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Journal articles on the topic 'Political violence – Northern Ireland – Belfast'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 25 July 2024

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Abdulhasan Ali, Basma, and Sabah Atallah Diyaiy. "Violence in Martin McDonagh's The Pillowman." Al-Adab Journal 2, no. 136 (2021): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v2i136.1279.

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The 1990s have been of utmost importance for Ireland and the Irish as this decade is characterised by a great diversity of problems: economic problems, unemployment and migration which came as a result of these problems, racial harassment experienced abroad, psychological problems, the Troubles whose serious impact was felt not only in Northern Ireland but also in the Republic of Ireland, which emerged as a consequence of the conflict between the Catholics and the Protestants because of the political status of Northern Ireland and which began at the end of the 1960s and ended in 1998 with Belf

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2

Loane, Geoff. "A new challenge or a new role? The ICRC in Northern Ireland." International Review of the Red Cross 94, no. 888 (2012): 1481–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383113000520.

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AbstractDespite the narrative of success surrounding the Northern Ireland peace process, which culminated in the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, there remain significant humanitarian consequences as a result of the violence. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) has opened an office in Belfast after its assessments demonstrated a need for intervention. While a two-year ‘dirty protest’ in Northern Ireland's main prison has been recently resolved, paramilitary structures execute punishments, from beatings to forced exile and even death, outside of the legal process and in violation of

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3

Dobrianska, Nadia. "The Weaver Street bombing in Belfast 1922: violence, politics and memory." Irish Historical Studies 47, no. 172 (2023): 259–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2023.45.

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AbstractOn 13 February 1922, an unidentified person threw a bomb into Weaver Street, which was full of Catholic children at play, killing four children and two women. The bombing became a locus of political controversy between the British government, the Provisional Government of the Irish Free State and the government of Northern Ireland, and became the archetypal story of innocent Catholic lives taken by the intercommunal conflict in the six counties which became Northern Ireland in 1920‒22. This article seeks to contribute to the understanding of the role of this intercommunal conflict in I

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Cummings, E. Mark, Christine E. Merrilees, Alice C. Schermerhorn, Marcie C. Goeke-Morey, Peter Shirlow, and Ed Cairns. "Testing a social ecological model for relations between political violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland." Development and Psychopathology 22, no. 2 (2010): 405–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954579410000143.

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AbstractRelations between political violence and child adjustment are matters of international concern. Past research demonstrates the significance of community, family, and child psychological processes in child adjustment, supporting study of interrelations between multiple social ecological factors and child adjustment in contexts of political violence. Testing a social ecological model, 300 mothers and their children (M = 12.28 years, SD = 1.77) from Catholic and Protestant working class neighborhoods in Belfast, Northern Ireland, completed measures of community discord, family relations,

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Merrilees, Christine E., Laura K. Taylor, Marcie C. Goeke-Morey, Peter Shirlow, and E. Mark Cummings. "Age as a Dynamic Moderator of Relations between Exposure to Political Conflict and Mental Health in Belfast, Northern Ireland." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 19, no. 14 (2022): 8339. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19148339.

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Identifying how, when, and under what conditions exposure to political conflict is associated with youth mental health problems is critical to developing programming to help youth exposed to various forms of political violence. The current study uses Time Varying Effects Modeling (TVEM) to examine how relations between exposure to ethno-politically motivated antisocial behavior and mental health problems change as a function of age in a sample of youth from Belfast, Northern Ireland. Young people (N = 583, Mage 16.51 wave 1, 17.23 wave 2) self-reported their exposure to sectarian antisocial be

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Cummings, E. Mark, Christine E. Merrilees, Laura K. Taylor, Peter Shirlow, Marcie C. Goeke-Morey, and Ed Cairns. "Longitudinal relations between sectarian and nonsectarian community violence and child adjustment in Northern Ireland." Development and Psychopathology 25, no. 3 (2013): 615–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954579413000059.

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AbstractAlthough relations between political violence and child adjustment are well documented, longitudinal research is needed to adequately address the many questions remaining about the contexts and developmental trajectories underlying the effects on children in areas of political violence. The study examined the relations between sectarian and nonsectarian community violence and adolescent adjustment problems over 4 consecutive years. Participants included 999 mother–child dyads (482 boys, 517 girls),Mages = 12.18 (SD= 1.82), 13.24 (SD= 1.83), 13.61 (SD= 1.99), and 14.66 (SD= 1.96) years,

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7

Knox, Colin, and Seamus McCrory. "Consolidating peace: Rethinking the community relations model in Northern Ireland." Administration 66, no. 3 (2018): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/admin-2018-0025.

