Relevant bibliographies by topics / Political unrest

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Political unrest'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 17 June 2025

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Journal articles on the topic "Political unrest"

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Passarelli, Francesco, and Guido Tabellini. "Emotions and Political Unrest." Journal of Political Economy 125, no. 3 (2017): 903–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/691700.

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Shirah, Ryan. "Electoral authoritarianism and political unrest." International Political Science Review 37, no. 4 (2016): 470–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512115580185.

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Rudy, Kiryl. "The Exchange Rate Volatility During Political Protests: Event Study and the Case of Belarus." International Journal of Economics and Finance 15, no. 9 (2023): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v15n9p37.

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The exchange rate reacts on political protests. Market agents affected by unrest increase exchange rate volatility. This may be converted into currency devaluation if monetary authorities decide to join protesters rather than supporting the exchange rate. Based on the event study methodology, three hypotheses were tested on 1,220 event windows of 77 political protests, in 54 economies, in 2017-2022, on three points: (1) the types of political protests with the highest abnormal exchange rate volatility and currency returns; (2) the influence of protests on daily currency devaluation; (3) the effects of unrest on intraday exchange rate volatility. The findings show that the highest exchange rate volatility was in the groups of events with short duration, with a small number of participants, which were non-violent, motivated by electoral fraud, without outcomes, and in partly free countries. The highest currency devaluation was in the groups of unrest with the greatest number of protesters, lasting more than a month, and in free countries. Only rare cases prove a high statistically significant influence of protests on exchange rate volatility and currency devaluation. As the case-by-case approach is preferable, the case of Belarus, and the country’s 14 largest political protests in 2020, was studied. This showed that four-month street unrests affected the abnormal intraday volatility of USD/BYN. After two weeks of protests, market volatility would have led to devaluation, if the National Bank hadn’t intervened, and in two months of unrest, exchange rate volatility started falling.
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Rashiduzzaman, M. "Political Unrest and Democracy in Bangladesh." Asian Survey 37, no. 3 (1997): 254–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645662.

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Voas, Jeffrey, and Keith Miller. "Social Unrest, Political Violence, and War." Computer 58, no. 1 (2025): 16–19. https://doi.org/10.1109/mc.2024.3457648.

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Rashiduzzaman, M. "Political Unrest and Democracy in Bangladesh." Asian Survey 37, no. 3 (1997): 254–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1997.37.3.01p0230v.

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Zimmermann, Ekkart. "Political unrest in OECD countries: Trendsand prospects†." World Futures 25, no. 1-2 (1988): 43–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02604027.1988.9972075.

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Drury, A. Cooper, and Richard Stuart Olson. "Disasters and Political Unrest: An Empirical Investigation." Journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management 6, no. 3 (1998): 153–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5973.00084.

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Taneja, Pradeep. "Economic Reform and Political Unrest in China." Policy, Organisation and Society 1, no. 1 (1990): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10349952.1990.11876733.

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Banks, Michael. "Political unrest puts SESAME project in jeopardy." Physics World 24, no. 04 (2011): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/2058-7058/24/04/24.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Political unrest"

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de, Leon Justin. "PHILIPPINE ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND PHILIPPINE MUSLIM UNREST." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4217.

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Muslim culture and society has been a part of the Philippine islands in spite of nearly ninety-five percent of the population being Christian (a majority Catholic), yet did not become a separatist movement until the 1970's. Since then, the two main separatist groups the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) have been battling the Philippine government. The parties entered truces in 1996 and 2001, yet there has been a cycle of violence continues. The Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), linked to Al Qaeda, emerged in 1990 and has launched many attacks on the Christian Philippine majority. The prolonged Muslim unrest in the ARMM has left thousands dead and hundreds of thousands displaced. The main objective of this research paper is to examine Philippine economic and political development and its impact on Philippine Muslim unrest. This paper presents a critical analysis of the economic and political development and Philippine Muslim unrest by examining six major features of the Philippines; they are: The historical evolution, economic development, political development, socio-cultural setting, geographic setting, and the quality of life of the Filipino people. This research also examines Fareed Zakaria's illiberal democracies theory, liberal institutionalism, and the Marxist theory of class revolution and primarily relies on research conducted at the University of the Philippines and from Philippine and Asian scholars. By taking a holistic comprehensive approach and by using international relations theory, this research fills two gaps in the literature about Philippine Muslim unrest. The research concludes with a look at future challenges, both short term and long term that face the country, as well as, possible future scenarios. The findings of this research are that the economic and political development and the historical evolution, though major contributory factors, are not the sole reason for the prolonged Philippine Muslim unrest. The most pervasive causal factor to Muslim unrest was the socio-cultural setting. Because of the all-pervasive nature of culture; at first glance, the socio-cultural setting was not a major apparent cause. At almost all times examined throughout this research, certain cultural tendencies guided decisions and altered the course of events more so than any other single variable. Corruption, crony capitalism, patrimonialism, and irrational institutions all stem from the tendencies of Philippine culture must be addressed to find lasting peace in the country. A move toward rational legal institutions and liberal constitutionalism, will lead the way to the creation of a liberal democracy and break the cycle of violence occurring in the Philippines.<br>M.A.<br>Department of Political Science<br>Sciences<br>Political Science MA
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Smith, Justin P. "The Attlee and Churchill administrations and industrial unrest, 1945-55." Thesis, Loughborough University, 1986. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/13833.

