the principal founder of what became the initial GATT arrangements, and, accordingly, a series of proposals are advanced to complete Hull's original vision. Most significantly, important elements of the failed Havana Charter, which was to establish the International Trade Organization (ITO), have yet to be incorporated into present GATT/WTO disciplines. In particular, the Havana Charter included provisions dealing with investment and private restraints on trade, which are now indispensable, as contemporary restrictions on the ability to truly contest international markets originate more from the internal structuring of domestic markets, rather than from border measures. This reality has been recognized in regional trading arrangements, and, accordingly, an examination of the principal non-multilateral trading systems is made in this respect, particularly the European Union, and the NAFTA. Based on a review of the need for the same, this work proposes new WTO disciplines for investment and competition policy, as well as a series of proposals to facilitate regulatory reform in services, the area in which they are most needed. Finally, a series of proposals are made to restructure the basic WTO agreements to remove inconsistencies which have evolved in the last 50 yews, and to facilitate truly effective P. market access, i.e. the ability to actually contest international markets. Collectively, these proposals are fundamental prerequisites to the orderly operation of the contemporary world trading system.
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Mabo, Solenn. "Les citoyennes, les contre-révolutionnaires et les autres : participations, engagements et rapports de genre dans la Révolution française en Bretagne." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2019. http://www.bu.univ-rennes2.fr/system/files/theses/2019_theseMaboS.pdf.
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Centrée sur les rapports de genre dans le champ politique, cette thèse s’empare de la représentation figée de Bretonnes fanatiques et contre-révolutionnaires en analysant les voies de leur participation à la Révolution, qu’elles la soutiennent, la combattent ou s’y impliquent autrement. Des actions d’envergure aux interventions plus quotidiennes, leur engagement est confronté à celui des hommes pour observer comment se manifestent et se recomposent des pratiques et identités politiques sexuées. Après un prologue qui présente la place des femmes dans la société bretonne au XVIIIe siècle, la thèse s’organise autour de trois grands axes. Le premier montre comment elles participent à la séquence pré-révolutionnaire puis investissent les nouveaux espaces de la citoyenneté. Le second explore les marges de la participation politique en observant comment des femmes ordinaires sont impliquées plus ou moins volontairement dans la dynamique révolutionnaire. Le dernier axe présente les résistances à la Révolution, des luttes religieuses à la chouannerie, et examine comment se fabriquent des trajectoires féminines contre-révolutionnaires. L’ensemble repose sur l’exploitation d’archives très dispersées et engage une réflexion sur les mécanismes de la mise en lumière ou de l’occultation des femmes dans les événements et la documentation. En dégageant toute une gamme d’interventions féminines jusque-là ignorées ou peu visibles, cette thèse propose une autre histoire de la Révolution en Bretagne, qui entend nourrir la compréhension de l’ensemble du processus révolutionnaire et alimenter l’histoire des rapports de genre en situation de crise ou de conflitFocused on gender relations in the political field, this thesis revisits the traditional image of fanatical and counter-revolutionary Breton women by analysing the ways of their participation in the Revolution, whether they supported it, fought against it or got otherwise involved. From major actions to everyday interventions, their commitment is compared with that of men to observe how gendered political practices and identities are manifested and recomposed. After an introduction presenting the place of women in Breton society in the eighteenth century, the study proceeds along three major axes. The first presents how they participated in the pre-revolutionary sequence and then invested the new spaces of citizenship. The second explores the margins of political participation by observing how ordinary women were more or less voluntarily involved in revolutionary dynamics. The third and last part focuses on the resistance to the Revolution, from religious struggles to Chouannerie, and shows how some counter-revolutionary feminine destinies were forged. The present work is based on the exploitation of very scattered archives and engages in a reflection on the mechanisms of the highlighting or the occultation of women in the events and the documentation. By revealing a whole range of previously ignored or inconspicuous feminine interventions, this thesis offers another history of the Revolution in Brittany, which can foster a better understanding of the whole revolutionary process and enrich the history of gender relations in crisis or conflict situations
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Sundin, Anders. "1809 : Statskuppen och regeringsformens tillkomst som tolkningsprocess." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7371.
