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Journal articles on the topic 'Political unrest'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 17 June 2025

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1

Passarelli, Francesco, and Guido Tabellini. "Emotions and Political Unrest." Journal of Political Economy 125, no. 3 (2017): 903–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/691700.

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2

Shirah, Ryan. "Electoral authoritarianism and political unrest." International Political Science Review 37, no. 4 (2016): 470–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512115580185.

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3

Rudy, Kiryl. "The Exchange Rate Volatility During Political Protests: Event Study and the Case of Belarus." International Journal of Economics and Finance 15, no. 9 (2023): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijef.v15n9p37.

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The exchange rate reacts on political protests. Market agents affected by unrest increase exchange rate volatility. This may be converted into currency devaluation if monetary authorities decide to join protesters rather than supporting the exchange rate. Based on the event study methodology, three hypotheses were tested on 1,220 event windows of 77 political protests, in 54 economies, in 2017-2022, on three points: (1) the types of political protests with the highest abnormal exchange rate volatility and currency returns; (2) the influence of protests on daily currency devaluation; (3) the effects of unrest on intraday exchange rate volatility. The findings show that the highest exchange rate volatility was in the groups of events with short duration, with a small number of participants, which were non-violent, motivated by electoral fraud, without outcomes, and in partly free countries. The highest currency devaluation was in the groups of unrest with the greatest number of protesters, lasting more than a month, and in free countries. Only rare cases prove a high statistically significant influence of protests on exchange rate volatility and currency devaluation. As the case-by-case approach is preferable, the case of Belarus, and the country’s 14 largest political protests in 2020, was studied. This showed that four-month street unrests affected the abnormal intraday volatility of USD/BYN. After two weeks of protests, market volatility would have led to devaluation, if the National Bank hadn’t intervened, and in two months of unrest, exchange rate volatility started falling.
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4

Rashiduzzaman, M. "Political Unrest and Democracy in Bangladesh." Asian Survey 37, no. 3 (1997): 254–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645662.

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5

Voas, Jeffrey, and Keith Miller. "Social Unrest, Political Violence, and War." Computer 58, no. 1 (2025): 16–19. https://doi.org/10.1109/mc.2024.3457648.

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6

Rashiduzzaman, M. "Political Unrest and Democracy in Bangladesh." Asian Survey 37, no. 3 (1997): 254–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1997.37.3.01p0230v.

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7

Zimmermann, Ekkart. "Political unrest in OECD countries: Trendsand prospects†." World Futures 25, no. 1-2 (1988): 43–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02604027.1988.9972075.

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8

Drury, A. Cooper, and Richard Stuart Olson. "Disasters and Political Unrest: An Empirical Investigation." Journal of Contingencies and Crisis Management 6, no. 3 (1998): 153–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5973.00084.

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9

Taneja, Pradeep. "Economic Reform and Political Unrest in China." Policy, Organisation and Society 1, no. 1 (1990): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10349952.1990.11876733.

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10

Banks, Michael. "Political unrest puts SESAME project in jeopardy." Physics World 24, no. 04 (2011): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/2058-7058/24/04/24.

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11

TANGRI, ROGER. "FOREIGN BUSINESS AND POLITICAL UNREST IN LESOTHO." African Affairs 92, no. 367 (1993): 223–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098611.

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12

Crowe, Sam. "mombasa Political unrest threatens Kenyan health reforms." Lancet 350, no. 9081 (1997): 871. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)62045-4.

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13

Soemodinoto, A., P. P. Wong, and M. Saleh. "Effect of Prolonged Political Unrest on Tourism." Annals of Tourism Research 28, no. 4 (2001): 1056–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0160-7383(01)00011-1.

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14

Mahbob Kilidbari, Shahram, Mansour Sharifi, and Habibollah Karimian. "Virtual Space Activism in Social Unrest: Theory and Practice." Journal of Social-Political Studies of Iran's Culture and History 3, no. 5 (2024): 154–74. https://doi.org/10.61838/kman.jspsich.3.5.9.