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This study looks at the governments' handling of industrial unrest in the decade following the end of the Second World War. The period encompasses both the Attlee administrations of 1945-51 and the post-war Churchill government of the early 1950's. The period of 1945-55 was characterised by a relatively low level of strike activity. Nevertheless, a number of large scale, unofficial strikes broke out, especially on the docks which caused severe economic dislocation. In the first part of this study I focus on the re-establishment of an emergencies supply organisation after 1945 and on the use by the Attlee governments of the traditional strike-breaking instruments of the armed forces and civilian volunteers. I examine the role of the law in industrial disputes of the period and I analyse the pressure brought to bear on unofficial strikers through the withholding of state benefits. I also look at the attempts by the government to exert control over the coverage of disputes by the BBC. The study is placed in the economic context of the period and an analysis is also made of the effect of the Cold War on the government's attitude to strikes. In the second part I look at the return of a Conservative administration, pledged to following a policy of industrial conciliation after the bitterness of the interwar years. By looking at the period as a whole I am able to draw a comparison between the Attlee and Churchill administrations, to ascertain to what extent the consensus in economic policy was mirrored by a consensus in the industrial sphere.
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Oakes, Amy C. "States in crisis how governments respond to domestic unrest /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1141660456.

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Willis, Michael Anthony. "Relative deprivation and political conflict : a Northern Irish case study." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302764.

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Metinsoy, Saliha. "Political unrest under IMF programmes : labour mobility, fiscal conditionality, and democratic representation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:045b1d24-e37a-4232-8e4d-39c038c799c4.

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What triggers political unrest under International Monetary Fund (IMF) programmes? Why do we see unrest - protests, strikes, and riots - in some countries under IMF programmes and not in others? This thesis argues that IMF labour conditionality in an immobile labour market compounded by intrusive fiscal conditionality and blocked democratic channels result in unrest. Where labour is immobile in the borrowing country, IMF labour conditionality decentralising the market creates large-scale grievances among the labour groups. Immobile labour groups substantially lose income and benefits under those measures due to high wage differentials and varied labour protection measures across sectors. Moreover, uncertainty and risks increase, while the opportunities to return back to employment or to maintain the existing income and benefits diminish. When the political authority is unable to address the rising grievances due to tight fiscal conditionality and blocked democratic channels, we observe political unrest under IMF programmes. Where labour is mobile, on the other hand, it is easier for workers to switch between sectors and jobs when the economic crisis hits their sector. The labour groups respond to the internal crisis and the external impact by increasing mobility and switching to the sectors that are still growing despite the crisis. Labour conditions do not give rise to a similar degree of uncertainty and risks compared to immobile markets. Hence, programmes are implemented without large-scale unrest. The study tests this theory in a global sample of 117 countries between 1970 and 2013 and investigates the impact of mobility and IMF conditionality on unrest with a data set originally compiled and coded for this study. It then delves into two extreme cases, Greece, 2010 and Turkey, 2001. While Greece had extreme immobility and received intrusive labour and fiscal conditionality in 2010, Turkey is located on the opposite end of the spectrum, with very high levels of mobility, the limited number of labour conditions, and greater fiscal space. We see that while Greece witnessed large-scale unrest in 2010, Turkey implemented the programme smoothly. Finally, the study applies the theory into three shadow cases, Ireland, 2010, Latvia, 2008, and Portugal, 2011 and demonstrates that the varied degrees of mobility and conditionality and fiscal conditionality result in different degrees of unrest.
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Lai, Shin-Yuan. "The politics of state-labour relations in Taiwan, 1949-1989 : from passivity to unrest." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.333443.

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Backstrom, Jeremy R. "Clenching the Fists of Dissent: Political Unrest, Repression, and the Evolution to Civil War." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc862817/.

