Journal articles: 'Political Systems, history'

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Lincove, David. "Sources: Encyclopedia of U.S. Political History." Reference & User Services Quarterly 50, no. 1 (September 1, 2010): 81–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.50n1.81.

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Berardo, Felix M., and G. Robina Quale. "A History of Marriage Systems." Contemporary Sociology 19, no. 1 (January 1990): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2073446.

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Voitovych, Nataliia. "HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND LEGAL ANALYSIS OF SURVEILLANCE IN CRIME PREVENTION." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 8 (December 30, 2020): 189–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/history.112011.

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The aim of the research is to study the historical preconditions and legal regulation of surveillance in combating crime in the XIX century. At the same time, the author's goal is to compare peculiarities of the instruments of system fight against crime (the method of operational search actions, hereinafter - OSA) and covert investigative activities in countries with different forms of government and diverse political systems.The methodology of the research is: adherence to the principles of objectivity, scientificity and historicism contributed to consistent disclosure of preconditions, content and principles of surveillance as a measure and a method of OSA and covert investigative activities in combating and preventing crime actions. Mutual enrichment with historical and legal methods provided systemity of the research. Historical study of surveillance in combination with the study of regulatory legal acts created new opportunities for interdisciplinary research. The application of general scientific methods, namely systematization, generalization, problem-chronological, comparative-historical, historical-legal methods allowed to trace the influence of the legal component on the history of introduction and development of surveillance in the "long" XIX century and peculiarities of its usage in the conditions of the newly formed states and political systems in the interwar period.The scientific novelty lies in a detailed historical and legal analysis of the content of regulatory legal acts concerning legal grounds for surveillance, a comprehensive study of its content, gaps and peculiarities of usage in non-democratic political regimes.Conclusions. The article provides historical analysis of evolution and usage of surveillance, which has experienced several stages connected with improving the performance of security functions, in preventing crimes. The attention is focused on the most characteristic features of implementing surveillance as a universal measure of obtaining information and distributing tasks between the states' law enforcement agencies and a means of combating representatives of political forces and structures constituting a real and hypothetical threat to the state / regime. The similarity of performing functions by law enforcement agencies (and the role of surveillance) in the conditions of different state formations, despite fundamental differences in the forms of government and the nature of political systems, is proved.

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Victoria, O. Argo, and Fadly Ameer. "Systems and Political Development in Malaysia." Jurnal Akta 5, no. 3 (September 15, 2018): 661. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/akta.v5i3.3271.

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Malaysia is a country in Southeast Asia with an area of 329 758 km2 and a population in 2007 amounted to 27.17 million. Of the total population in 2007, 60% are ethnic Malay “Bumiputera”, 26% ethnic Chinese, 8% Indians, 5% other ethnic Bumiputera, and 1% other ethnic groups such as Arabic, Sinhalese, Eurasian and Europe.[1] Under the constitution, Malays are Malaysian citizens who practice a traditional Malay, Melayu Language, and Muslim. Approximately 25% of the Malaysian population is Chinese, and 7% is made up of India. Almost 85% of the races Indians in Malaysia are Tamil community. More than half the population of Sarawak and Sabah 66% of the population consists of non-Malay indigenous people. The entry of another race to some extent reduce the percentage of indigenous population in the two states. In addition, Malaysia also has a population that comes out of Europe and the Middle East. Malaysia's population density is not distributed evenly, with 17 million of the 25 million people living in Peninsula Malaysia.Keywords: Malaysia; Politic; Constitutional.[1] Barbara Watson Andaya and Leonard Andaya, 1983, History of Malaysia, Petaling Jaya: Macmillan Publishers, p. 6-7

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Tobin, J. P. "Editorial: political abuse of psychiatry in authoritarian systems." Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 30, no. 2 (May 23, 2013): 97–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipm.2013.23.

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We are painfully aware: Psychiatry in some states of the international community is often used to subvert the political and legal guarantees of the freedom of the individual and to violate seriously his human and legal rights (Daes,1986).ObjectiveIt can be politically convenient to incarcerate political opponents in a psychiatric hospital. It saves any potential political embarrassment that a judicial trial may present. It also undermines the credibility of opponents by labelling them with the stigma of being mentally insane. For this to occur, there has to be the acquiescence of mental health professionals and a subservient legal system.MethodThis article examines the abuse of psychiatry in two authoritarian systems, Russia and China.ResultNew diagnostic categories such as sluggish schizophrenia were created to facilitate the silencing of dissenters and were a source of self-deception for psychiatrist to placate their consciences as they operated as a tool of oppression on behalf of a political system.ConclusionIf we do not know the past, we will be condemned to repeat it.

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Macpherson, Sandra. "The Political Fallacy." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 132, no. 5 (October 2017): 1214–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2017.132.5.1214.