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This dissertation analyses the coup d’état and the instrument of government of 1809 as an interpretative framing process. By close examination primarily of official sources it focuses on how political actors utilized the components of the existing political culture in order to legitimise their actions. The results show that the regime transition of 1809 was a contingent process. Actors competed to define concepts such as “citizen”, “patriotism” and “public opinion” in order to legitimise different political claims. This process served to strengthen the role played by the concept of public opinion as a source of authority in the language of politics. The dissertation also addresses how the regime transition of 1809 relates to the historical epoch known as the Age of Revolution. Experiences from the French Revolution in particular were crucial to the debate on the prospects for constitutional change in Sweden. The study shows that the constitutional committee took a reformist stance based on the concepts of civic virtue and enlightenment, thereby rejecting demands for an enhanced national representation. Instead they argued for gradual constitutional change and believed that the constitution should serve as an instrument to educate the public in the virtues of citizenship. Grounded in the so-called "cultural turn" taken by studies of politics in recent decades, the analysis has borrowed from studies of social movements the concepts of interpretative framing. In analyzing differences and oppositions between various interpretative frames, concepts from discourse analysis has been used, particularly those that emphasize discourse contingency. Extra-discursive conditions in the process of interpretation have been analyzed by means of the concept of possibility structures. This has chiefly involved taking into consideration the degree of repression and actors' differing access to what Bourdieu has termed "institutional authority".
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Dell'oro, d'amico Federica. "Antonino Pio e la provincia d’Asia." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01H066.
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Cette recherche concerne donc la figure d' Antonin le Pieux et les dispositions prises directement en conséquence à son auctoritas, afin d'identifier le Leitmotiv de l'empire de l'empereur. Mon enquête s'agit de mettre en évidence les choix politiques impériaux, pour ensuite identifier les principes et les lignes directrices à travers l'analyse des mandata principum, des rescrits, des lettres de l'empereur aux gouverneurs, des témoignages et des formes de correspondance. Le parcours se compose de quatre chapitres. Le premier dessine un cadre diachronique et historique des étapes les plus importantes de la province d'Asie, en mettant en évidence surtout l'histoire politico-administrative. Le deuxième chapitre analyse les aspects institutionnels qui ont permis de mettre au point, dans une perspective qualitative et quantitative, les relations entre Antonin le Pieux et la province d'Asie, principalement selon un ordre chronologique. Le troisième chapitre est dédié à l'étude prosopographique du personnel administratif de la province d'Asie et à la rédaction des Fastes, dans le but de donner une chronologie des gouverneurs, utile à définir un cadre du système politique, des relations et des intérêts entre les membres de l'ordo sénatorial. Le quatrième chapitre est dédié à l'étude du système conventuel. Les exemples étudiés ont donc mis en valeur le fait que Antonin, grâce à son expérience en tant que proconsul en Asie, a mieux géré l'organisation du système conventuel, ce qui lui a permis de augmenter le nombre des chefs-lieux, dans l'intérêt des cités émergentes en Phrygie, surtout en ce qui concerne le système administratif et économiqueThis research concerns the figure of Antonius Pius and the dispositions which are directly taken accordingly to his auctoritas, in order to identify the Leitmotiv of his empire. The aim of this research is to highlight the imperial political choices and, through the analysis of mandata principum, rescripts, letters from the emperor to governors, testimonies and forms of correspondence, to identify the principles and guidelines of his politics. The monograph consists of four chapters. The first chapter is devoted to a historical excursus, which is useful to have a preliminary historical view of the province of Asia, with particular attention to the political and administrative aspects. The second chapter focuses the institutional aspects in the relationship between Antoninus Pius and the province of Asia, from a qualitative and quantitative perspective. The third chapter is dedicated to a prosopographical study of the administrative staff of the province of Asia, useful to define a framework of the political system, relations and interests within the members of the Senate and the imperial family. The fourth chapter is devoted to the study of the conventual system : the evidences highlight how Antonin, thanks to his experience as a proconsul in Asia, managed a better organization of the conventual system, probably increasing the number of the capitals
42
Hartrich, Eliza. "Town, crown, and urban system : the position of towns in the English polity, 1413-71." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:6838c2aa-7dc3-489d-8faf-eb864217913e.