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Previous scholarship has long concentrated on the behaviors of belligerents during regime-dissident interactions. While much of the progress in the literature concentrated on the micro-level processes of this relationship, little research has focused on providing a theoretical reasoning on why belligerents choose to act in a particular manner. This project attempts to open the black box of decision making for regimes and dissidents during regime-dissident interactions in order to provide a theoretical justification for the behaviors of the belligerents involved. Moreover, this project argues that there is a relationship between the lower level events of political violence and civil war as the events at earlier stages of the conflict influence the possible outcome of civil conflict. Regimes and dissidents alike are strategic actors who conduct themselves in a manner to ensure their survival while concurrently attempting to succeed at achieving their respective goals. Although all authoritarian regimes are similar in their differences to democracies, there are significant differences between the regimes, which influence the decision making of the regime leader to ensure the survival of the political institution. In addition to influencing the decision calculus of the regimes, the behavior of the regimes impacts the probability of civil war at later stages of the interaction. Conversely, dissidents also perform as strategic actors in an attempt to gain their preferred concessions and outcomes. Although their comprehension of the coercive capacity of a regime is limited, their knowledge of the repressive capacity of the regime provides them with the understanding of their future fate if they escalate to violence against the regime. This project is conducted using two theories on regime and dissident actions and responses, two large-N empirical analyses of regime and dissident behaviors during nonviolent and violent dissident campaigns from 1945-2006, and two historical case studies of Egypt and Syria during the Arab Spring as well as the period preceding the uprising.
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Cretu, Paula Madalina, and Alvarez Jonathan Puentes. "Managing Organizational Crises in the Light of Political Unrest : The "Gulf Agency Company" Egypt Case." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Företagsekonomi, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-70947.

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Background: The field of crisis management has been researched extensively in the last two decades, with a focus on man-made organizational crises in large corporations (Mitroff et al., 2001; Pearson et al., 1993; Weick, 1988). Crises, as phenomena, are very complex events with a low probability of occurrence (Pearson et al., 1998), which subsume multiple layers in their construction causes and manifestation. In the recent years, the number of crises has increased dramatically, with either natural, technological or human causes and each of us can name at least a few dozen examples. Crises are no longer an aberrant, rare, random, or peripheral feature of today’s society. They are built into the very fabric and fiber of modern societies" (Mitroff et al., 2001, p.5). Aim: The purpose of the present research paper is to enhance the understanding of the importance of crisis management for organizations, where the crisis can be triggered by a political unrest situation. Our empirical study will address the issues of how the Gulf Agency Company Egypt team identified, responded and learned from the organizational crisis they were faced with, due to protests against the formal regime of Hosni Mubarak, in the beginning of 2011. Methodology: The goal of our research paper is firstly using existing theory and previous knowledge which will serve as the bricks of our academic construction. Further on, the GAC Egypt case study will be the principal empirical tool that will support and prove or contrast the theoretical roots. In this way, we plan to make use of already existing theory, while in return bringing our own contribution by our results and empirical findings. Completion and results: Our results entail that there are numerous gaps between what the literature on crisis management presents and the organizational procedures in GAC Egypt. In this respect, our findings lead us to notice the absence of an official crisis management plan, minimal perception of credible early signals, weak top management support correlated with a high degree of employee empowerment, as well as the learning outcomes for the organization.
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Kawalerowicz, Juta. "Hotbeds of unrest and extremism : how social context influences political participation in the 21st century : Britain, from rioting to far right party membership." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9602b1e9-6771-4579-b527-e08865ef1243.

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British politics at the start of the 21st century provide a good setting for examining factors associated with mobilisation for extremist politics. This thesis is concerned with the relationship between individuals' preferences, their local setting and political behaviour. With focus on two outcomes - participation in urban rioting and support for a far right party - this thesis is divided into two parts and consists of five research papers addressing different aspects of mobilisation. In the first part we focus on urban disorder and examine police arrest records from the London riot of 2011. Much of the sociological literature has focused on variation in rioting across cities; here we examine variation within London by mapping the residential addresses of 1,620 rioters onto over 25,000 neighbourhoods. Our findings challenge the orthodoxy that rioting is not explained by deprivation or by disorganisation. Furthermore, we present evidence suggesting the importance of political grievances, in particular relations with the police, and examine the process of mobilisation to show that it was aided by spatial proximity and social similarity. In the second part we look at factors associated with engagement with far right politics. We use individual attitudinal data from the British Election Study to examine whether concerns over immigration are associated with the actual experience of immigration in one's place of residence. The results suggest that local setting does play some role, although individual factors seem to be more important. Secondly, we use leaked British National Party membership list to map 12,536 far right supporters onto over 200,000 neighbourhoods in Britain. Our findings underline the importance of a larger geographic context, where some spatial configurations present particularly fertile grounds for the far right; we also report the relative unimportance of cultural threat and significance of the social distance. Lastly, we question the recently advocated 'legacy effect' and suggest that white flight mechanism may possibly be an alternative way of thinking about organisational continuity.
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Kirk, Timothy. "The Austrian working class under National Socialist rule : industrial unrest and political dissent in the 'people's community'." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.257201.

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Books on the topic "Political unrest"

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Burger, Ethan S., and Serguei Cheloukhine. Counterterrorism in Areas of Political Unrest. Springer New York, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5140-2.

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Library of Congress. Congressional Research Service, ed. Kenya: Political unrest and U.S. policy. Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1991.