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Virtual space is a constructed and turbulent realm that, at the beginning of the third millennium, has acted as a catalyst for many social unrests in various countries. Numerous researchers have illustrated the impact of cyberspace on riots, social disturbances, urban uprisings, revolutions, and social movements, yet this process cannot be presented as a dominant theory. On one hand, marginalized and protesting groups can use the internet to expose political and economic corruption, discrimination, political suppression, and governmental inefficiency, and by highlighting these issues, they can seriously challenge the government and its operations. This highlighting of corruption and governmental inefficiency may be considered the most significant function of virtual space in both the mental and objective rebellion of activists. On the other hand, besides mental rebellion, the internet also influences awareness-raising, organization, mobilization, and civil and political conflicts among intellectuals and young individuals. It contributes to the growth and dissemination of democratic values such as participation, freedom of speech, tolerance, and justice, and by altering citizens’ perspectives, it provides the groundwork for their political confrontation with structures. Therefore, the importance of this research also lies in the governance of virtual space to moderate the environment influenced by the internet. In this regard, the present study aims to answer the question of whether virtual space and its tools played a role in the formation and expansion of social unrest and the November 2019 protests. Its hypothesis, which posits the influence of virtual space on the formation and expansion of social unrest, is depicted through a combined method using the paradigm theory of virtual networks and Huster Grand’s “geographical diffusion” theory. Undoubtedly, this research faces numerous challenges such as novelty and the lack of field data, but the genealogy of social unrest in Iran in this study, utilizing influential sociological variables, the geography of unrest, and the theoretical application of dominant scientific theories in sociology, geography, and psychology through a quantitative-analytical method, presents a unique contribution.
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15

Olson, Richard Stuart, and A. Cooper Drury. "Un-Therapeutic Communities: A Cross-National Analysis of Post-Disaster Political Unrest." International Journal of Mass Emergencies & Disasters 15, no. 2 (1997): 221–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/028072709701500201.

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A recurring question in the study of disaster effects involves political instability. A relationship has been posited between disasters and various forms of political unrest, and case evidence exists to support the contention. Statistical testing, however, has been lacking. A pilot study, this paper integrates a worldwide-disaster database with a political-instability database and reports time-series cross-section (pooled time-series) findings for 12 countries struck by rapid-onset natural disasters between 1966 and 1980. The regression results, both strong and significant, indicate a positive relationship between disaster severity and political unrest. The unrest, however, can be dampened if not eliminated by governmental repression, the implications of which are most disturbing.
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16

Tanner, Murray Scot. "China rethinks unrest." Washington Quarterly 27, no. 3 (2004): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/016366004323090304.

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17

Lackner, Mario, Uwe Sunde, and Rudolf Winter-Ebmer. "The forces behind social unrest: Evidence from the Covid-19 pandemic." PLOS ONE 20, no. 1 (2025): e0314165. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0314165.

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The unprecedented consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic have raised concerns about the erosion of social cohesion and intensified social unrest, but evidence for such a link and the underlying channels is still lacking. We use a unique combination of nationally representative survey data, event data on social unrest, and data on Covid-19 fatalities and unemployment at a weekly resolution to investigate the forces behind social cohesion and unrest in the context of the strains on public health and the economy due to the pandemic in the USA. The results show that pandemic-related unemployment and Covid-19 fatalities intensified negative emotional stress and led to a deterioration of economic confidence among individuals. The prevalence of negative emotional stress, particularly in economically strained and politically polarized environments, was, in turn, associated with intensified social unrest as measured by political protests. No such link is found for economic perceptions.
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18

Dr., Mosarraf Hossain. "Manipur's Sociopolitical Unrest in the 1970s and a Mother's Shattered Dream: A Study of Robin S Ngangom's 'A Poem for Mother'." Criterion: An International Journal in English 16, no. 2 (2025): 489–500. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15316499.