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What kind of action is literary criticism? In literary criticism: a concise political history, Joseph North tells us up front: it's political action. His history “is explicitly motivated by present concerns: one has something like a goal, and something like a plan for reaching it,” and his goal is to persuade “readers on the radical left” that there is something at stake for them in “an extended discussion of matters literary, aesthetic, and methodological” (viii, ix, x). Or, rather, his goal is to persuade both readers on the left and “readers within and around academic literary studies” that their interests align: that the “materialist account of the aesthetic” at the root of close reading is “properly understood as part of a longer history of resistance to the economic, political, and cultural systems that prevent us from cultivating deeper modes of life” (x).

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Ilchenko, Sergei Nikolayevich. "Axiology of the Political Dichotomy of the Russian Screen Content's Political "Overtone"." Journal of Flm Arts and Film Studies 3, no. 1 (February 15, 2011): 124–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17816/vgik31124-133.

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The article analyses the political confrontations in Russian history of the 20th century as reflected in domestic audiovisual productions. The problem of the relationship between "the Reds" and "the Whites" is investigated by the author through films and TV shows in terms of the value systems of the belligerent social forces.

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Omirzakova, D. D. "Democratic revival of political culture." BULLETIN Series of Sociological and Political sciences 72, no. 4 (December 30, 2020): 39–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.51889/2020-4.1728-8940.06.

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In this article, a political culture is studied in conjunction with the cultural and spiritual ties formed in the course of history. The author reveals the essence of the concept of "democracy" and considers its versatility. Based on this, the essence of "democracy" is studied in combination with modern values, and its role in society is analyzed. Therefore, the fact that the form of power is also measured by culture has been examined in comparison with the political systems of history.

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Mikkelsen, Kim Sass. "Old habits die hard, sometimes: history and civil service politicization in Europe." International Review of Administrative Sciences 84, no. 4 (September 5, 2016): 803–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852316652487.

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This article examines relationships between historical administrative systems and civil service politicization across Europe. I argue that to appreciate when and how history matters, we need to consider public service bargains struck between politicians and senior bureaucrats. Doing so complicates the relationship between historical and current administrative systems: a bureaucratic, as opposed to patrimonial, 18th-century state infrastructure is necessary for the depoliticization of ministerial bureaucracies in present-day Western Europe. However, the relationship does not hold in East-Central Europe since administrative histories are tumultuous and fractured. Combining data from across the European continent, I provide evidence in support of these propositions. Points for practitioners This article addresses policymakers dealing with reforms of personnel policy regimes at the centre of government. It considers the importance of history for politically attractive reforms, as well as the limits of this importance. I argue that 18th-century state infrastructures shape the extent to which political appointments are politically attractive tools for administrative control. I show that only in countries that feature a bureaucratic, as opposed to patrimonial, 18th-century infrastructure are ministerial top management occupied by a permanent, as opposed to politically appointed, staff. However, in East-Central Europe, a ruptured administrative history ensures that the distant past does not similarly shape the extent of political appointments.

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Phillips, Fred. "Interconnections: A Systems History of Science, Technology, Leisure, and Fear." Journal of Open Innovation: Technology, Market, and Complexity 7, no. 1 (January 5, 2021): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/joitmc7010014.

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It is well known that technological change causes social change, and vice versa. Using system and historical perspectives, this article examines that truth at a finer level of specificity, namely, that social perceptions of interconnectedness influence the progress of science and technology, and that conversely, as 21st-century technology makes us in fact more connected, society’s anxieties shift. From the science/technology side, we look at interdisciplinary research, system and complexity theory, quantum tech, and the Internet, exploring how these interact and cause changes in social attitudes—fears, conspiracy theories, political polarization, and even entertainment trends—some of which are surprising, and some dangerous. The article’s systems view helps make sense of current environmental, political, and psychological crises. It combines original ideas with those of several prominent thinkers, to suggest constructive actions.

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McNeill, J. R. "Ideas Matter: A Political History of the Twentieth-Century Environment." Current History 99, no. 640 (November 1, 2000): 371–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2000.99.640.371.

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The grand social and ideological systems that people construct for themselves invariably carry large consequences, for the environment no less than for more strictly human affairs. Among the swirl of ideas, policies, and political structures of the twentieth century, the most ecologically influential were the growth imperative and the (not unrelated) security anxiety that together dominated policy around the world. … By 1970, however, something new was afoot.

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Snow, Dean R., and Steadman Upham. "The Evolution of Political Systems: Sociopolitics in Small-Scale Sedentary Societies." Ethnohistory 39, no. 2 (1992): 243. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482427.

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13

Streeter, Thomas. "Notes towards a Political History of the Internet 1950–1983." Media International Australia 95, no. 1 (May 2000): 131–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0009500113.