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T, Hettige S., Goethe-Institut (Colombo Sri Lanka), and American Studies Association of Sri Lanka., eds. Unrest or revolt: Some aspects of youth unrest in Sri Lanka. Goethe-Institut, 1992.

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Danda, Ajit K., 1936- editor, Sengupta Sarthak 1955 editor, Danda Dipali G. editor, Dibrugarh University, Indian National Confederation and Academy of Anthropologists, and Indirā Gāndhī Rāshṭrīya Mānava Saṅgrahālaya, eds. Unrest, insurgency, and beyond. Indian National Confederation and Academy of Anthropologists, 2015.

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1945-, Clark Samuel, and Donnelly James S, eds. Irish peasants: Violence & political unrest, 1780-1914. University of Wisconsin Press, 1986.

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1945-, Clark Samuel, and Donnelly James S, eds. Irish peasants: Violence & political unrest, 1780-1914. Gill and Macmillan, 1988.

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Çakal, Hüseyin, David Sirlopú, and Vanessa Smith-Castro. The Political Psychology of Social Unrest in Latin America. Routledge, 2025. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003282174.

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Henry, Nikhila. The ferment: Youth unrest in India. Macmillan, 2018.

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Group, International Crisis, ed. Nigeria: Ending unrest in the Niger Delta. International Crisis Group, 2007.

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John, Benyon, Solomos John, University of Leicester. Continuing Education Unit., and Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations (Economic and Social Research Council), eds. The Roots of urban unrest. Pergamon Press, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Political unrest"

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Marsh, Vivien. "Covering political unrest." In Seeking Truth in International TV News. Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003095439-5.

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Brennan, Thomas E., Beat Kümin, and B. Ann Tlusty. "Political Conflict and Unrest." In Public Drinking in the Early Modern World Vol 3. Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003552055-28.

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Tarkhani, Hogr. "Political Unrest: Factors and Impact." In Encyclopedia of the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-95960-3_92.

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Tarkhani, Hogr. "Political Unrest: Factors and Impact." In Encyclopedia of the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71066-2_92-1.

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Jobard, Fabien. "Riots in France: Political, Proto-political or Anti-political Turmoils?" In Riot, Unrest and Protest on the Global Stage. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-30553-4_8.

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Capella, Manuel. "Social Unrest in Contemporary Ecuador." In The Political Psychology of Social Unrest in Latin America. Routledge, 2025. https://doi.org/10.4324/9781003282174-12.

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Burger, Ethan S., and Serguei Cheloukhine. "The “Legal Framework” to Fight Terrorists." In Counterterrorism in Areas of Political Unrest. Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5140-2_1.

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Burger, Ethan S., and Serguei Cheloukhine. "The Northern Caucasus as a Colonial Phenomenon." In Counterterrorism in Areas of Political Unrest. Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5140-2_2.

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Burger, Ethan S., and Serguei Cheloukhine. "Conceptualizations of Russian Counterterrorism." In Counterterrorism in Areas of Political Unrest. Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5140-2_3.

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Burger, Ethan S., and Serguei Cheloukhine. "The Parties’ Strategies and Tactics." In Counterterrorism in Areas of Political Unrest. Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5140-2_4.

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Conference papers on the topic "Political unrest"

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Raja, Haroon, Muhammad U. Ilyas, Saad Saleh, Alex X. Liu, and Hayder Radha. "Detecting national political unrest on Twitter." In ICC 2016 - 2016 IEEE International Conference on Communications. IEEE, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icc.2016.7511393.

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Scharf, James, Arya D. McCarthy, and Giovanna Maria Dora Dore. "Characterizing News Portrayal of Civil Unrest in Hong Kong, 1998–2020." In Proceedings of the 4th Workshop on Challenges and Applications of Automated Extraction of Socio-political Events from Text (CASE 2021). Association for Computational Linguistics, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18653/v1/2021.case-1.7.

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Vasconcelos, Francisco F., Alexandre M. de Sousa, and Jussara M. Almeida. "A social curiosity-driven approach to analyzing the information dissemination in Telegram political groups." In Anais Estendidos do Simpósio Brasileiro de Sistemas Multimídia e Web. Sociedade Brasileira de Computação - SBC, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.5753/webmedia_estendido.2024.244422.

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Social curiosity plays a key role in the process of information dissemination on online social media platforms such as Telegram. Understanding the mechanisms that influence this process, especially in times of political unrest such as the Brazilian elections of 2022, is crucial. Recent studies have shown that curiosity is an important factor influencing user behavior when sharing information on online social media platforms. However, there are few studies that measure curiosity on these platforms, and none of them look at Telegram groups. The present study aims to fill this gap by investigating social curiosity in Telegram groups. The aim is to analyze how social curiosity affects user behavior, information sharing and understand the role of groups in stimulating social curiosity.
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Fung, Henry T. Y. "Impacts of the socio-political instability in Hong Kong on university students’ learning experience." In Seventh International Conference on Higher Education Advances. Universitat Politècnica de València, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/head21.2021.12834.