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In this thesis, a collective urban sector-consisting, in various different guises, of civic governments, urban merchants, and townspeople-is presented as a vital and distinctive component of later medieval English political society. The dynamics of this urban political sector are reconstructed through the use of a modified version of the 'urban systems' approach found in historical geography and economic history, positing that towns are defined by their evolving relationship with one another. Drawing from the municipal records of twenty-two towns, this thesis charts the composition of the later medieval English 'urban system' and the manner in which urban groups belonging to this 'system' participated in a broader national political sphere over four chronological periods-1413-35, 1435-50, 1450-61, and 1461-71. In 1413-35, the highly authoritative and institutionalised governments of Henry V and the child Henry VI fostered vertical relationships between the Crown and a variety of individual civic governments, leading both national and urban political actors to operate within a shared political culture, but not necessarily encouraging inter-urban political communication. This would change in the periods that followed, as the absence of strong royal authority after 1435 renewed the strength of lateral mercantile networks and facilitated the re-emergence of a semi-autonomous inter-urban political community, which saw little reason to participate in the civil wars of the early 1450s that now seemed divorced from its own interests. In the 1460s, however, the financially extractive policies of Edward IV once again gave civic governments and ordinary townspeople a greater stake in royal government, which was reflected in the high level of urban participation in the dynastic conflicts of 1469-71. The developments occurring in these four phases illustrate both the interdependence of urban and national politics in the later medieval period, and the mutability of their relationship with one another.
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Ring, Jonathan Jacob. "The diffusion of norms in the international system." Diss., University of Iowa, 2014. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1386.
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Why do states express support for norms that go against their underlying beliefs? Scholars of policy diffusion have identified four social mechanisms -- coercion, competition, emulation, and learning -- that can lead to the spread of a common practice, a norm, in the international system. I build a formal model of the four mechanisms and apply them to actual cases of norm diffusion. The formal models are anchored by three variables that capture fundamental aspects of international society: hierarchy, neighborhood, and identity. The four different diffusion mechanisms operate on these variables, creating distinct over-time trajectories. Three important dynamic patterns are compared across different model specifications: the shape of the adoption S-curve, the power distribution among expressers and non-expressers, and the degree of regional clustering. I find that the four mechanisms produce unique signatures under many conditions, but that changes to some parameters such as initial number of expressers can obscure the identification of the diffusion mechanism.
In the first empirical chapter, I apply the framework to the diffusion of quotas for women's representation. I find that quotas are adopted by weak states, and that the likely source of inspiration for quota adoption are other weak states in the same neighborhood. The empirical pattern in terms of hierarchy, neighborhood, and identity point to competition as the mechanism that drove quota diffusion. Because competition is associated with norm internalization, this finding suggests that the world is really becoming more gender equal. In the second empirical chapter, I change substantive focus to the diffusion of human rights norms. Adoption of human rights treaties seems to be associated with worse human rights behavior, but why do states that ratify human rights treaties so often fail to uphold their obligations?. I find that the Convention Against Torture (CAT) treaty is adopted first by strong states in Europe, then to weaker states in a regionally-contingent pattern. This empirical pattern is most consistent with the emulation mechanism. This implies that the anti-torture norm is not associated with internalization, and solves the previously puzzling ratification-compliance paradox.
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Olmstead, Jacob W. "A Diabolical Disneyland in Zion: the Mormons and the MX." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2005. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/4994.
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In September 1979 President Jimmy Carter publicly announced his decision to support the deployment of the MX missile and mobile basing scheme in Utah and Nevada. Despite local opposition and the close proximity of the proposed base to its headquarters, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (Mormons) remained silent until 5 May 1981, when the First Presidency issued a statement opposing the MX plans. The purpose of this work is to narrate the history of the development of the Mormon position regarding the deployment of MX missile in the Great Basin and evaluate the response to the statement both locally and nationally. As described in this work the initial deliberations within the Mormon Church were held within the Special Affairs Committee (SAC), which gathered information on the issues concerning the MX. In the process the SAC met with scholars, politicians and religious figures furnished by the grass-roots opposition in Utah. As argued by this thesis it was the arguments presented by both national and local religious figures who convinced the SAC that the MX presented a clear moral concern which required further discussion. Eventually the matter was turned over to the First Presidency and later the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles for further consideration. Because a consensus could not be reached, in the place of clear Mormon opposition the First Presidency issued two general denunciations of the nuclear arms race. Eventually, there was full agreement and a statement was issued on 5 May 1981. As argued in this thesis, it was likely the efforts of Gordon B. Hinckley, a member of the Twelve and chairman of the SAC, who working behind the scene was able to unify the hierarchy, as opposed to Edwin B. Firmage, who has traditionally been credited with convincing the hierarchy to take a position. As illustrated by this thesis the statement evoked a number of responses from the local and national media and religious and political leaders. The response was generally positive; however, there were a number of critical columns and editorials issued by the national media. Moreover, the statement had considerable influence moving Utah's congressional delegation toward opposition. As argued by this thesis this was a moot point because recently elected President Ronald Reagan had latent reservations about the MX program and had been looking for an alternative basing mode prior to the statement's release. In conclusion this thesis argues that, although the statement had little impact on the history of the MX and the Mormon Church, the development of the First Presidency's MX position does provide a case study illustrating the bureaucratic processes within the Church for establishing official political policy in the late-twentieth century.