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Starling from the premise that communication regulation can be made up of informal shared systems of human belief, action and habit, this paper explores the informal political belief systems that helped regulate the Internet during its gestation, before 1984. The article focuses on the odd fact that a decentralised communication system with a strikingly libertarian ethos was created within a military-oriented research and development enterprise famous for its hierarchical, authoritarian culture and organisation. Broadly, my argument is that the larger framework of Internet development was ‘corporate liberal’ — that is, based on the theory that non-profit structures are necessary for advanced forms of experimental technological innovation, but that practical implementation is then best left to the private sector. Within that larger framework, however, a shift in the cultural habits and values within the community of computer scientists between the late 1960s and the early 1980s, partly under the influence of the Viernam War-era counterculture, allowed a distinctive vision of computer communication to take hold: computer communication as a horizontal form of collaboration. This cultural shift then helps explain how a technological system born in the heart of the military–industrial complex came to embody distinctly non-military values.

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Korff, Gottfried, and Harry Drost. "History of Symbols as Social History? Ten preliminary notes on the image and sign systems of social movements in Germany." International Review of Social History 38, S1 (April 1993): 105–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000112325.

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The last two centuries have produced, transformed and destroyed a myriad of political symbols of a linguistic, visual and ritual form. Between, say 1790 and 1990 the political sphere witnessed both an explosion in the generation of symbols and a radical decline of symbols. This calls for explanations.

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DeBats, Donald A. "Political Consequences of Spatial Organization." Social Science History 35, no. 4 (2011): 505–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200011652.

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The unique feature of geographic information systems (GIS) and other forms of historical data visualization is the capacity to hold and display large amounts of data associated with spatial reference points. This software can display all data for a given point, a single variable for all points, or, most important, any combination of variables across all reference points. In doing so, these systems bring to the screen instantly and cheaply a display of information once visible only in paper form, drawn slowly and expensively, first by cartographers and then by vector plotters. This project deploys GIS to help us understand the intersection of social and political life in nineteenth-century Alexandria, Virginia, and Newport, Kentucky—medium-sized cities with populations under 20,000. Commercial Alexandria, with a race-based labor system, and industrial Newport, with an immigrant labor system, present an analytically useful mix of commonalities and differences.

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Siles, José, María del Carmen Solano-Ruiz, Genival Fernández de Freitas, and Taka Oguisso. "Political Systems and the Perspective on Nursing Education during the Spanish Transition (from the Franco Regime to Democracy). A Contribution based on Nursing History." Aquichan 10, no. 3 (December 1, 2010): 192–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5294/aqui.2010.10.3.1.

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El objetivo del estudio consiste en describir los cambios que afectan a enfermería dentro del sistema educativo durante el proceso previo y posterior al establecimiento de la democracia en España. Se parte de la siguiente hipótesis: las diferencias en la organización social y política influenciaron la evolución de la enfermería española manteniéndola dentro de los esquemas del neopositivismo y los enfoques exclusivamente técnicos hasta la llegada de la democracia. La relación entre los sistemas de organización social y política en España ha determinado la evolución de un perfil específico de enfermería en el sistema educativo. Para comprender la integración de asignaturas como la antropología del los cuidados en los programas educativos de la enfermería española hay que se considerar los factores culturales, interculturales y transculturales que constituyen las claves para el entendimiento de los cambios en la educación enfermera haciendo posible la adopción de una perspectiva holística en los currículos. Hasta la llegada del sistema democrático en 1977, la educación en la Enfermería española fue solamente de naturaleza técnica y los roles de las enfermeras se limitaban al cumplimiento de tareas y procedimientos definidos por el pensamiento burocrático característico del paradigma racional tecnológico. Conclusiones: Durante el largo período predemocrático la enfermería española estuvo bajo la influencia del pensamiento neopositivista y técnico, lo cual se plasmaba en los currículos educativos. La integración en los currículos de materias humanísticas y antropológicas que facilitaban el enfoque holístico se produjo tras la integración de la enfermería en la Universidad en 1977 coincidiendo con los inicios de la democracia en España.

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Haferkamp, Hans-Peter. "On the German History of Method in Civil Law in Five Systems." German Law Journal 17, no. 4 (August 2016): 543–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200021362.

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AbstractGermany is the country of legal methodology. No other country saw such an intense academic discourse on the question of what jurists are able, allowed, and supposed to do when interpreting and applying the law. This German peculiarity is tightly linked to the history of the German Civil Code (BGB). Carefully worded and systematically precise, this codification had the potential to significantly limit judicial freedom; thus, its advent marked the beginning of the German methodological debates. The following Article examines this relationship, starting with the year 1874 (when preliminary work on the Civil Code began) and continuing with an analysis of the five political systems during which the BGB was in force: the German Empire (1900–1914), the Weimar Republic (1918–1933), the National Socialist period (1933–1945), the GDR (1949–1989), and the Federal Republic (1949–today). With the exception of the GDR, the methodological debates consistently show attempts to enable judges to adapt the law to real life conditions, or to political ideas in conflict with the BGB, without formally moving beyond extant law. At the roots of 20thcentury methodological debates, one can thus discern a profound mistrust of German legal academia with regard to both the legislature and the judiciary. Jurists had no confidence in the BGB, which was criticized for being inflexible, outdated, and politically unsound. They did not trust in the freedom of judges either, trying instead to somehow bind them, be it to “life,” “reality,” “justice,” “sense of justice,” “national order,” or “Christian Natural Law.” It was not until 1958 that the Federal Constitutional Court was entrusted with the task of dynamically shaping the guiding values of society, thus forcing both the legislator and the courts to adapt the BGB to these principles. As a consequence, the heyday of German methodological debates surrounding the BGB slowly came to an end.