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Since the Anti-Extradition Law Social Movement in 2019, Hong Kong has entered an era of socio-political instability. The conflict between student protestants and the government has become increasingly intense, whereas several universities even became the battlefield of the protest and were abruptly shut down in November 2019. To add fuel to the fire, the outbreak of COVID-19 in early 2020 has prompted all universities in the territory to suspend all face-to-face classes and activities for two semesters. All these have impacted university students in Hong Kong socially, academically and psychologically.In light of this, this study aims to explore the ways to which the learning experience of university students in Hong Kong have been impacted by the socio-political challenges. Through conducting a mixed-methods study at a public university in Hong Kong, it was found that university have a high perceived level of stress, high political involvements, unsatisfactory learning experience and poor learning motivation under this socio-political instability. It is hoped that this study can provide informed insights for teachers to understand students’ burdens, stresses, and emotional instability associated with socio-political unrest.
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Салмина, П. В., and В. А. Лясковская. "ANIMATION AND SOCIETY: ANALYSIS OF THE RELATIONSHIP." In Мультимедиа: современные тенденции. Crossref, 2025. https://doi.org/10.54874/9785605245759.2024.10.34.

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Статья посвящена актуальным вопросам выявления корреляции между событиями, протекающими в обществе, и содержанием анимационных произведений. Приводится анализ конкретных политических, экономических и социальных волнений трех временных отрезков: 1930–1945, 1980–1983 и 2010–2024 гг. На примере анимационной индустрии США, выявляется отражение важных для общества «глобальных вопросов» в мультипликационных сюжетах. Актуальность исследования подтверждается наличием выраженной взаимосвязи между значимыми массовыми волнениями и главными темами повествования. Новизна исследования заключается в сравнительном анализе вышеуказанных временных промежутков, а также в изучении статистики и общественной обстановки. В статье анализируются разные способы решения обозначенной проблемы. The article is devoted to the current issues of identifying the correlation between the events taking place in society and the content of animated works. The analysis of specific political, economic and social unrest in three time periods is given: 1930–1945, 1980–1983 and 2010–2024. Using the example of the US animation industry, the reflection of important “global issues” for society in animated plots is revealed. The relevance of the study is confirmed by the presence of a pronounced relationship between significant mass unrest and the main themes of the narrative. The novelty of the study lies in the comparative analysis of the above time periods, as well as in the study of statistics and the social situation. The article analyzes different ways of solving the identified problem.
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Hugo, Cheri. "On (un) Becoming Ghosts in Academia: A Coloured Female Academic’s Narratives in Post-student Protest Higher Education in South Africa." In 8th International Visual Methods Conference. AIJR Publisher, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.21467/proceedings.168.14.

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I am conducting an autoethnographic study on the narratives of female academics of colour in the post-student protest era. I am interested in exploring how women of colour navigate this space, the progress made through the unrest, and the remaining obstacles. Autoethnography is a research and writing approach that aims to describe and analyse personal experiences to gain a broader understanding of cultural and social experiences. This approach challenges colonial research practices and aims to represent others in a more politically, socially just, and conscious manner. The concept of hauntology, as explained by Derrida (1994), suggests that socio-economic and political phenomena such as apartheid, racism, inequality, and injustice are not dead but continue to have a lingering impact on our existence. My connection to these ghosts’ dates back over 300 years, to the arrival of the first slave ships from India and Ceylon. These ghosts have been with me throughout my life, from my mother's womb through my upbringing, education, and now my academic career. In the current emotionally charged debates surrounding coloured identity, my goal is to explore how a group of female academics of colour engage with these ghosts from our past and how they can be utilised to navigate these still troubled spaces. By intertwining my growth stories with black feminist theory, particularly the concepts of respectability politics, anger, and creative resistance, I will illustrate what becomes possible in our academic and personal lives when we embrace, welcome, and liberate our ghosts.
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Чернова, Л. Н. "On the Way to Power: The Misadventures of a XVth -Century London Artisan." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.005.

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В статье рассматривается карьера ремесленника-портного Ральфа Холланда, стремившегося продвинуться на самую вершину политического Олимпа Лондона. Показано, что он использовал все доступные в той ситуации методы борьбы за пост мэра, который открывал дополнительные возможности для коммерческого успеха – и личного, и ремесленной гильдии портных. Фактически Ральф Холланд возглавил оппозицию власти, переросшую в волнения 1441–1443 гг. Однако купеческая олигархия английской столицы, используя административный ресурс, не позволила представителю ремесленной среды занять должность мэра. The article examines the career of the artisan-tailor Ralph Holland, who sought to advance to the very top of the political Olympus in London. It is shown that he used all the methods available in that situation to fight for the post of mayor, which opened up additional opportunities for commercial success – both personal and craft tailors' guild. In fact, Ralph Holland led the opposition to power, which grew into unrest in 1441–1443. However, the merchant oligarchy of the English capital, using administrative resources, did not allow a representative of the craft environment to take the post of mayor.
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Bessette, Jonathan T., and Amos G. Winter. "The Need for Desalination in Humanitarian Crises." In ASME 2022 International Design Engineering Technical Conferences and Computers and Information in Engineering Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/detc2022-89713.

