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1

de, Leon Justin. "PHILIPPINE ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AND PHILIPPINE MUSLIM UNREST." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4217.

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Muslim culture and society has been a part of the Philippine islands in spite of nearly ninety-five percent of the population being Christian (a majority Catholic), yet did not become a separatist movement until the 1970's. Since then, the two main separatist groups the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) have been battling the Philippine government. The parties entered truces in 1996 and 2001, yet there has been a cycle of violence continues. The Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG), linked to Al Qaeda, emerged in 1990 and has launched many attacks on the Christian Philippine majority. The prolonged Muslim unrest in the ARMM has left thousands dead and hundreds of thousands displaced. The main objective of this research paper is to examine Philippine economic and political development and its impact on Philippine Muslim unrest. This paper presents a critical analysis of the economic and political development and Philippine Muslim unrest by examining six major features of the Philippines; they are: The historical evolution, economic development, political development, socio-cultural setting, geographic setting, and the quality of life of the Filipino people. This research also examines Fareed Zakaria's illiberal democracies theory, liberal institutionalism, and the Marxist theory of class revolution and primarily relies on research conducted at the University of the Philippines and from Philippine and Asian scholars. By taking a holistic comprehensive approach and by using international relations theory, this research fills two gaps in the literature about Philippine Muslim unrest. The research concludes with a look at future challenges, both short term and long term that face the country, as well as, possible future scenarios. The findings of this research are that the economic and political development and the historical evolution, though major contributory factors, are not the sole reason for the prolonged Philippine Muslim unrest. The most pervasive causal factor to Muslim unrest was the socio-cultural setting. Because of the all-pervasive nature of culture; at first glance, the socio-cultural setting was not a major apparent cause. At almost all times examined throughout this research, certain cultural tendencies guided decisions and altered the course of events more so than any other single variable. Corruption, crony capitalism, patrimonialism, and irrational institutions all stem from the tendencies of Philippine culture must be addressed to find lasting peace in the country. A move toward rational legal institutions and liberal constitutionalism, will lead the way to the creation of a liberal democracy and break the cycle of violence occurring in the Philippines.<br>M.A.<br>Department of Political Science<br>Sciences<br>Political Science MA
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2

Smith, Justin P. "The Attlee and Churchill administrations and industrial unrest, 1945-55." Thesis, Loughborough University, 1986. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/13833.

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This study looks at the governments' handling of industrial unrest in the decade following the end of the Second World War. The period encompasses both the Attlee administrations of 1945-51 and the post-war Churchill government of the early 1950's. The period of 1945-55 was characterised by a relatively low level of strike activity. Nevertheless, a number of large scale, unofficial strikes broke out, especially on the docks which caused severe economic dislocation. In the first part of this study I focus on the re-establishment of an emergencies supply organisation after 1945 and on the use by the Attlee governments of the traditional strike-breaking instruments of the armed forces and civilian volunteers. I examine the role of the law in industrial disputes of the period and I analyse the pressure brought to bear on unofficial strikers through the withholding of state benefits. I also look at the attempts by the government to exert control over the coverage of disputes by the BBC. The study is placed in the economic context of the period and an analysis is also made of the effect of the Cold War on the government's attitude to strikes. In the second part I look at the return of a Conservative administration, pledged to following a policy of industrial conciliation after the bitterness of the interwar years. By looking at the period as a whole I am able to draw a comparison between the Attlee and Churchill administrations, to ascertain to what extent the consensus in economic policy was mirrored by a consensus in the industrial sphere.
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3

Oakes, Amy C. "States in crisis how governments respond to domestic unrest /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1141660456.

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4

Willis, Michael Anthony. "Relative deprivation and political conflict : a Northern Irish case study." Thesis, University of Ulster, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302764.

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5

Metinsoy, Saliha. "Political unrest under IMF programmes : labour mobility, fiscal conditionality, and democratic representation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:045b1d24-e37a-4232-8e4d-39c038c799c4.