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Rock, D. "STATE-BUILDING AND POLITICAL SYSTEMS IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY ARGENTINA AND URUGUAY." Past & Present 167, no. 1 (May 1, 2000): 176–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/167.1.176.

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Canning, Craig N. "Hong Kong: “One Country, Two Systems” in Troubled Waters." Current History 103, no. 674 (September 1, 2004): 290–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.674.290.

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Chinese central government officials are reluctant to allow political reform in Hong Kong to proceed too rapidly or to be driven primarily by public demonstrations and aggressive pro-democracy activists.

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Baum, Seth. "Superintelligence Skepticism as a Political Tool." Information 9, no. 9 (August 22, 2018): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/info9090209.

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This paper explores the potential for skepticism about artificial superintelligence to be used as a tool for political ends. Superintelligence is AI that is much smarter than humans. Superintelligence does not currently exist, but it has been proposed that it could someday be built, with massive and potentially catastrophic consequences. There is substantial skepticism about superintelligence, including whether it will be built, whether it would be catastrophic, and whether it is worth current attention. To date, superintelligence skepticism appears to be mostly honest intellectual debate, though some of it may be politicized. This paper finds substantial potential for superintelligence skepticism to be (further) politicized, due mainly to the potential for major corporations to have a strong profit motive to downplay concerns about superintelligence and avoid government regulation. Furthermore, politicized superintelligence skepticism is likely to be quite successful, due to several factors including the inherent uncertainty of the topic and the abundance of skeptics. The paper’s analysis is based on characteristics of superintelligence and the broader AI sector, as well as the history and ongoing practice of politicized skepticism on other science and technology issues, including tobacco, global warming, and industrial chemicals. The paper contributes to literatures on politicized skepticism and superintelligence governance.

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Skorek, Artur. "Political Labels and Post-Politics." Israel Studies Review 36, no. 1 (March 1, 2021): 26–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2021.360104.

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Debate over the present-day meaning of the traditional political terms ‘left’ and ‘right’ has been ongoing for at least three decades. Many claim that these labels have lost their former relevance. This article offers a comparative analysis of the Israeli, Polish, and Hungarian party systems. Using qualitative content analysis, it examines party platforms and politicians’ speeches in order to assess the significance of political labels both in political narratives and academic debate. Two main research topics concerning political systems of the three countries are explored in the article: the blurring of the traditional left-right divisions and the partial adoption of an anti-establishment agenda by mainstream parties.

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Zeitlin, Judith Francis, and Lillian Thomas. "Spanish Justice and the Indian Cacique: Disjunctive Political Systems in Sixteenth-Century Tehuantepec." Ethnohistory 39, no. 3 (1992): 285. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482300.

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Anderson, Robert D. "Sociology and history: M. S. Archer's Social Origins of Educational Systems." European Journal of Sociology 27, no. 1 (May 1986): 149–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600004550.

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One of the more ambitious intellectual projects of recent years is the body of work by Margaret S. Archer which centres on her Social Origins of Educational Systems, published in 1979. Archer's thesis is that modern educational systems are of two basic kinds, centralized and decentralized, and that their character and functioning are conditioned by the social and political conflicts of their formative phases. The underlying contrast is between France and England: this was Archer's starting-point, and in 1971 she published Social Conflict and Educational Change in England and France 1789–1848 in collaboration with Michalina Vaughan. Social Origins of Educational Systems extended this in time, bringing the story down to the present day, and in national coverage, adding Russia and Denmark to the countries examined. A shorter ‘University edition’—reduced to 234 pages from over 800—has now been published which is again restricted to England and France.

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Bell, Daniel A. "Can Democracies Learn from China's Meritocratic System?" Current History 116, no. 793 (November 1, 2017): 315–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2017.116.793.315.

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Tinerella, Vincent P. "Sources: Colonial America: An Encyclopedia of Social, Political, Cultural, and Economic History." Reference & User Services Quarterly 46, no. 2 (December 1, 2006): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/rusq.46n2.84.

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Vlassopoulos, Kostas. "Greek History." Greece and Rome 66, no. 2 (September 19, 2019): 295–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001738351900010x.