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Abstract Northern Ireland has now moved from ‘negative’ peace (the absence of violence, largely) to ‘positive’ peace (confidence-building measures to consolidate gains in voting practice and in reducing discrimination against the minority community in employment and housing allocation). This transition has involved funders at the European, regional and local levels investing in peace and reconciliation measures to consolidate political gains made since the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement in 1998. This paper examines the achievements made to date, the extent to which they have resulted in a pea

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Lehni, Caroline. "Murals after “the Troubles”: Rebuilding the Image of Northern Ireland (1994- 2012)." Leaves, no. 1 (November 30, 2015): 331–47. https://doi.org/10.46608/leaves.vi1.205.

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Although the history of mural painting in Northern Ireland started long before the conflict erupted in the late 1960s, this iconic genre became deeply associated with the “Troubles”. In the 1980s, Republicans adopted mural painting as an effective tool for political communication and a visual call to arms, while Loyalist murals experienced a rebirth. Besides a few other themes, depictions of armed members of paramilitary organisations started to cover the walls of both Catholic and Protestant areas of Belfast and Derry, mirroring the levels of unrest in the province. After the ceasefires and t

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9

Barry, John. "Class, political economy and loyalist political disaffection: agonistic politics and the flag protests." Global Discourse 9, no. 3 (2019): 457–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204378919x15646705882384.

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The flag protests in Northern Ireland (2012–13) offer an opportunity on the one hand to examine the politics of dispossession, national identity, decline and political violence in loyalist areas in Belfast. On the other, they are an opportunity to examine of hope, leadership and change within working class loyalism – not least, around the re-imagining of what Britishness can/could or perhaps should mean in post-Agreement Northern Ireland. This article offers an activist-academic perspective on and interpretation of the meaning and potential of those protests around how they reveal both a fract

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10

Prince, Simon. "Against Ethnicity: Democracy, Equality, and the Northern Irish Conflict." Journal of British Studies 57, no. 4 (2018): 783–811. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2018.117.

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AbstractThe study of the Northern Irish Troubles is dominated by ethnic readings of conflict and violence. Drawing on new scholarship from a range of different disciplines and on fresh archival sources, this article questions these explanations. General theories that tie together ethnicity with conflict and violence are shown to be based on definitions that fail to distinguish ethnic identities from other ones. Their claims cannot be taken as being uniquely or even disproportionately associated with ethnicity. Explanatory models specifically developed for the case of modern Ireland do address

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11

Maksimova, P. V. "Overcoming Identity Crisis: Limits of Consociationalism and Stagnation in Northern Ireland Conflict Regulation." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 101, no. 2 (2021): 144–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2021-101-2-144-162.

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For many decades, Northern Ireland has been characterized by a tense conflict of identities with frequent outbreaks of political and religious violence. At the end of the 20th century, a consensus was reached between the opposing sides on the need for a peaceful settlement of the contradictions, which was reflected in the 1998 Belfast Agreement. The most important part of the agreement was a transition to the consociational model of governance. Consociationalism was assumed to “cure” the Northern Irish region, save it from violence and antagonism, and help to establish a dialogue between the r

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12

Marchment, Zoe, Michael J. Frith, John Morrison, and Paul Gill. "A Multi-Level Analysis of Risky Streets and Neighbourhoods for Dissident Republican Violence in Belfast." ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information 10, no. 11 (2021): 765. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijgi10110765.

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This paper uses graph theoretical measures to analyse the relationship between street network usage, as well as other street- and area-level factors, and dissident Republican violence in Belfast. A multi-level statistical model is used. Specifically, we employ an observation-level random-effects (OLRE) Poisson regression and use variables at the street and area levels. Street- and area-level characteristics simultaneously influence where violent incidents occur. For every 10% change in the betweenness value of a street segment, the segment is expected to experience 1.32 times as many incidents

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13

Daly, Mary E. "'A Third Country': Irish Border Communities." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 6, no. 2 (2023): 6–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v6i2.3211.