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Officially becoming the 19th state of the Indian Federation in 1972, Manipur faced socio-political unrest since its merger in 1949, influencing literature including of Robin S Ngangom, a Northeastern bilingual poet. The sociopolitical unrest in Manipur during the 1970s witnessed ethnic secessionist movements and demands for independence, fuelling conflicts over identity and governance. The enforcement of the ‘Armed Forces Special Powers Act’ intensified marginalisation, prompting autonomy movements. Under the backdrop of such unrest migration from Manipur for better opportunities led to Shillong attracting students, highlighting the impact of unrest on career choices. Ngangom's own journey, influenced by conflict, saw him leaving Manipur for education in Shillong, evoking estrangement from his community. Ngangom delves into personal, cultural, and socio-political dynamics in his work. This paper attempts to explore how Ngangom’s poem ‘A Poem for Mother’, which is steeped in personal struggles, maternal sacrifice, and poignant familial remorse, has aestheticised a mother's dream shattered by contemporary unrest.
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19

Harris, Ruth-Ann M., Samuel Clark, and James S. Donnelly. "Irish Peasants: Violence and Political Unrest, 1780-1914." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 16, no. 4 (1986): 741. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204555.

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20

Jensen, Iwona. "Political unrest in Europe: a medical student perspective." Medical Journal of Australia 162, no. 3 (1995): 168. http://dx.doi.org/10.5694/j.1326-5377.1995.tb138502.x.

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21

Flanagan, Kieran, Samuel Clark, and James S. Donnelly. "Irish Peasants: Violence and Political Unrest, 1780-1914." British Journal of Sociology 36, no. 1 (1985): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590410.

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22

Lockwood, Glenn J., Samuel Clark, and James S. Donnelly,. "Irish Peasants: Violence and Political Unrest, 1780 - 1914." Labour / Le Travail 16 (1985): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25142547.

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23

O'Neill, Kevin, Samuel Clark, and James S. Donnelly. "Irish Peasants: Violence and Political Unrest, 1780-1914." American Historical Review 92, no. 1 (1987): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862839.

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24

Ellman, M., and L. Wantchekon. "Electoral Competition Under the Threat of Political Unrest." Quarterly Journal of Economics 115, no. 2 (2000): 499–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/003355300554836.

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25

Pandey, Apeksha. "Bangladesh’s political unrest poses risks for South Asia." Round Table 113, no. 5 (2024): 481–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2024.2410566.

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26

Fuller, Gary, and Forrest R. Pitts. "Youth cohorts and political unrest in South Korea." Political Geography Quarterly 9, no. 1 (1990): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0260-9827(90)90003-s.

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27

Zimmermann, Ekkart. "Political unrest in Western Europe: Trends and prospects." West European Politics 12, no. 3 (1989): 179–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402388908424748.

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28

Lai, Daniel W. L., Vincent Lee, and Elsie Yan. "Factors Associated With Positive Aging and Happiness of the Older People in Hong Kong." Innovation in Aging 4, Supplement_1 (2020): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/geroni/igaa057.378.

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Abstract Happiness is essential to one’s well-being and impact on every aspect of our lives. Happier people are living longer, they are healthier. Happier people are more likely to be physically active and enjoy better sleep habits and practices. While few existing research studies had examined the determinants of happiness of older people, especially in Chinese society. Understanding happiness in the context of social unrest and political instability is thus limited. This study tested the correlates of happiness at interpersonal, psychological and environmental levels at a time when there were extended scale of violence, destructions, and clashes in the community between police and protesters in late 2019 during the anti-extradition campaign. In social unrest, older people, due to their function and mobility, could be emotionally and physically vulnerable. A total of 1,209 older persons aged 55 and above from Hong Kong answered the questionnaire by stratified random sampling. Our findings show that their overall resilience was strongly and positively associated with levels of happiness. Due to the recent political instability Hong Kong, their satisfaction toward social and political situation of Hong Kong also correlated positively to levels of happiness. We suggest that future interventions and policy initiatives should put extra emotional and tangible support to older adults, particularly during social unrests and unstable political conditions, in addition to strategies for the enhancement of resilience and mental capital.
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29

Leszczenko, Larysa, and George Tarkhan-Mouravi. "The political cycle in a transitional society: The case of Georgia." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 72, no. 1 (2019): 157–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2019.72.1.08.