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What triggers political unrest under International Monetary Fund (IMF) programmes? Why do we see unrest - protests, strikes, and riots - in some countries under IMF programmes and not in others? This thesis argues that IMF labour conditionality in an immobile labour market compounded by intrusive fiscal conditionality and blocked democratic channels result in unrest. Where labour is immobile in the borrowing country, IMF labour conditionality decentralising the market creates large-scale grievances among the labour groups. Immobile labour groups substantially lose income and benefits under those measures due to high wage differentials and varied labour protection measures across sectors. Moreover, uncertainty and risks increase, while the opportunities to return back to employment or to maintain the existing income and benefits diminish. When the political authority is unable to address the rising grievances due to tight fiscal conditionality and blocked democratic channels, we observe political unrest under IMF programmes. Where labour is mobile, on the other hand, it is easier for workers to switch between sectors and jobs when the economic crisis hits their sector. The labour groups respond to the internal crisis and the external impact by increasing mobility and switching to the sectors that are still growing despite the crisis. Labour conditions do not give rise to a similar degree of uncertainty and risks compared to immobile markets. Hence, programmes are implemented without large-scale unrest. The study tests this theory in a global sample of 117 countries between 1970 and 2013 and investigates the impact of mobility and IMF conditionality on unrest with a data set originally compiled and coded for this study. It then delves into two extreme cases, Greece, 2010 and Turkey, 2001. While Greece had extreme immobility and received intrusive labour and fiscal conditionality in 2010, Turkey is located on the opposite end of the spectrum, with very high levels of mobility, the limited number of labour conditions, and greater fiscal space. We see that while Greece witnessed large-scale unrest in 2010, Turkey implemented the programme smoothly. Finally, the study applies the theory into three shadow cases, Ireland, 2010, Latvia, 2008, and Portugal, 2011 and demonstrates that the varied degrees of mobility and conditionality and fiscal conditionality result in different degrees of unrest.
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6

Lai, Shin-Yuan. "The politics of state-labour relations in Taiwan, 1949-1989 : from passivity to unrest." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.333443.

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7

Backstrom, Jeremy R. "Clenching the Fists of Dissent: Political Unrest, Repression, and the Evolution to Civil War." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2016. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc862817/.

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Previous scholarship has long concentrated on the behaviors of belligerents during regime-dissident interactions. While much of the progress in the literature concentrated on the micro-level processes of this relationship, little research has focused on providing a theoretical reasoning on why belligerents choose to act in a particular manner. This project attempts to open the black box of decision making for regimes and dissidents during regime-dissident interactions in order to provide a theoretical justification for the behaviors of the belligerents involved. Moreover, this project argues that there is a relationship between the lower level events of political violence and civil war as the events at earlier stages of the conflict influence the possible outcome of civil conflict. Regimes and dissidents alike are strategic actors who conduct themselves in a manner to ensure their survival while concurrently attempting to succeed at achieving their respective goals. Although all authoritarian regimes are similar in their differences to democracies, there are significant differences between the regimes, which influence the decision making of the regime leader to ensure the survival of the political institution. In addition to influencing the decision calculus of the regimes, the behavior of the regimes impacts the probability of civil war at later stages of the interaction. Conversely, dissidents also perform as strategic actors in an attempt to gain their preferred concessions and outcomes. Although their comprehension of the coercive capacity of a regime is limited, their knowledge of the repressive capacity of the regime provides them with the understanding of their future fate if they escalate to violence against the regime. This project is conducted using two theories on regime and dissident actions and responses, two large-N empirical analyses of regime and dissident behaviors during nonviolent and violent dissident campaigns from 1945-2006, and two historical case studies of Egypt and Syria during the Arab Spring as well as the period preceding the uprising.
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8

Cretu, Paula Madalina, and Alvarez Jonathan Puentes. "Managing Organizational Crises in the Light of Political Unrest : The "Gulf Agency Company" Egypt Case." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Företagsekonomi, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-70947.