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Inserting a border where one did not previously exist transforms the mental and physical map of individuals and communities. Those who live along the Irish Border regard themselves as distinct from the rest of Northern Ireland or Ireland – ‘a third country’, that is neglected, and distinct from both Belfast and Dublin. This paper explores the neglect and belated ‘discovery’ of the problems facing border areas: the local impact of partition on population and the economy, the image of the border as a zone of violence and lawlessness, and the importance of the parish and community identities, tog

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14

Ramirez, J. Martin. "The Ulster Peace Process as an experience of peacebuilding: Introductory words from the 2009 CICA‐STR International Conference on Political Violence and Collective Aggression, in Belfast, Northern Ireland." Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression 3, no. 1 (2011): 72–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19434471003768867.

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15

Royle, Stephen A. "Island cities: the case of Belfast, Northern Ireland." Miscellanea Geographica 19, no. 2 (2015): 5–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgrsd-2015-0002.

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Abstract The paper considers Belfast as an ‘island city’ with reference to issues of identity and economy and especially in connection with a series of statements from the ‘Futures of Islands’ briefing document prepared for the IGU’s Commission on Islands meeting in Kraków in August 2014. Belfast as a contested space, a hybrid British/Irish city on the island of Ireland, exemplifies well how ‘understandings of the past condition the future’, whilst the Belfast Agreement which brought the Northern Ireland peace process to its culmination after decades of violence known as the ‘Troubles’ speaks

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16

Bew, Paul. "Not in Belfast." Index on Censorship 14, no. 6 (1985): 23–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228508533986.

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17

Okhoshin, Oleg Valer'evich. "The new political crisis in Northern Ireland." Contemporary Europe, no. 1 (February 15, 2023): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323010047.

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In Northern Ireland, after the 2022 local parliamentary elections, the two leading regional parties - the Unionists (DUP) and the Irish Nationalists (Sinn Féin) - failed to form an autonomous government. The article examines the causes of the political crisis in the region and presents an analysis of the model of consocial democracy according to the Belfast Agreement 1998. The political system of dual power, which requires the mandatory representation of religious communities (Catholics and Protestants) in local authorities, has repeatedly created the preconditions for long-term conflicts. The

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18

Heskin, Ken. "Political Violence in Northern Ireland." Journal of Psychology 119, no. 5 (1985): 481–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00223980.1985.10542919.

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19

Hopkinson, Michael. "The Craig-Collins pacts of 1922: two attempted reforms of the Northern Ireland government." Irish Historical Studies 27, no. 106 (1990): 145–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400018289.

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The six months following the Anglo-Irish treaty of 1921 saw an appalling level of violence in Belfast and on the border, which threatened the stability of the newly formed Northern Ireland government. Official figures for the period between 6 December 1921 and 31 May 1922 listed seventy-three protestants and 147 catholics killed in Belfast and eight protestants and twenty-two catholics killed in the six counties outside Belfast. In that period two wide-ranging agreements aimed to reform the northern government and security system: they became known, somewhat inaccurately, as the Craig-Collins

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20

Granshaw, Michelle. "Performing the Northern Athens: Dr. Corry's Diorama of Ireland and the Belfast Riot of 1864." Theatre Survey 61, no. 1 (2020): 102–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0040557419000450.

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Although sectarian violence characterized life in Belfast for hundreds of years, 1864 marked a shift in how violence played out in the city. Unlike previous conflicts that occurred in open spaces and reflected long-held rural rituals, the riots of August 1864 took place in the city's rapidly developing urban streets. The violence broke out in response to celebrations around the foundation laying for a new statue of Daniel O'Connell, the late Catholic politician, in Dublin. Thousands of Belfast Catholics traveled to Dublin for the celebration. Upon their return to Belfast, ten thousand Protesta

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21

Fitzpatrick, Lisa. "Breaking Silences: Women, Citizenship and Theatre In Northern Ireland." ABEI Journal 25, no. 2 (2023): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2595-8127.v25i2p87-100.

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This essay seeks to weave together an analysis of women’s citizenship and its dependency on certain silences, and the exploration of this tension in two recent productions by Belfast- based Kabosh Theatre Company. Kabosh, and company Artistic Director Paula McFetridge, stage work that examines the realities of the region in the post-conflict era. In constructing the theoretical frame for the analysis, the concept of “silence” and “silencing” draws from Kristie Dotson (2015), and from work on violence such as Gayatri Spivak’s concept of “epistemic violence” and a wide range of sources on the pe

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22

Keane, Damien. "Contrary Regionalisms and Noisy Correspondences: The BBC in Northern Ireland circa 1949." Modernist Cultures 10, no. 1 (2015): 26–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/mod.2015.0096.