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Ancient Greek history can have no serious future in which the study of slavery does not play a prominent role. But in order to fulfil this role, the study of slavery is in urgent need of new approaches and perspectives. David Lewis’ new book is a splendid contribution in this direction. Lewis stresses the fact that slavery is primarily a relationship of property, and develops a cross-cultural framework for approaching slavery in this manner. Using this framework, he shows that Greek slavery cannot be equated with slavery in classical Athens, but consisted of various epichoric systems of slavery. Spartan helots and Cretanwoikeiswere not serfs or dependent peasants, but slave property with peculiar characteristics, as a result of the peculiar development of these communities. These findings have major implications for the study of Greek slavery. At the same time, he presents a comparative examination of Greek slave systems with slave systems in the ancient Near East (Israel, Assyria, Babylonia, Persia, and Carthage). While previous scholarship assumed that slavery in the Near East was marginal, Lewis shows that slaves constituted a major part of elite portfolios in many of these societies. This has revolutionary implications for the comparative study of Mediterranean and Near Eastern history in antiquity. Finally, he presents a model for explaining the role and significance of slavery in different ancient societies, which includes the factors that determine the choice of labour force, as well as the impact of political and economic geography. It is remarkable that an approach to slavery based on a cross-cultural and ahistorical definition of property does not lead to a homogenizing and static account, but on the contrary opens the way for a perspective that highlights geographical diversity and chronological change.

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Gal, Susan. "Political Culture and the Making of Tradition: A Comment." Austrian History Yearbook 29, no. 1 (January 1998): 249–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800014867.

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For Decades, Scholars have claimed that “culture” is one important factor in shaping political processes. Individuals and groups hold fundamental values and expectations that contribute to the maintenance or collapse of democracy, nationalism, fascism, communism, and other political systems. Recently, however, the argument has been extended considerably: political culture and ritual, it is now claimed, are not simply the colorful, attitudinal, sometimes manipulative icing on the cake of the real interests and power relations that move history. More fundamentally, “interests,” “power,” “sovereignty,” the “people,” the “nation,” “tradition,” and even the “state” are being studied as ideological devices with logics, rhetorics, and effects specific to particular historical contexts. Political processes operate through such categories, which are culturally constructed and only appear to be unproblematic and self-evident.

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Cox, Michael, Tim Dunne, and Ken Booth. "Empires, systems and states: great transformations in international politics." Review of International Studies 27, no. 5 (December 2001): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210501008002.

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‘History is too important to be left to the historians”.The relationship between history, international history and international relations has never been an easy or a particularly amicable one. To talk of a cold war may be something of an exaggeration, but it does capture something about the way in which the various subjects tended to regard the other for the greater part of the post-war period. Thus practising historians and international historians appeared to have little time for each other, and together had even less for those seeking to establish the new discipline of International Relations.

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Cao, Shixiong. "Evolution of a political industry with examples from Chinese history." Time & Society 26, no. 3 (May 27, 2015): 384–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0961463x15577285.

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In explaining the development and operation of states, analysis has focused on economics (e.g. production, and the buying and selling of products) and its relationships with laws, customs, and government, as well as with the distribution of national income and wealth; however, researchers have paid less attention to the economic efficiency of the associated “political industry”. This lacuna is puzzling because politics is a form of industry that is born when a state forms, that develops as the state matures, and that flourishes as democracy and globalization become dominant. The state functions as a monopoly that reaps huge profits, and either seeks more profit through military or political intervention in the affairs of other states or uses military or political force to protect itself against such behavior by other states. A growing focus on human rights causes this industry to flourish while giving birth to new political systems that weaken autocratic politics. To reduce the costs of political affairs by increasing their efficiency, states have explored both top-down and bottom-up approaches. To understand the nature and functioning of this industry, I discuss its origins and subsequent development to provide insights into how the functioning of a state can become more effective. I provide specific Chinese examples to show how these approaches work.

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Kotsonis, Alkis. "The prominent role of education in the Platonic account of imperfect political systems." Journal of Philosophy of Education 55, no. 2 (April 2021): 347–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9752.12556.

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Bozarov, Dilmurod Mirzarasulovich, and Gulnoza Yigitalievna Karimova. "ROLE OF THE SELF-ORGANIZATION MODEL IN COMPLEX SOCIAL SYSTEMS." Oriental Journal of Social Sciences 01, no. 01 (May 22, 2021): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/supsci-ojss-01-01.

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The article substantiates the following turning point in the evolution of a planetary civilization with unprecedented technological potential, timely improve the system of values, norms and mechanisms of self-organization in accordance with the new requirements of history, also, such thinking requires a lot of intellectual effort and a lot of information, and that this thinking, due to the influence of passing political sympathy and antipathy, is generally different from conventional thinking.

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Ahmed, Amel. "Reading History Forward: The Origins of Electoral Systems in European Democracies." Comparative Political Studies 43, no. 8-9 (May 18, 2010): 1059–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414010370436.

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Turner, Terence. "Indigenous resurgence, anthropological theory, and the cunning of history." Focaal 2007, no. 49 (June 1, 2007): 118–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/foc.2007.490110.

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Why has the recent period of global centralization of capital, from the 1970s to the present, also been a period of resurgence of indigenous movements and of forms of global civil society that have supported indigenous rights? This article argues that tackling this question can only be done by using concepts that emphasize what Hegel called the 'cunning' of history: the fact that the same historical process can on the one hand bring devastation to indigenous habitats and on the other hand create opportunities for political leverage by indigenous societies to gain recognition of the legitimacy of their different social, cultural, and economic systems within their ambient nation-states. Politically engaged anthropological theory, it seems, needs concepts that emphasize these contradictions—which in a nutshell means more Marx and less Foucault.