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Lindqvist, Alexander. "A 'welfarist' political economy of skills? : A study of Sweden's vocational education and training system, as an arena för welfare policies, 1946-1991." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Ekonomisk historia, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-124288.
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This study takes its starting point in the problematic relationship between skills and welfare policies. It poses Sweden’s vocational education and training (VET) as a case which has seen the kind of tripartite efforts that might help us better understand the dynamics underlying a highly developed mixture of social citizenship and efficiency. To better approach this case the study also seeks to combine the theoretical insights provided by the Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) and Power Resources Theory (PRT) schools of thought, capitalizing on an ability to see “both sides of the coin” that such a combination may entail. But to avoid the presumptions that have formed around notions of stable “models” or “worlds”, the study also takes an inductive stance, forming a dialectic strategy that leans heavily on the work of historical institutionalism. Thus a general research question is posed: how can we explain the developments of Sweden's VET as an arena for welfare policies - during the period 1946-1991 - by combining an inductive approach with the insights gained from the theoretical frameworks represented by PRT and VoC? The study proceeds by tracing developments in Sweden’s VET during two sub-periods, taking into account both ideological and business-interest concerns. The aim is first to establish an account of “how” the institutions changed over time. The subsequent analysis brings back the theoretical framework to provide explanations. The study arrives at a number of conclusions: it first of all finds that Sweden’s school-based VET of 1971 itself rested on a firm “cross-class settlement”, which persisted through the reforms of 1991. But when seen as an arena for welfare policies, the foundation appears much weaker: while the reforms of 1971 were influenced by an ambitious welfare policy agenda, the ensuing changes arguably rolled back some of the comprehensiveness and universality previously associated with the labor movement’s education policy. Two underlying hypotheses are presented that focus on the strategic role played by “general skills”: the first hypothesis is that organized capital’s reliance on large firms played an important role in weakening its position vis-a-vis labor, thanks to its dependence on the kind of widely diffused general skills that the labor movement had strategic access to. The second hypothesis is that the same reliance on general skills created difficulties for the Social Democratic Party to create a new cross-class settlement, as circumstances changed. The conclusion suggests further studying the area of general skills as a power resource itself in a comparative perspective.
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Blake, Greyory. "Good Game." VCU Scholars Compass, 2018. https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5377.
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This thesis and its corresponding art installation, Lessons from Ziggy, attempts to deconstruct the variables prevalent within several complex systems, analyze their transformations, and propose a methodology for reasserting the soap box within the display pedestal. In this text, there are several key and specific examples of the transformation of various signifiers (i.e. media-bred fear’s transformation into a political tactic of surveillance, contemporary freneticism’s transformation into complacency, and community’s transformation into nationalism as a state weapon). In this essay, all of these concepts are contextualized within the exponential growth of new technologies. That is to say, all of these semiotic developments must be framed within the post-Internet sphere.
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Belfrage, Claes Axel. "The neoliberal restructuring of the welfare state : pension system reform in Sweden : a critical case study." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2008. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/7307/.
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This thesis draws on the 'critical case' of Sweden and focuses on the provision of pensions to assess the extent to which the post-war social democratic regime and adherent meanings and practices in daily life have been transformed in a neoliberal direction. The Swedish economy of the late 1990s, still distinctly social democratic, although retrenched and increasingly 'financialised', was not stable. The 1999 pension reform has further privatised financial risk and hence potentially advanced neoliberalism. By subjecting the ability to consume, in working-life as well as m retirement, to financial market performance, the rate of growth of inequity 1s accelerated. The systemic infrastructure and the knowledge-formation required for this pension system to function as intended as well as be accepted as legitimate seem however to be lacking. The system engineers, following neoliberal ideas, sought to fulfil the objective of institutionalising a mass investment culture in the everyday by promoting the notion of risk as potentially profitable if managed well. Yet, as argued in the thesis, due to their politico-ideological preferences, they underestimated the resilience of existing demographic and geographical cleavages formed by the traumas and desires provoked by economic restructuring and financialisation in the post-war period. By analysing subject-formation in the everyday, the thesis shows that for a finance-led accumulation regime to be stable in Sweden, these cleavages and inadequacies have to be regulated. The new pension system in Sweden thus points to the tendential microfoundational limits of the projects of neoliberalism and financialisation.