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Observing the cyclical nature of economics and politics, popular in the early 20 th century, is regaining popularity. We consider the cyclic pattern of the political process in the post-Soviet Republic of Georgia, focusing our attention on the gradual change in dynamics and the specifi c pattern of political cyclicity in a transitional society. The main finding is that at the early stage of transition the cycle is more uneven and tends to reveal itself in civil unrest and is not coupled with electoral cyclicity, even if unrest may sometimes be prompted by an electoral event (as in the case of the Rose Revolution of 2003). We argue that in hybrid regimes like Georgia the nature of the political cycle subsequently changes with the gradual consolidation of democracy and strengthening of democratic institutions, while civil unrest is replaced by evolutionary rather than revolutionary processes.
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30

Laband, D. N. "Expectations-Achievement and Overthrows: An Empirical Test of the Relative Deprivation Hypothesis." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 3, no. 4 (1985): 417–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c030417.

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There is a strong theoretical supposition in the political science literature that civil unrest in a political jurisdiction is a consequence of the ‘relative deprivation’ of the population within its borders. This proposition is tested empirically in this paper, with respect to incidence of attempted coups d'etat across fifty-four countries in 1981. The findings suggest that relative economic deprivation does precipitate political unrest. Social deprivation, as measured by repression of the population, also incites a demand for political change, although repression has a predictable supply-side effect of dampening the population's ability to translate demand for political change into actuality.
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31

Siyal, Nazir. "THE CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE CAUSES OF POLITICAL INSTABILITY IN PAKISTAN FROM 1988 TO 1999 (SPECIAL REFERENCE TO SINDH PROVINCE)." Journal of Arts & Social Sciences (JASS) 8, no. 2 (2021): 60–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.46662/jass.v8i2.169.

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This research article’s primary goal is to determine the triggers and implications of Pakistan’s political instability and its effects on the political situation of Sindh during the democratic decade from 1988 to 1999. Despite abundant natural resources, Pakistan is one of the only countries where political unrest has severely hampered the social and political development of the country. So, this paper aims to understand the leading factors of political instability that weakened the country’s political growth and led the nation in general and Sindh province, in particular, to suffer social and ethnic problems in society. To understand the issue deeply, the researcher used unstructured Interviews as a research tool with law-makers, academicians, and political scientists. However, many interviewees accepted that the lack of enthusiastic leadership, the Role of the weak judiciary, the passive role of civil bureaucracy, and political ethnicity had been the leading factors for political and social unrest. Thus, the study’s findings would help the law-makers and academicians of different colleges and universities to design their policies and curriculum. Additionally, this paper would help various nationalists and political parties of Sindh province to comprehend the genuine reasons for unrest in the area from 1988 to 1999.
 Key Words: Political instability, Weak Judiciary, Political ethnicity, Foreign interference, Role of civil bureaucracy
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32

Sayani, Chatterjee, and Sarkar Abhisek. "Impact of Political Instability on Tourism in West Bengal." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MULTIDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH AND ANALYSIS 07, no. 09 (2024): 4384–88. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.13788719.

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This study aimed to investigate the effects of political instability on tourism-related business performance, incoming tourist flows in West Bengal, and overall tourism-based earnings. The nonlinear effects of political risk and economic growth on tourism receipts are examined in this research. Nevertheless, the secondary data that is now accessible with the unobserved component model technique detection only provides a broad picture of the issue. Experts such as managers of lodging establishments, staff members of local tourism development offices, and tourism researchers were interviewed as a result. Expert interviews exposed West Bengal's tourism industry's prospects, challenges, and potential developments in the face of the region's five years of political unrest. The findings confirm earlier research showing that, in the near run, political unrest lowers tourism. However, the long-term viewpoint has yielded various results from the expert interviews with main province cities. Political instability benefits cities with developed tourism businesses that are located outside of crisis areas. Places that relied on visitors from the countries or continents like Europe, Germany, China, USA are mostly affected. The political unrest in eastern West Bengal did not significantly affect cities with low levels of tourism development.
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33

Zadoks, J. C. "On Social and Political Effects of Plant Pest and Disease Epidemics." Phytopathology® 107, no. 10 (2017): 1144–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/phyto-10-16-0369-fi.

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Selected historical pest and disease outbreaks in the Old World are discussed in view of their social and political consequences. Large-scale epidemics always caused social unrest, and often hunger, pestilence, and death. When coming on top of deeply rooted and widely spread social unrest such epidemics contributed to political change. Examples are the revolts following epidemics in 1789 and 1846. Epidemics, regardless of causal and target organisms, have elements in common. The notion of a common concept grew into a firmly established discipline: epidemiology.
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34

Kupperman, Robert H. "Conflict/Terrorism/ Civil Unrest." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 2, no. 1-4 (1986): 60–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00030363.