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Background: The field of crisis management has been researched extensively in the last two decades, with a focus on man-made organizational crises in large corporations (Mitroff et al., 2001; Pearson et al., 1993; Weick, 1988). Crises, as phenomena, are very complex events with a low probability of occurrence (Pearson et al., 1998), which subsume multiple layers in their construction causes and manifestation. In the recent years, the number of crises has increased dramatically, with either natural, technological or human causes and each of us can name at least a few dozen examples. Crises are no longer an aberrant, rare, random, or peripheral feature of today’s society. They are built into the very fabric and fiber of modern societies" (Mitroff et al., 2001, p.5). Aim: The purpose of the present research paper is to enhance the understanding of the importance of crisis management for organizations, where the crisis can be triggered by a political unrest situation. Our empirical study will address the issues of how the Gulf Agency Company Egypt team identified, responded and learned from the organizational crisis they were faced with, due to protests against the formal regime of Hosni Mubarak, in the beginning of 2011. Methodology: The goal of our research paper is firstly using existing theory and previous knowledge which will serve as the bricks of our academic construction. Further on, the GAC Egypt case study will be the principal empirical tool that will support and prove or contrast the theoretical roots. In this way, we plan to make use of already existing theory, while in return bringing our own contribution by our results and empirical findings. Completion and results: Our results entail that there are numerous gaps between what the literature on crisis management presents and the organizational procedures in GAC Egypt. In this respect, our findings lead us to notice the absence of an official crisis management plan, minimal perception of credible early signals, weak top management support correlated with a high degree of employee empowerment, as well as the learning outcomes for the organization.
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9

Kawalerowicz, Juta. "Hotbeds of unrest and extremism : how social context influences political participation in the 21st century : Britain, from rioting to far right party membership." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9602b1e9-6771-4579-b527-e08865ef1243.

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British politics at the start of the 21st century provide a good setting for examining factors associated with mobilisation for extremist politics. This thesis is concerned with the relationship between individuals' preferences, their local setting and political behaviour. With focus on two outcomes - participation in urban rioting and support for a far right party - this thesis is divided into two parts and consists of five research papers addressing different aspects of mobilisation. In the first part we focus on urban disorder and examine police arrest records from the London riot of 2011. Much of the sociological literature has focused on variation in rioting across cities; here we examine variation within London by mapping the residential addresses of 1,620 rioters onto over 25,000 neighbourhoods. Our findings challenge the orthodoxy that rioting is not explained by deprivation or by disorganisation. Furthermore, we present evidence suggesting the importance of political grievances, in particular relations with the police, and examine the process of mobilisation to show that it was aided by spatial proximity and social similarity. In the second part we look at factors associated with engagement with far right politics. We use individual attitudinal data from the British Election Study to examine whether concerns over immigration are associated with the actual experience of immigration in one's place of residence. The results suggest that local setting does play some role, although individual factors seem to be more important. Secondly, we use leaked British National Party membership list to map 12,536 far right supporters onto over 200,000 neighbourhoods in Britain. Our findings underline the importance of a larger geographic context, where some spatial configurations present particularly fertile grounds for the far right; we also report the relative unimportance of cultural threat and significance of the social distance. Lastly, we question the recently advocated 'legacy effect' and suggest that white flight mechanism may possibly be an alternative way of thinking about organisational continuity.
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10

Kirk, Timothy. "The Austrian working class under National Socialist rule : industrial unrest and political dissent in the 'people's community'." Thesis, University of Manchester, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.257201.

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11

Christensen, Lisa. "In Eden's Green Embrace." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2021. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/8916.