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Abstract Humanitarian crises ranging from political unrest to natural disasters are becoming increasingly prevalent with global climate change. Correspondingly, there are an increasing number of regions that consist both of high crises risk and saline water contamination. Such regions include the Middle East, Subsaharan Africa (particularly along the Great Rift Valley), Southeast Asia (including the Mekong Delta and Pacific Islands), and coastal regions. However, there is a lack of robust, deployable desalination technologies for humanitarian crises. This is mainly attributed to the highly-constrained environment which necessitate: minimization of consumables, rapid speed of deployment and simplification of operation and maintenance. Such constraints are often secondary thoughts, are difficult to traditionally quantify, and differ from stable commercial situations where operations are supported by an accessible supply chain and network of technicians. These barriers have particularly hindered the adoption of membrane technology and thus, high volume desalination and chemical contaminant removal. This work justifies the need for desalination technology in humanitarian crises via geospatial analysis of saline water databases and exploration of regional case studies, formulates design requirements for an emergency-use desalination system based on needs extracted from open-interviews of stakeholders and literature review, evaluates some of the gaps within currently employed deployable desalination systems and explores the potential opportunities of other desalination technology.
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Antun Dujmović, Krševan. "LAW ON FREEDOM OF RELIGION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON THE EU ACCESSION OF MONTENEGRO." In SECURITY HORIZONS. Faculty of Security- Skopje, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.20544/icp.11.01.20.p37.

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The situation in Montenegro after the adaptation of the Law on Freedom of Religion and Legal Status of Religious Communities has been defined by massive protests, civil unrest and tense political situation. The main stakeholders are not just the biggest religious institutions in Montenegro – the Serbian Orthodox Church (SPC- Srpska Pravoslavna Crkva) but also the major political parties and citizens who were coming out in the streets of all major cities of Montenegro in consecutive weeks after the law was adopted on 27th December 2019. Major protests in Montenegro went on for three months until restrictions on public gatherings were introduced in March as a measure to curb the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. The Law was published in Montenegro’s Official Gazette (No. 74/2019) on 30th December and came into force on 8th January 2020. Evidently, the legislative procedure in the Parliament of Montenegro (Narodna Skupština) purposely took place during the festive season, as Cristian Orthodox believers of the SPC celebrated Christmas on 7th January. However, the plan of Montenegro’s ruling elite assembled within the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro (DPS - Demokratska partija socijalista Crne Gore) to pass the Law beyond the radar of the wider public, failed dramatically. DPS is the legal successor of the Communist party of Montenegro in former Yugoslavia, its president Milo Đukanović is also the President of Montenegro, and DPS along with its collation partners had the power in the country since the dissolution of Yugoslavia in 1991, including the incumbent government 146 (2016-2020) until the general elections on August 30th this year. The sheer scale of civil protests in Montenegro is unprecedented not just in the modern Montenegrin state after it gained independence in 2006, but has never been recorded in its history.
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Ziadat, Dr Wael M., and Dr Richard W. Kirkham. "Estimation of COVID-19 Virus Outbreak in Oil and Gas Activities." In Offshore Technology Conference. OTC, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4043/31972-ms.

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Abstract It has been recognized that Digitalization in the oil and gas industry, as emerging information communication and technology, can improve collaboration to different extents. However, because of the fast progress of Digitalization adoption both on the scope and in-depth, there is a knowledge gap between industry and academia that lacks systematic analysis on critical success factors (CSFs) of implementing Digitalization for collaboration in the oil and gas industry. This study develops a digitalization framework for collaboration from technical, organizational, process, and legal scopes. It identifies the CSFs of Digitalization in each scope based on the latest publications. From a system analysis perspective, the pair-relationship matrix is established to reveal the hidden effect between CSFs. The CSFs in the specific Digitalization application areas are identified based on the matrix. The Innovative Digital Race is based on the evolution of the operational backbone of the engineering domain, driven by advancements in Artificial Intelligence, Machine Learning, Deep Learning, Automation, energy technologies, and data-driven prediction and analytics. Organizations are constantly buffeted by unexpected events, from the COVID-19 pandemic to climate change to political unrest. In contrast, the promise of digital transformation to prosper and outperform the challenges during disturbances stays apparent as digital is responsible for supporting digital enterprise technology. As a result, enterprises can embrace innovations to accelerate growth and strategically drive the enterprise forward through gaining trusted digital connections, solutions to disruptive scale digital creativity, and innovative capacities to post business growth and resilience.
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Reports on the topic "Political unrest"

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Caldevilla Domínguez, D., J. Rodríguez Terceño, and A. Barrientos Báez. Social unrest through new technologies: Twitter as a political tool. Revista Latina de Comunicación Social, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4185/rlcs-2019-1383en.