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This essay examines the limits and possibilities of the mid-century broadcasting field in Northern Ireland, by attending to the dynamic interplay at the BBC's Belfast station of three competing regional formations: the political regionalism of the Northern Irish state; the cultural regionalism of a coterie of Northern Irish writers and intellectuals; and the broadcasting regionalism instituted as part of the BBC's policy of national programming. These contrary regionalisms each had different and, at times, competing criteria for what constituted particular and typical details of life in the No

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23

Lorrimer, Alison. "Northern Ireland Legal Material Since Devolution: a Practical Guide." Legal Information Management 13, no. 3 (2013): 152–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669613000388.

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AbstractAlison Lorrimer, who works at the Departmental Solicitor's Office Library in Belfast, reflects on how the sources of legal information have been affected by the changing political landscape in Northern Ireland.

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24

Okhoshin, Oleg. "Legacy of the Troubles: crisis of power in Northern Ireland." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 35, no. 5 (2023): 51–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520235161.

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The political crisis in Northern Ireland, which has been continuing since 2022, threatens its stable development. It undermines the Belfast Agreement, which ended the bloody conflict between Catholics and Protestants and allowed devolution in the region. The catalyst for inter-party disagreements was the Northern Ireland Protocol – it introduced a special customs regulation regime that did not suit the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). The actions of London (the approval of the Windsor Framework and The Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act), as well as the Sinn Féin’s winni

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Anthony, Gordon. "The Uniqueness of Northern Ireland Public Law." Legal Information Management 12, no. 4 (2012): 262–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1472669612000606.

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AbstractThis article is broadly based upon a presentation given by Gordon Anthony, which was given at the annual conference of the British and Irish Association of Law Librarians on 15 June 2012 in Belfast. Its purpose is to outline some of the ways in which public law in Northern Ireland is unique within the wider setting of the UK. Although it is true that the law of Northern Ireland shares much in common with principle and practice elsewhere in the UK, there are some notable differences that are attributable to the fact that Northern Ireland has its own court system and legal and political

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26

Polyakova, Elena. "THE PROSPECTS OF NORTHERN IRELAND POLITICAL STABILISATION." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS 38, no. 2 (2024): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran220244860.

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The article deals with the reasons of two years political crisis in Northern Ireland. According to the author, it became possible due to Belfast Agreement power-sharing system which means joint government on a cross-community basis between representatives of protestant and catholic traditions. If one of the side ceased to hold office by any reason, the other shall cease to function immediately. The main reason for political crises in February 2022 was the demand of the Democratic unionist party to reconsider the Northern Ireland protocol – part of the Brexit Agreement, and their refusal to hol

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Hopwood, Duncan, and Stephanie Robertson. "Ulster fights its brain drain." ITNOW 32, no. 3 (1990): 12–14. https://doi.org/10.1093/combul/32.3.12.

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Abstract Belfast is just over an hour away from London’s Heathrow airport but, to many, it might just as well be the other side of the world. If they think of Northern Ireland at all, the majority of people in the rest of the UK still think first of bloody sectarian violence. Added to that distorted image is the reality of serious economic problems.

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28

Hewitt, Christopher. "Explaining Violence in Northern Ireland." British Journal of Sociology 38, no. 1 (1987): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590581.

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29

Moore, Ronnie. "Language and Cultural Politics in Northern Ireland." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 16, no. 1 (2019): 152–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117_01601007.

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This paper presents an outline of the circumstances surrounding the current political stalemate in Northern Ireland. It considers the role of language as a key justification for the unravelling of the complex political arrangements formulated by The Belfast Agreement or Good Friday Agreement (GFA). The discussion begins by problematizing the notions of “identity” and “minority” in the Irish / Northern Irish context as an important backdrop and within the framework of the European commitment to, and Charter for, Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML). In particular it looks at historical memory

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30

Balabanov, Kostyantyn, and Rehina Kussa. "Influence of the Northern Irish factor on BREXIT processes." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, no. 28-29 (2020): 153–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-28-29-153-161.

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The article considers the influence of the Northern Irish factor on Brexit processes. The authors analyze alternants of the UK-Ireland border regime that were initially offered at Brexit: the «electronic» border, the «hard» border, the «mixed» border, the maintaining United Kingdom’s membership of the EU Customs Union. The importance of maintaining the 1998 Belfast Agreement, which provides for a «soft» border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland, in the context of maintaining peace in the region, is substantiated. The course of the negotiations between Britain and the European

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31

Walker, Clive. "Political Violence and Democracy in Northern Ireland." Modern Law Review 51, no. 5 (1988): 605–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2230.1988.tb01775.x.