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In the wake of a ship's rebellion that left the aircraft in the hands of authorities and its crew either imprisoned or hospitalized, former Captain Alberta Ramira finds herself in need of work and out of a ship while law enforcement finishes investigating the incident. She joins the "ferkeeps," a unit of law enforcement tasked with making sure expectant mothers are healthy and abstaining from substances that could be harmful to their unborn children. Although Ramira is initially unhappy with her temporary new job, she quickly becomes enmeshed with her colleagues, especially one, Turi, for whom she develops feelings. That sense of camaraderie presents a challenge when she is approached by one of the investigators offering the immediate return"”and upgrade"”of her ship if she will only testify against her colleagues for enabling drug use and trade among their clients. Meanwhile, Niagara, recovering from her physical and emotional wounds from the ship's rebellion, is whisked away at the behest of her mother, colony chancellor, on a luxury spaceship carrying diplomats to the colony's capital on Terra for the upcoming legislative session. Under constant guard should anyone threaten the chancellor's daughter, Niagara has to forget the norms of her last four years as an indentured sailor and brush up on her social graces. But when the indentured on that ship rebel, she has to use both halves of herself to strike a compromise between indentured and the captain to ensure they all reach Terra safely. As Ramira and Niagara struggle against the social and civic structures in more civilized climes, Vicky heads for the wilds of Eden, plunging into a perilous forest in search of an expert on the language and culture of the aliens who previously occupied the planets in the colony. The trees and vines are hard enough to cut through without strange and bloodthirsty animals and insects lurking nearby, and despite her most careful efforts, Vicky is seriously wounded. She finds help, though, in a commune of colony deserters hiding in the center of the forest. The expert she was looking for is there, too. Vicky must decide if she will stay safe in the commune, cut off from her family and friends but free of the obligations waiting for her within the colony's reach, or brave the forest again to return to civilization.
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12

Jacquin, M. C. "Narrative unrest : the politics of narrative in women artists' film and video." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2013. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1396991/.

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This dissertation examines the politics of narrative in women artists’ film and video. It investigates not only how narrative was and is used as a powerful instrument to offer counter-discourses to those sanctioned by the dominant culture, but also how narrative forms themselves can be invested with political significance. Starting in the 1960s, the supposed neutrality of narrative forms came under sustained attack, particularly by post-structuralist thinkers such as Roland Barthes, Michel Foucault and Julia Kristeva. Their political critique of narrative quickly found its way into the work of experimental film and video makers, whose responses ranged from total rejection to partial and conflicted acceptance. Part One of this thesis seeks to understand the various ways in which narrative was reshaped in the work of women filmmakers and video artists from the 1970s and 1980s – who, I argue, could not do away with narrative as easily as men. It focuses on the independent scene in Britain, revealing the impact of feminist theory and the women’s movement on the ‘return to narrative’ in British avant-garde film and video, and the major contribution of women artists to the deconstruction and refashioning of narrative forms. It also proposes detailed analyses of particular narrative strategies, as found in the work of Laura Mulvey, Lis Rhodes, Tina Keane and Zoe Redman, among others. Part Two brings the question of the politics of narrative into the twenty-first century through an in-depth discussion of three contemporary video installations by Chantal Akerman, Eija-Liisa Ahtila, and Catherine Sullivan. It shows how the narrative strategies deployed by an older generation of film and video makers have been re-articulated in new ways in these works, and proposes new terms to understand the use, meaning, and political resonance of narrative in contemporary film and video: Porous, Schizophrenic and Contagious.
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13

Damodaran, Vinita. "Unfilled promises : popular protest, the Congress and the national movement in Bihar, 1937-46." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272730.

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14

Greenberg, Daniel Joseph. ""The Dictatorship of the Chimneys" : sugar, politics and agrarian unrest in Tucuman, Argentina /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/15499.

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15

Shortsleeve, Kevin. "The Politics of Nonsense : Civil Unrest, Otherness and National Mythology in Nonsense Literature." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504010.

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16

Crossman, Virginia. "The politics of security : a study of the official reaction of rural unrest in Ireland 1821-41." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303533.

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17

Brooks, Andrew. "The Price of Labor Peace: Popular Unrest and the National Labor Relations Act." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2012. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/10.

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The National Labor Relations Act stands as one of the most influential pieces of labor legislation in the history of the United States. The Act defines the rights and responsibilities of both employers and employees. Furthermore, the National Labor Relations Act makes the State into the chief judicial body regarding labor disputes through the National Labor Relations Board. Chiefly concerned with the circumstances that led to the passage and affected the shaping of the Act, factors such as Communist organizing, racial politics of the Deep South, and internal division within the labor movement in the 1920s are examined. Specific case studies include the Auto-Lite Strike in Toledo, Ohio (1934), the Minneapolis Teamster Strike (1934), and the West Coast Longshoremen Strike (1934).
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18

Mitchell, John A. 1966. "Bolshevik Britain: An Examination of British Labor Unrest in the Wake of the Russian Revolution, 1919." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501153/.