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I would like to talk about the changing forms of warfare, terrorism in particular, and try to relate to you where you may have some involvement with the problem. First of all, let me tell you that terrorism, and I'm not going to seek to define it fully because no one has ever succeeded in doing so, is political extortion. It is the warfare of the weak. The terrorists generally use very low technology weapons, by this I mean, hand grenades, bombs, automatic weapons, pistols; but their logistical support is of the highest magnitude in terms of technology, things such as jet aircraft and instant global satellite communications. The most fundamental observation to make about terrorism is that it's theatre and very highly choreographed. Its purpose is to make large governments, particularly democracies which both enjoy and insist upon human dignity and human rights, look impotent. And we have been made to look impotent in my mind.
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35

Fitzpatrick, David. "Unrest in Rural Ireland." Irish Economic and Social History 12, no. 1 (1985): 98–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248938501200107.

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36

Gordon, Leonard A., and Rajat Kanta Ray. "Social Conflict and Political Unrest in Bengal, 1875-1927." American Historical Review 91, no. 3 (1986): 723. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1869270.

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37

Woratanarat, Thira, Patarawan Woratanarat, Narin Hiransuthikul, Thanapoom Ratananupong, and Pornchai Sithisarankul. "Health Services Responsiveness during Political Unrest in Bangkok, Thailand." Indian Journal of Public Health Research & Development 7, no. 3 (2016): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/0976-5506.2016.00166.2.

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38

Taylor, Lewis. "Agrarian Unrest and Political Conflict in Puno, 1985-1987." Bulletin of Latin American Research 6, no. 2 (1987): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3338408.

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39

Tezcür, Güneş Murat. "Democracy promotion, authoritarian resiliency, and political unrest in Iran." Democratization 19, no. 1 (2012): 120–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2012.641296.

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40

Rabiei, Kamran. "Protest and Regime Change: Different Experiences of the Arab Uprisings and the 2009 Iranian Presidential Election Protests." International Studies 57, no. 2 (2020): 144–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020881720913413.

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Political developments, such as the ‘Arab Spring’, have led the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) towards instability, unrest and severe sectarian confrontations. Nearly 2 years before the ‘Arab Spring’, ‘the Iranian Green Movement’ swept over the country and led to the expectations that Iran would undergo a fundamental political change. The article addresses an important question as to why the 2009 Iranian unrest known as the ‘Green Movement’ did not lead to regime change, while on the other hand, the ‘Arab Spring’ ultimately led to the change of political systems in Tunisia and Egypt. Further, some significant factors are highlighted anticipating the degree of stability and instability for the future of political regimes in the MENA region.
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DOWER, PAUL CASTAÑEDA, EVGENY FINKEL, SCOTT GEHLBACH, and STEVEN NAFZIGER. "Collective Action and Representation in Autocracies: Evidence from Russia’s Great Reforms." American Political Science Review 112, no. 1 (2017): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000454.

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We explore the relationship between capacity for collective action and representation in autocracies with data from Imperial Russia. Our primary empirical exercise relates peasant representation in new institutions of local self-government to the frequency of peasant unrest in the decade prior to reform. To correct for measurement error in the unrest data and other sources of endogeneity, we exploit idiosyncratic variation in two determinants of peasant unrest: the historical incidence of serfdom and religious polarization. We find that peasants were granted less representation in districts with more frequent unrest in preceding years—a relationship consistent with the Acemoglu-Robinson model of political transitions and inconsistent with numerous other theories of institutional change. At the same time, we observe patterns of redistribution in subsequent years that are inconsistent with the commitment mechanism central to the Acemoglu-Robinson model. Building on these results, we discuss possible directions for future theoretical work.
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42

Luke Murithi Kathenya. "Political instability and academic achievement in Nairobi County, Kenya." International Journal of Science and Research Archive 13, no. 2 (2024): 880–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/ijsra.2024.13.2.2148.