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Seraina, Rüegger, Madhushree Sekher, and Bütikofer Sarah. How Perceived Inequality Can Lead to Political Unrest: Lessons from India. Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.46446/publication_r4d.2019.3.en.

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The perception of inequality is often more important than objectively measured inequalities. Research conducted in India, one of the most diverse countries in the world, helps us to understand exactly what feeds the perception of injustice, which often results in political unrest. Research on perceived inequalities contributes to a better understanding of how democratic institutions may prevent ethnic conflict escalation.
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Ismail, Zenobia. Interaction Between Food Prices and Political Instability. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.091.

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This report reviews the literature on links between international food prices and political instability (including protests, riots and social unrest). The literature on food prices and protests, riots, unrest, or violent incidents consists mainly of peer-reviewed scholarly articles that utilise econometric modeling. Some early studies examined the links between international food prices and political instability and found conflicting results. Some assessments concluded that there were links between international food prices or food insecurity and the number of violent incidents, while others found that such a link was tenuous. This literature review covers some of the main arguments and findings in the recent literature on food prices and political instability or conflict. The majority of the econometric studies in this review find that there is a link between food price increases and a greater probability of protests, riots or social unrest. However, there are still a few studies that have contradictory results. So, the debate on the effect of food prices on political stability continues. Food subsidies, cash transfers, price controls, and the elimination of trade barriers are some of the policy interventions that may address rising food prices and mitigate the rise of violent collective action. However, the literature questions the effectiveness of such policies in cases where violence or protest action stems from deeper, underlying economic or political grievances.
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Maiangwa, Benjamin. Peace (Re)building Initiatives: Insights from Southern Kaduna, Nigeria. RESOLVE Network, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2021.22.lpbi.

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Violent conflicts and crime have reached new heights in Nigeria, as cases of kidnapping, armed banditry, and communal unrests continue to tear at the core of the ethnoreligious divides in the country. Southern Kaduna has witnessed a virulent spree of communal unrest in northern Nigeria over the last decade due to its polarized politics and power differentials between the various groups in the area, particularly the Christians and Muslims, who are almost evenly split. In response to their experiences of violence, the people of that region have also shown incredible resilience and grit in transforming their stress and suffering. This policy note focuses on the transformative practices of the Fulani and other ethnic communities in southern Kaduna in terms of how they problem-solve deep-seated socio-political rivalries and violent relations by working through their shared identity, history, and cultures of peace. The note explores how peace practitioners and donor agencies could consolidate local practices of sustaining peace as complementary or alternative resources to the state’s liberal system.
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Terzyan, Aram. Echoes of Defiance: Post-War Protests and Their Implications in Armenia. Eurasia Institutes, 2025. https://doi.org/10.47669/earp-1-2025.

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The post-war protests in Armenia from 2020 to 2024 serve as a vivid case study of political unrest, collective trauma, and societal mobilization following the Nagorno-Karabakh war. These movements, driven by Armenia’s territorial losses and the profound national identity crisis that ensued, reflected widespread dissatisfaction with governance, structural weaknesses, and political leadership. Despite their emotional resonance and the symbolic power of movements like the "Holy Struggle," the protests faced significant challenges in achieving systemic change. This article examines the anatomy of these protests, highlighting their historical roots, organizational dynamics, leadership strategies, and the structural conditions that shaped their trajectory. By analyzing Armenia’s post-war protests, this study contributes to broader debates about the resilience of post-conflict societies and the limitations of protest-driven reform in addressing deep-seated governance crises.
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Pretorius, Christo. EU Employment Law and the AI Act: A Policy Brief Putting the Human Back in ‘Human-Centric’ Policy. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pop0002.

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This policy paper analyzes the European Union’s (EU) AI Act, aimed at regulating Artificial Intelligence (AI) through four risk classifications related to data protection, privacy, security, and fundamental rights. While the Act establishes regulatory frameworks, it neglects employment security, a critical factor behind public mistrust of AI. The paper warns that failure to address this issue could deepen socio-economic inequalities and lead to political unrest. Recommendations include promoting collective negotiation between workers and employers, advocating for legislation on redundancies linked to AI, and launching information campaigns to educate workers, thus ensuring fair working conditions and improving trust in AI technology.
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Ozturk, Ibrahim. Confronting Populist Authoritarians: The Dynamics of Lula’s Success in Brazil and Erdogan’s Survival in Turkey. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0027.