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Celik, Sinan Kadir. "A Survey Of The Distinction Between Ethics And Politics With An Aristotelian Appraisal." Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12611742/index.pdf.
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A SURVEY OF THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN ETHICS AND POLITICS
WITH AN ARISTOTELIAN APPRAISAL
Çelik, Sinan Kadir Ph.D., Department of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Ahmet &
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nam March 2010, 189 pages In the history of philosophy, ethics and politics have either been considered as two unrelated, irreducible realms or as identical to each other. In the thesis the historical transformation of the problematic relation between ethics and politics is critically evaluated. It is argued that from the emergence of the conflict in Ancient Greece following the &ldquo
Socratic ideal&rdquo
to the modern attempt for its resolution by the &ldquo
Machiavellian revolution,&rdquo
the prominent theories developed for dealing with the problem have defined politics as an amoral practice, as a science, a technique or an art. An alternative Aristotelian approach is tried to be developed so as to elucidate the nature of the distinction between ethics and politics. According to this view, ethics and politics can neither be strictly separated from each other nor be reduced into one another. The Aristotelian conception of politike as &ldquo
philosophy of human affairs&rdquo
has ethical, practical and technical dimensions. The thesis tries to clarify at which point ethics and politics should be conceived as two different practices and at which point they cannot be treated as independent from each other. Hence, the present study aims to determine the peculiarities and the strong sides of Aristotelian practical philosophy in order to offer an alternative to resolve the problem under consideration.
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Ally, Russell Thomas. "The development of the system of individual tenure for Africans: with special reference to the Glen Grey Act, c1894-1922." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003122.
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The Glen Grey Act was promulgated in August 1894. The main provisions of the Act were for the survey into individual allotments of land held tribally and for a system of local self-government. Described by its originator, C.J. Rhodes, as a 'Bill for Africa, it was first applied to the district of Glen Grey and subsequently extended (in a piece-meal fashion) to a number of districts in the Transkei. The Act was introduced at a crucial stage in South Africa's history. During this period the country stood poised on the threshhold of a significant and far-reaching transformation. The South Africa of 'old', predominantly agricultural and rural was giving way to a 'new' South Africa, modern and industrial. At the centre of this development was the mineral discoveries of the 1860s and 1880s. The period of colonial conquest had also virtually been completed. Most of the hitherto independent African chiefdoms had either been broken up or were under European control. The most urgent problem which now faced the new rulers was devising a policy to govern the millions of black people over whom they had assumed responsibility. Of crucial concern was the creation of working class to minister to the needs of the developing economy. This task was made all the more difficult by the divisions which existed among the ruling groups at the time. To all intents and purposes the country was made up of essentially four independent and autonomous regions. Although the economic changes which were taking place would hasten the unification of the country, until that happened it was well-nigh impossible for a uniform 'native policy' to take shape. The inevitable consequence was the emergence of a number of regional responses to what was essentially a country-wide issue. As the unification of South Africa drew closer however these different regional responses began to vie with each other for supremacy at a national level. The Glen Grey policy then was the response of the Cape to the changes which were taking place in the country. As such, it drew much of its inspiration from the traditions which had developed in the Cape Colony. Its initiators did not however view it as only a regional policy. For them it had applicability to the whole country. It was therefore to be expected that they would attempt to 'sell' their policy to the rest of the country. In the end however it won few adherents outside of the Cape Colony and when Union became an established fact it bowed out to a policy favoured largely by the northern provinces. To be sure the Glen Grey system did linger on for a while in those districts where it had first been applied but it would not be long before it was to fall into official disapproval. While the Glen Grey Act was ushered in with much fanfare and vaunted expectations, its demise was silent and ignominous. The grandiose course which it had charted for the taking-in-hand of the 'native question' came to naught, as did the profound and far-reaching changes which it was believed the policy would inaugurate. The origins of this policy, its implementation and actual working, and the reasons why in the end it foundered and was abandoned will be the main themes of this thesis.
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Menck, Jessica Claire. "Recipes of Resolve: Food and Meaning in Post-Diluvian New Orleans." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1331074997.
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