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The conclusion of the First World War brought the resumption of a struggle of a different sort: a battle between government and labor. Throughout 1919, government and labor squared off in a struggle over hours, wages, and nationalization. The Russian Revolution introduced the danger of the bolshevik contagion into the struggle. The first to enter into this conflict with the government were the shop stewards of Belfast and Glasgow. The struggle continued with the continued threats of the Triple Alliance and the police to destroy the power of the government through industrial action. This thesis examines the British labor movement during this revolutionary year in Europe, as well as the government's response to this new danger.
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19

Musona, Mambo. "An exploration of the causes of social unrest in Omay communal lands of Nyami Nyami district in Zimbabwe: a human needs perspective." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1372.

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One of the responsibilities of every government is to make provisions of basic needs for its citizens. The situation in Omay resembles people living during the dark ages when there was no constitutional government. The government should in accordance with the priorities of its people be seen to be improving the lives of its citizens by providing health, education, roads, communication facilities, and participation in decision making especially on issues that have a bearing on their lives. The human needs theory postulates that one of the most ideal ways of resolving protracted conflicts is by helping people meet their needs. Human needs are not for trading according to conflict scholar John Burton, implying that if one does not meet his or her needs he/she might do anything to strive to meet them. The people of Omay have been deprived of their needs in all facets; first the previous government relocated them to create Lake Kariba for the hydroelectric plant. They were not compensated. They were dumped on very arid, tsetse fly infested mountainous areas adjacent to game reserves and national parks where they have to make do with wildlife; some that destroy their few crops (elephants) and others that kill them or their animals (lions). As a minority group they have been engaged in social unrest and small skirmishes with government and other, bigger ethnic groups as a form of resistance. A deliberate affirmative action to channel funds towards raising their living standards and develop their area so that they meet their needs could be the panacea to the social unrest.
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20

Weyant, Thomas Bradley. ""Your Years Here Have Been Most Unreal": Political and Social Activism during the Vietnam War Era at Northern Appalachian Universities." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1459955464.

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21

Ryan, Steven. "Food Aid and Political Unrest." 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10222/15410.

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In light of reports of protests and riots in response to rising food prices and food insecurity, this study asks whether the provision of food aid has an effect on the incidence of political unrest in recipient countries. It uses annual data on the quantities of American wheat aid delivered to 143 countries between 1972 and 2006. To overcome the potential for bias due to endogeneity, variations in U.S. agricultural production and recipient countries’ probability of receiving aid are used to predict the annual quantity of food aid provided to each country. Results from the instrumented regressions suggest that the provision of food aid does not have any impact on the incidence of political unrest.
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22

Chiang, Yen-Len, and 江嬿琳. "Explotation of Political Development in the Kyrgyzstan:a Case of the Kyrgyzstan Unrest on 2010 Chaos." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/90690265498889129001.

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碩士<br>清雲科技大學<br>中亞研究所<br>100<br>The political development and transition in Kyrgyzstan in the post Soviet era has been quite dramatic. The past decades in the Kyrgyz Republic have been marked by great upheaval and ups and downs: from being zealous for pursuing the “democratic island” of Central Asia to the sudden eruption of “tulip revolution”; from implementing the western democratic system to returning to the authoritarian regime; from the blind imitation of foreign civilization to being caught in the dilemma of “democracy-dictatorship”; from many times of constitutional amendments to the “Parliamentary vs. presidential”; all these have been quite unique and unusual. This thesis has employed several research methodologies, including literature, historical analysis. I tried to explore the backgrounds of revolutions, complicated national cultures and religious uniqueness from the perspectives of geopolitics, national identity and socio-culture. I also tried to examine the impacts the revolution has brought upon the domestic politics, economy, society and international situation. The entrance of foreign powers into the Central Asia is based mainly on the consideration of national interests. Therefore, the biggest challenges facing the Roza Otunbayeva government is how to lead the country towards a new future, to seek for a stable balance and maximize the national interests.
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Askland, Hedda Haugen. "East Timorese in Melbourne: community and identity in a time of political unrest in Timor-Leste." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/802358.