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Root, Hilton L., Joseph A. E. Shaheen, Dersu E. Tanca, and James W. Vizzard. "Scale and Complexity in Political Economy: A Question of Liberty." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 52, no. 1 (2021): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_a_01664.

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Abstract An analysis of network interactions in complex systems presents a more plausible explanation for the development of states and societies and the origins of liberty than does the linear approach adopted by Acemoğlu and Robinson in The Narrow Corridor, which is based on a single dichotomy—state vs. society. A methodology that responds to complexity relies on a far more comprehensive understanding of endogenous mechanisms of social change, the importance of pathways for information, the effects of system scaling, and, more generally, the dynamic relationship between a system and its constitutive parts.

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Krarup, Troels. "Archaeological Methodology: Foucault and the History of Systems of Thought." Theory, Culture & Society 38, no. 5 (February 8, 2021): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276420984528.

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Existing accounts of Foucault’s archaeological methodology have not (a) contextualized the concept properly within the intellectual field of its emergence and (b) explained why it is called ‘archaeology’ and not simply ‘history’. Foucault contributed to the field of ‘history of systems of thought’ in France around 1960 by broadening its scope from the study of scientific and philosophical systems into systems of ‘knowledge’ in a wider sense. For Foucault, the term ‘archaeology’ provided a response to new methodological questions arising from this initiative. Archaeological methodology had already been developed into a distinct comparative approach for the study of linguistic and cultural systems, notably by Dumézil. Foucault redevised archaeological methodology for the post-Hegelian tradition of studying ‘problems’ prevalent in the history of systems of thought. The article thus furnishes the groundwork for a ‘sociological archaeology’ or ‘problem analysis’ that is not particularly dependent on Foucault as a social theorist of power.

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Müller-Dempf, Harald K. "Generation-sets: stability and change, with special reference to Toposa and Turkana societies." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 54, no. 3 (October 1991): 554–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x00000896.

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Generation- and age-set systems are found in many parts of the world. They are of particular importance in Africa, and especially in East Africa where some ethnic groups operate socio-political and cultural systems in which generation-sets play a dominant role. Ethnographic descriptions of generation-set systems abound, but their theoretical understanding seems still to be inadequate. With examples from the Toposa and Turkana, this paper aims to contribute to the theory of generation-set systems. Moreover, the processes described and the ideas expressed may also contribute to the general theory of socio-political and cultural systems.

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Lieberman, Victor B. "Reinterpreting Burmese History." Comparative Studies in Society and History 29, no. 1 (January 1987): 162–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014390.

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Problems of periodization have received but limited attention in Burmese historiography. Precolonial, that is to say, pre-nineteenth-century history, is said to be of a piece, without significant institutional or social transformations. Dynasties and rulers changed, of course, sometimes with stunning rapidity; but it is always assumed that these oscillations occurred within a static framework. Lamenting the failure of the early Kon-baung kings to move their capital to the coast, G. E. Harvey, whose history remains the standard work on the precolonial era, observes, “Their ideas remained in the nineteenth century what they had been in the ninth. To build pagodas, to collect daughters from tributary chiefs, to sally forth on slave raids, to make wars for white elephants—these conceptions had had their day, and a monarchy which failed to get beyond them was doomed.” In the same vein, it has recently been argued that no “significant transformations” occurred between the origins and collapse of monarchical Burma. The entire precolonial royal era “should be viewed as one entity,” for from the mid-ninth to the late nineteenth century “the major features of [Burma's] political, economic, social, administrative, and religious systems were also virtually identical.”

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Greif, Avner. "On the Political Foundations of the Late Medieval Commercial Revolution: Genoa During the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries." Journal of Economic History 54, no. 2 (June 1994): 271–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700014479.

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Although the late medieval Commercial Revolution is considered to be a watershed in the economic history of Europe, the analysis of the interrelationship between political and economic systems in bringing about this period of economic growth has been neglected. This article conducts such an analysis with respect to the city of Genoa during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Viewing political institutions as self-enforcing agreements rather than as exogenous rules, I present and analyze the nature and evolution of Genoa's political systems and the relations between these systems and economic growth.

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Pratt, John. "Punishment and the Lessons from History." Australian & New Zealand Journal of Criminology 25, no. 2 (July 1992): 97–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000486589202500201.

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This article examines the range of social forces which constitute the collection of legal sanctions which make up modem punishment systems. While not disputing the importance of the social control capacities which have been influential in the process, it argues that we also have to take into account changing cultural sensitivities and the still prevailing remnants of 19th Century political economy if we are to effectively understand the nature of punishment today. It draws primarily, although not exclusively, on historical research undertaken in New Zealand.

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Neely, Mark E. "The Presidents Politics Made." Journal of Policy History 8, no. 2 (April 1996): 227–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600005133.