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The researcher investigated relationship between political instability and academic achievement in Nairobi County, Kenya. The objectives of the study were to examine relationship between civil unrest and government- oppositional group conflicts, and academic achievement in Nairobi County, Kenya. The study employed correlation research design. The study sample size was 331 respondents comprising 52 teachers and 279 learners selected using simple random and purposive sampling techniques respectively. The data collection tools were questionnaires for both learners and teachers. Researcher ascertained research tools validity by getting relevant information on specific tools from experts and professionals in ministry of education. The reliability of tools was determined by cronbanch alpha co-efficient; which computed to 0.73. The descriptive statistics was presented in frequencies and percentages; while inferential statistics was analyzed using regression statistic technique. The study reviewed that civil unrest has significant relationship with academic achievement in Nairobi County, Kenya. The ggovernment-oppositional group conflict has significant relationship with academic achievement in Nairobi County, Kenya. Following study findings, the researcher concluded that there was significant relationship between political instability and academic achievement in Nairobi County, Kenya. The researcher therefore recommended that ministry of education should actively involve ministry of defense to counter civil unrest in the country to minimize cases of poor academic achievements. Government should collaborate with opposition party to reduce cases of government-opposition group conflicts. The study may form bases for further studies in related field.
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43

Theophilus Nzengu Mutinda, Jonathan Kitheka Kathenge, and Pascal Mbatha Mwina. "Application of Kant’s universal moral principle to the context of Kenyan political unrest." International Journal of Science and Research Archive 13, no. 1 (2024): 1413–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.30574/ijsra.2024.13.1.1796.

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This paper focuses primarily on the practical application of Immanuel Kant’s universal moral principle to the context of political unrest in Kenya. Kant’s universal moral principle embedded in the categorical imperative argues that we should act in a way that our actions can be at the same time be regarded as universal moral laws. The paper applies critical method of philosophy so as to attain the objective. The troubled land of Kenya, beset by political unrest, the infusion of Kantian ethical considerations in the political discourse, charts the pathway toward reconciliation and the construction of a more just political order. A collective commitment to moral principles will thus pave the way for a harmonious society in Kenya, where the voices of her natives are heard and respected.
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44

Alexeyeva, Ludmilla. "Unrest in the Soviet Union." Washington Quarterly 13, no. 1 (1990): 63–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01636609009477532.

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45

Bugajski, Janusz. "East Europe Rides Out the Economic Storm." Current History 109, no. 725 (2010): 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2010.109.725.105.

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46

Juraev, S. A., and A. H. Akin. "Unrest in Nukus: Inside View." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 3 (August 20, 2022): 76–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2022-2-3(5)-76-91.

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In this analytical article, the authors study the public discussion of constitutional reforms in Uzbekistan. The reasons and necessity of amendments to the legislation are analyzed. The motives underlying the support of the President’s ideas by the political parties of the country, including such parties as, among them, the Liberal Democratic, People’s Democratic, as well as the Milli Tiklanish and Adolat parties, are investigated. Particular attention is paid to the open and pragmatic work of the constitutional commission established in the Parliament of the Republic of Uzbekistan. The authors explore the substance and the content of the information and psychological influence, including calls for separatist actions from the outside, spread among the population of Karakalpakstan. The causes, conditions and behavior of some youth representatives participating in illegal meetings are analyzed. Observing the information flows in social networks and the Internet, the authors compiled an analytical chronology of the events that took place in Nukus from June 26 till July 3.
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47

Petla, Vhonani. "Information Disorders and Civil Unrest." Digital Policy Studies 2, no. 1 (2023): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/dps.v2i1.2538.

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Various scholars in the global north have explored information disorders and have been able to present findings on them and their implications on various sectors; unfortunately, this has not always been the case for the global South. This desktop study explores information disorders in South Africa during the July 2021 unrest in Gauteng and KwaZulu Natal between the 7-19 July. This paper demonstrates that information disorders on social media have been used as a catalyst for unrest; they are used to mobilize both those online and offline. This work shows how politicians and influential individuals used these disorders to facilitate and instigate civil unrest during July 2021. This work argues that people in political office and influential individuals should be aware of the responsibility of being influential and the consequences of their social media posts. The work further argues that despite various ways to counter these information disorders, the digital divide and literacy rate in South Africa make this challenging.
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48

Foley, Kevin, Jeremy L. Wallace, and Jessica Chen Weiss. "The Political and Economic Consequences of Nationalist Protest in China: The 2012 Anti-Japanese Demonstrations." China Quarterly 236 (October 31, 2018): 1131–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s030574101800125x.