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Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)<br>This study considers the situation of a group of East Timorese exiles living in Melbourne, Australia, who left East Timor or were born in exile from the time of the 1975 civil war up to the end of the Indonesian occupation of the territory in 1999. During the Indonesian occupation of East Timor, diasporic groups played a central role in the campaign for self-determination. Throughout the occupation, East Timorese in Australia maintained a strong sense of long-distance nationalism, which drove, directly or indirectly, communal cultural and social activities. The fight to free East Timor was at the core of the exiles’ collective imagination, defining them as a largely homeland focused community. However, in the aftermath of independence, many have struggled to find their place and role in relation to the independent nation. Personal experiences upon return, perceptions of political, cultural, economic and social development (or lack thereof), and political unrest and communal violence have led to renewed questioning of identity and belonging. The thesis explores this new questioning of identity and belonging and, through ethnographic field research with East Timorese living in Melbourne, it explores how the exiles experience and respond to the social and political changes in their country of origin. The research for the thesis was conducted during a period of conflict and national upheaval in East Timor, and the dissertation pays particular attention to how violence and unrest at home manifest in the exiles’ lives and affect their experience of self, community and nation. The thesis explores how past socialisation and practice within social fields that are characterised by an emphasis on communalism, morality and reciprocity form part of present agency. It considers how potential contradictions between past imaginaries and lived realities can lead to intensely felt emotions, which may further advance the process of negotiation and transformation of identity and boundaries of belonging. Through an analysis of linked conceptualisations of self, emotions and national narratives, the thesis seeks to shed light on the exiles’ engagement with and relationship to independent East Timor. It aims to inform contemporary understandings of the processes of change that occur within diasporic communities at times of radical political change in the exiles’ home countries.
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Askland, Hedda Haugen. "East Timorese in Melbourne: community and identity in a time of political unrest in Timor-Leste." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/802358.

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Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)<br>This study considers the situation of a group of East Timorese exiles living in Melbourne, Australia, who left East Timor or were born in exile from the time of the 1975 civil war up to the end of the Indonesian occupation of the territory in 1999. During the Indonesian occupation of East Timor, diasporic groups played a central role in the campaign for self-determination. Throughout the occupation, East Timorese in Australia maintained a strong sense of long-distance nationalism, which drove, directly or indirectly, communal cultural and social activities. The fight to free East Timor was at the core of the exiles’ collective imagination, defining them as a largely homeland focused community. However, in the aftermath of independence, many have struggled to find their place and role in relation to the independent nation. Personal experiences upon return, perceptions of political, cultural, economic and social development (or lack thereof), and political unrest and communal violence have led to renewed questioning of identity and belonging. The thesis explores this new questioning of identity and belonging and, through ethnographic field research with East Timorese living in Melbourne, it explores how the exiles experience and respond to the social and political changes in their country of origin. The research for the thesis was conducted during a period of conflict and national upheaval in East Timor, and the dissertation pays particular attention to how violence and unrest at home manifest in the exiles’ lives and affect their experience of self, community and nation. The thesis explores how past socialisation and practice within social fields that are characterised by an emphasis on communalism, morality and reciprocity form part of present agency. It considers how potential contradictions between past imaginaries and lived realities can lead to intensely felt emotions, which may further advance the process of negotiation and transformation of identity and boundaries of belonging. Through an analysis of linked conceptualisations of self, emotions and national narratives, the thesis seeks to shed light on the exiles’ engagement with and relationship to independent East Timor. It aims to inform contemporary understandings of the processes of change that occur within diasporic communities at times of radical political change in the exiles’ home countries.
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Richards, Nicole. "Detailing changes in state prisons, 1974-2000, and explaining social unrest as a function of social structure, institutional characteristics, and political context." 2007. http://www.etda.libraries.psu.edu/theses/approved/WorldWideIndex/ETD-1954/index.html.

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