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At one time, political science greatly influenced the writing of American history. Pioneers of “the new political history” brought critical elections theory, roll-call analysis, the idea of party systems, and a model of ethno-cultural voting to bear on the Jacksonian era, the problem of the coming of the Civil War, Gilded Age politics, and Progressivism in ways that permanently altered interpretation. The influence of political science is not very great now. Political history itself shriveled before the New Social History. Massive energies were applied to writing the history of people who could not vote during most or all of the nineteenth century. The old political models soon had a nonbehaviorist rival, born and bred within the discipline of history itself, the idea of a persistent and transforming “republican ideology,” first and most powerfully described by Bernard Bailyn in 1967. Even within political history, the old models of voting behavior borrowed from political science left an implausible and unsatisfying gulf between voting and platform, political behavior and belief, practice and ideology. The disciplines turned inward again.

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Junker, Laura Lee. "The Development of Centralized Craft Production Systems in a.d. 500–1600 Philippine Chiefdoms." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 25, no. 1 (March 1994): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400006652.

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Ethnohistoric sources suggest that at the time of European contact, the coastlines and interior river valleys of most of the major islands of the Philippines were dotted with politically complex, socially stratified societies, organized on the level of what cultural evolutionists refer to as “chiefdoms”. Recent regional-scale archaeological research in the Philippines indicates that these coastal chiefdoms have considerable time depth. Settlement hierarchies, complex mortuary patterns, and other archaeological indicators of socio-political complexity extend well into the first millennium a.d. Spanish and Chinese texts refer to Philippine chiefs as the central figures in complex regional-scale economies and international-scale trade. Hereditary chiefs controlled the agricultural productivity of “commoners” through restrictive land tenure, they mobilized surplus for elite use through formalized tribute systems, and they amassed “wealth” through sponsorship of luxury good craftsmen and through participation in foreign prestige-good trade. The accumulated “material fund of power” was used competitively by-hiefs to enhance their social ranking, to strengthen political alliances, and to expand their regional political authority.

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GALLAROTTI, GIULIO M. "Monetary Darwinism: The Political Economy of Monetary Relations." Contemporary European History 16, no. 4 (November 2007): 529–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077730700416x.

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According to theories of evolution, species evolve according to survival imperatives generated by their physical environments. Traits are selected and rejected based on their adaptability to the structures of the physical world in which these species live. Biological differences mirror differences in climate; the acutely developed senses of many species have adapted either for capturing prey or eluding predators, and so forth. So too in economic systems do we observe changes in human behaviour modes and policies that suggest adaptation. With respect to money, scholars continue to look for the most important adaptation mechanisms to explain the evolution of international monetary relations. What was once the preserve of strictly economic analysis has now become open ground for a wider array of social scientific analyses. In only a few short decades the study of monetary relations has developed into a more fully multi- and interdisciplinary enterprise. The four books reviewed here represent some of the latest attempts at constructing a broader social scientific explanation of monetary history. These valuable works complement one another in filling gaps in the literature on a complex and more diverse adaptation of monetary relations. Above all they stand as impressive political economies of monetary relations. Moure and Kettell concentrate on specific cases of monetary policy transformation in the interwar period, while Flandreau et al. and Obstfeld and Taylor cover a broader evolutionary timeline. The value of the contributions lies in several factors.

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McMahon, Edward R. "Catching the "Third Wave" of Democratization?: Debating Political Party Effectiveness in Africa Since 1980." African and Asian Studies 3, no. 3-4 (2004): 295–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569209332643674.

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Abstract Many observers believe that multi-party democracy increasingly represents the inevitable future of governance around the world, including Africa. Some countries such as South Africa, Ghana, Kenya, and Senegal have in fact made remarkable progress in instituting and moving toward consolidation of democratic systems. There has also been a history on the continent, however, of political systems that place de facto or de jure legal constraints on the ability of political parties to function. In fact, in recent years many African leaders have only grudgingly permitted multi-party politics under donor pressure. There remains a current of underlying skepticism toward political parties, and arguments exist against multi-party politics. This paper identifies and explains five key arguments. It then critiques them and determines that while individual elements of these arguments may have some validity, the conclusion that is drawn, i.e.that party activity should be constrained, if not prohibited, is not consonant with democratic governance. The final section presents suggestions of how weaknesses in political party functioning could be addressed without placing limits on the ability of parties to play their legitimate role in a democratic political process.

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Imran H., Md. "IMPROVEMENT OF LADIES MANAGEMENT AT THE ESSENTIAL IN BANGLADESH: A ANALYSIS OF ITS FRAME, CONDITIONSAND PERFORMANCE." CURRENT RESEARCH JOURNAL OF HISTORY 02, no. 05 (May 20, 2021): 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/history-crjh-02-05-04.