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AbstractWhat are the consequences of nationalist unrest? This paper utilizes two original datasets, which cover 377 city-level anti-Japanese protests during the 2012 Senkaku/Diaoyu Island crisis and the careers of municipal leaders, to analyse the downstream effects of nationalist unrest at the subnational level. We find both political and economic consequences of China's 2012 protest demonstrations against Japan. Specifically, top Party leaders in cities that saw relatively spontaneous, early protests were less likely to be promoted to higher office, a finding that is consistent with the widely held but rarely tested expectation that social instability is punished in the Chinese Communist Party's cadre evaluation system. We also see a negative effect of nationalist protest on foreign direct investment (FDI) growth at the city level. However, the lower promotion rates associated with relatively spontaneous protests appear to arise through political rather than economic channels. By taking into account data on social unrest in addition to economic performance, these results add to existing evidence that systematic evaluation of leaders’ performance plays a major role in the Chinese political system. These findings also illuminate the dilemma that local leaders face in managing popular nationalism amid shifting national priorities.
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49

Thomson, Henry. "Grievances, Mobilization, and Mass Opposition to Authoritarian Regimes: A Subnational Analysis of East Germany’s 1953 Abbreviated Revolution." Comparative Political Studies 51, no. 12 (2018): 1594–627. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414018758757.

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Mass opposition to authoritarian governments is caused by economic grievances and factors which facilitate mobilization. In this article, I explore these competing explanations of revolution with a county-level analysis of the June 17, 1953, uprising against the socialist dictatorship in East Germany. I argue that grievances can drive unrest, but only when they are disproportionately large and clearly attributable to a regime. Mobilization capacity is the primary driver of unrest outcomes, but depends on group structure and communications networks which are difficult to capture using cross-national indicators. Independent farmers with intense grievances attributable to the East German regime’s agricultural collectivization policies were associated with unrest despite significant obstacles to mobilization. Construction workers with strong mobilization structures and dense communications networks were significant instigators of unrest despite small numbers and moderate grievances. These findings raise important questions for both theoretical and empirical treatments of revolutionary threats to autocratic regimes.
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50

Gelaw, Tesfaye Taye, Mensur Azeze Getahun, Assefa Mitiku Bayih, et al. "The impact of civil unrest on child health care: Evidenced by acute medical complications at presentation – A retrospective comparative study." PLOS ONE 20, no. 4 (2025): e0320902. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0320902.

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Background Civil unrest is a collective term that includes limited political violence, sporadic violent collective action, or nonviolent and mildly violent collective action that causes dissatisfaction over political, economic, or social changes. It had deadly impacts on the lives of children and adolescents. It often results in difficulties for civilian to access basic services including healthcare. Objective Evaluate the effect of civil unrest on child healthcare provision evidenced by the proportion of children admitted with acute medical complications. Methods Institution-based retrospective comparative study of Difference in Difference with Propensity Score Matching (PSM-DID) was implemented. Setting and participants The study was conducted on children admitted to pediatric ward of Bahir Dar University Tibebe-Ghion specialized teaching hospital. Data were collected from medical records for the months of January 01, 2023 – July 31, 2023 (pre-civil unrest) and August 01, 2023 – February 29, 2024 (into the civil unrest), on a retrospective basis. 632 Participants (345 in the treatment and 247 in the control group) were selected randomly using Microsoft Excel based on their medical record number (MRN) from the HMIS registry with treatment assignment (rural residency or not). Results PSM was conducted on 7 covariates. In the unmatched sample, significant differences between groups were found for two of the 7 covariates. PSM successfully adjusted for bias in all covariates in the matched sample. The civil unrest has increased acute medical complications at presentation to our hospital for rural residents, with a DID value of 0.241 (p-value = 0.009). Conclusion Our study has concluded that civil unrest has an immediate impact on child health care evidenced by an increased proportion of acute medical complications at presentation. It affects more children coming from rural areas compared to those from urban communities.
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