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This article delves into the political trajectories of anti-establishment leaders Inácio Lula da Silva (Lula) in Brazil and Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Turkey, both of whom ascended to power in the early 2000s amid politically fragmented environments. The analysis explores the dynamics of their rise, governance styles, and the factors influencing the retention or loss of power. Lula’s success in the 2022 elections against right-wing populist Jair Bolsonaro is attributed to his adept coalition-building and pragmatic policies. In contrast, Erdogan, facing economic crises and deep political unrest, managed to secure his position in the May 2023 elections, showcasing the complexities of populism. The article examines the leadership qualities, coalition-building strategies, and responses to challenges encountered by Lula and Erdogan. Despite initial similarities, Erdogan’s transformative approach to institutions and the establishment of a self-sustaining clientelist regime contributed to his longevity, in contrast to Bolsonaro’s defeat. The role of clientelism, rent-seeking, and corruption in both countries’ politics is discussed, emphasizing their impact on public perception. Lula’s effective positioning as an alternative to Bolsonaro is contrasted with Turkey’s lack of a convincing opposition. Despite bringing Turkey to the brink, Erdogan’s retention of power is attributed to maintaining a "man of the people" persona amid societal concerns for security and stability. In conclusion, the article underscores the nuanced dynamics of populist leadership, emphasizing the significance of historical context, governance strategies, and external factors in shaping the trajectories of leaders such as Lula and Erdogan.
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Ivaldi, Gilles. A Tipping Point for Far-Right Populism in France. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0070.

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The 2024 French European election took place against the backdrop of an economic and cost-of-living crisis in a context marked by global uncertainty arising from the war in Ukraine, social unrest and deep political discontent with President Emmanuel Macron. Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National (RN) emerged as the big winner with 31.4% of the vote, while Macron’s Renaissance list trailed far behind at 14.6%. Meanwhile, Jean-Luc Mélenchon’s left-wing populist La France Insoumise (LFI) won 9.9%, reflecting current internal dissent within the party and deep ideological divisions exposed by the Israel–Hamas war. National issues dominated the electoral agenda in June. Populist voting across both sides of the political spectrum was strongly fuelled by political discontent with Macron, making the 2024 European elections primarily a ‘second-order’ national election. A crucial test for Emmanuel Macron, the outcome of the European election led to the decision by the incumbent president to call a snap legislative election. The election confirmed the electoral strength of the RN; however, it showed the revitalization of the Republican Front against the far right, which blocked Le Pen’s party from winning an absolute majority, delivering instead a hung parliament split into three blocks. Keywords: European elections; populism; France; Le Pen; Zemmour; Mélenchon
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Busch, Ella, and Jacob Ware. The Weaponization of Deepfakes: Digital Deception on the Far-Right. ICCT, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.19165/2023.2.07.

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In an ever-evolving technological landscape, digital disinformation is on the rise, as are its political consequences. In this paper, we explore the creation and distribution of synthetic media by malign actors, specifically a form of artificial intelligence-machine learning (AI/ML) known as the deepfake. Individuals looking to incite political violence are increasingly turning to deepfakes–specifically deepfake video content–in order to create unrest, undermine trust in democratic institutions and authority figures, and elevate polarised political agendas. We present a new subset of individuals who may look to leverage deepfake technologies to pursue such goals: far-right extremist (FRE) groups. Despite their diverse ideologies and worldviews, we expect FREs to similarly leverage deepfake technologies to undermine trust in the American government, its leaders, and various ideological ‘out-groups.' We also expect FREs to deploy deepfakes for the purpose of creating compelling radicalising content that serves to recruit new members to their causes. Political leaders should remain wary of the FRE deepfake threat and look to codify federal legislation banning and prosecuting the use of harmful synthetic media. On the local level, we encourage the implementation of “deepfake literacy” programs as part of a wider countering violent extremism (CVE) strategy geared towards at-risk communities. Finally, and more controversially, we explore the prospect of using deepfakes themselves in order to “call off the dogs” and undermine the conditions allowing extremist groups to thrive.
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Diakonova, Marina, Corinna Ghirelli, Luis Molina, and Javier J. Pérez. The economic impact of conflict-related and policy uncertainty shocks: the case of Russia. Banco de España, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53479/23707.

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We show how policy uncertainty and conflict-related shocks impact the dynamics of economic activity (GDP) in Russia. We use alternative indicators of “conflict”, relating to specific aspects of this general concept: geopolitical risk, social unrest, outbreaks of political violence and escalations into internal armed conflict. For policy uncertainty we employ the workhorse economic policy uncertainty (EPU) indicator. We use two distinct but complementary empirical approaches. The first is based on a time series mixed-frequency forecasting model. We show that the indicators provide useful information for forecasting GDP in the short run, even when controlling for a comprehensive set of standard high-frequency macro-financial variables. The second approach, is a SVAR model. We show that negative shocks to the selected indicators lead to economic slowdown, with a persistent drop in GDP growth and a short-lived but large increase in country risk.
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