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This paper attempts to unwind the examination question: what were the constructions, settings and cycles that created ladies administration in bangladesh the paper depends on content examination strategy. the discoveries of the examination disentangled that ladies initiative in a nation becomes through different financial, political and legitimate cycles, constructions and settings that permitted ladies playing position of authority. liberal worth framework, vote based administration, headway of schooling, science, data and correspondence advances information and communication technologies, diverse socio-political developments, ladies' associations and systems administration, good enactment and so on, can give positive stimulus to uniting ladies' authority. from a genuine perspective, financial components assumed urgent part for arising ladies initiative in the essential based neighbourhood government in bangladesh. it was apparent that working in non-governmental organizations non-governmental organizations tremendous number of ladies accomplished financial liberation and conscientization by including themselves in different pay creating exercises and created huge social capital at the essential level which buttressed ladies initiative in bangladesh.

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Auerbach, Yehudith, and Talya Yehuda. "The relationship between electoral systems and political marketing: Israel 1988–2003." Israel Affairs 16, no. 3 (July 2010): 335–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537121.2010.487724.

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Zemskova, Anastasiya Yu. "On the history of researching electoral sociology." VESTNIK INSTITUTA SOTZIOLOGII 30, no. 3 (2019): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/vis.2019.30.3.595.

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In our modern world electoral sociology, which is under constant scrutiny by the general public, as well as members of the media, in many ways shapes the image of sociology as a scientific discipline. Today sociology is often represented by media reports about the results of public opinion polls on the subject of politics and electoral affairs. Meanwhile a certain other trend is apparent: the high expectations imposed on electoral studies, as well as on their verifiability and efficiency, encourage the further development of sociological research and sociology in general. Scientific studies on electoral processes are defined by the convergence of various schools and paradigms of research, which implies an overlapping of different approaches and methods. This article presents the stages of electoral sociology’s development, from “straw polls” to contemporary theories of electoral behavior (the straw poll stage, electoral sociology in the 1930’s and 1940’s, ecological analysis in electoral sociology, the behavioral approach, the sociological theory on electoral behavior, the socio-psychological theory of electoral behavior, the theory of instrumental rationality), which in modern electoral sociology are known as “post-Gallup” theories. The author reveals the main characteristics of each stage of modern electoral sociology’s development, while highlighting its achievements and value, and giving a comprehensive analysis of modern theories of electoral behavior, with regards to issues located on the line between political sociology and sociology of law. Among these issues special consideration is given to elections as a political phenomenon, the political culture and political attitudes of the electorate, features of voting systems, political mechanisms and electoral technologies.

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Pearce, David. "An Intellectual History of Environmental Economics." Annual Review of Energy and the Environment 27, no. 1 (November 2002): 57–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev.energy.27.122001.083429.

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▪ Abstract From modest beginnings in the 1960s, environmental economics has grown to be a major subdiscipline of economics. It combines traditional work in the field of welfare economics and the theory of economic growth with more recent perspectives on the political economy of choosing policy instruments and the philosophy of sustainable development. The central tenets are that environmental problems have their roots in the failure of economic systems to maximize human well-being, that environmental quality matters for human well-being and for more traditionally oriented economic growth objectives, and that efficient policy can be achieved through incentive design.

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Pitasi, Andrea. "The Sociological Semantics of Complex Systems." Journal of Sociological Research 5, no. 1 (July 10, 2014): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jsr.v5i1.5953.

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<p>The concept of complex systems is one of the most common and abused by sociological semantics. Both complexity and system are epistemological terms which contribute to reshape the scientific research design and conceptual frames. Nevertheless, complexity and system are often used by everyday life in several misleading ways: for example complex is often meant by common sense as a synonym for difficult, complicate, hard to understand, obscure and system is used by common sense as a synonym of “way “ or mechanism and is often geographically rooted (the Italian political system, for instance). Common sense generates misleading uses and affects public opinion about the understanding of science. This paper is not focused on the history and evolution of the concept of complex system it rather is aimed at reconstructing this concept in the current sociological depistemology to let complex systems fully express their revolutionary and reconfigurational powers for social and political science research</p>

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Gould, Lewis L., and Thomas Ferguson. "Golden Rule: The Investment Theory of Party Competition and the Logic of Money-Driven Political Systems." Journal of American History 83, no. 1 (June 1996): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945586.

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Shambayati, Hootan. "A TALE OF TWO MAYORS: COURTS AND POLITICS IN IRAN AND TURKEY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 36, no. 2 (May 2004): 253–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743804362057.

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Countries such as Iran and Turkey do not fit comfortably into the democratic and authoritarian categories. In these countries, elections are held regularly, and the will of the people is accepted as one source of sovereignty. At the same time, both constitutionally and in practice the elected officials have to share the exercise of political power with institutions that do not draw their power directly from the will of the people. In such systems, the judiciary has two important political functions. First, the judiciary acts as a politically insulated decision-maker through which the unelected head can exercise some degree of control over the actions of the elected head. Second, the judiciary's direct involvement in the political arena increases political tensions and legitimates the continuation of the two-headed system. In systems based on divided sovereignty, the tensions created by the judicialization of politics contribute to the stability of the regime.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Political Systems, history'

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