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32

Cairns, Ed, and Ronnie Wilson. "Coping with political violence in Northern Ireland." Social Science & Medicine 28, no. 6 (1989): 621–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9536(89)90257-8.

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Baker, Stephen. "Tribeca Belfast and the on-screen regeneration of Northern Ireland." International Journal of Media & Cultural Politics 16, no. 1 (2020): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/macp_00012_1.

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This article looks at media representations of the projected regeneration of Northern Ireland, paying particular attention to a recent promotional film made to elicit support for the redevelopment of a part of Belfast’s city centre. Commissioned by Castlebrooke Investments, ‘Tribeca Belfast’ offers a future prospectus of the city that is as superficial as it is bland. It is, however, illustrative of two influential ideas and strategies that took flight at the end of the Cold War and the ‘triumph of capitalism’. One seeks peace through the application of neo-liberal nostrums; the other combines

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34

Lepp, Eric. "Division on Ice: Shared Space and Civility in Belfast." Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 13, no. 1 (2018): 32–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2018.1427135.

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In Northern Ireland the Good Friday Agreement brought with it top-down political and social approaches to construct and increase intergroup contact and shared spaces in an effort to reconcile divided Nationalist and Unionist communities. In the period following the peace agreement, the Belfast Giants ice hockey team was established, and its games have become one of the most attended spectator activities in Belfast, trending away from the tribalism, single-space, single-class, and single-gender dynamics of modern sport in Northern Ireland. This article utilises the setting of the Scottish and S

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Pini, Barbara, and Sally Shortall. "Gender Equality in Agriculture: Examining State Intervention in Australia and Northern Ireland." Social Policy and Society 5, no. 2 (2006): 199–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746405002885.

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This paper is concerned with the extent to which the state offers potential for furthering farm women's status and rights. Using case studies of Australia and Northern Ireland, it examines the extent to which the state has intervened to address gender inequality in the agricultural sector. These two locations provide a particularly rich scope for analysis because while Australia has a long history of state feminism and an extensive legislative framework for pursing gender equity, this is not the case with Northern Ireland. At the same time, the restructuring of the state in Northern Ireland, f

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Okhoshin, O. V. "THE REGIONAL POLICY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT ON THE BACKGROUND OF BREXIT." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, no. 3 (2019): 352–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-3-352-359.

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The article is devoted to the analysis of the interaction of the UK government with the leading regional parties of Northern Ireland to address issues of border regulation and prevention of the negative consequences of Brexit. The aim of the article is to comprehend the official line of T. May’s conservative cabinets to maintain a transparent border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland established by the Belfast Agreement of 1998, as well as to overcome the political crisis within the Northern Ireland Assembly, which has continued since January 2017. During the negotiation proc

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Okhoshin, Oleg. "25-th Anniversary of the Belfast Agreement: Prospects for Northern Ireland." Analytical papers of the Institute of Europe RAS, no. 2 (2023): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/analytics21020232530.

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On April 11-15, 2023, US President Joe Biden visited Northern Ireland and the neighboring Republic of Ireland, timing the visit to the 25th anniversary of singing the Belfast Agreement in 1998, which ended the bloody confrontation between Catholics and Protestants in Ulster and contributed to the creation of autonomous authorities in the region. The purpose of the trip was complex – to overcome the protracted political crisis in Northern Ireland and promise to increase US investment in the regional economy should the regional government resume its work; the personal goal of the US president is

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Wallace, Rachel. "Gay Life and Liberation, a Photographic Record of 1970s Belfast." Public Historian 41, no. 2 (2019): 144–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2019.41.2.144.

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In March 2017, the first LGBTQ+ history exhibition to be displayed at a national museum in Northern Ireland debuted at the Ulster Museum. The exhibition, entitled “Gay Life and Liberation: A Photographic Exhibition of 1970s Belfast,” included private photographs captured by Doug Sobey, a founding member of gay liberation organizations in Belfast during the 1970s, and featured excerpts from oral histories with gay and lesbian activists. It portrayed the emergence of the gay liberation movement during the Troubles and how the unique social, political, and religious situation in Northern Ireland

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Weitzer, Ronald, Michael MacDonald, and Jeffrey Prager. "Children of Wrath: Political Violence in Northern Ireland." Contemporary Sociology 16, no. 5 (1987): 614. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069723.

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40

Ferguson, Neil, and Ed Cairns. "Political Violence and Moral Maturity in Northern Ireland." Political Psychology 17, no. 4 (1996): 713. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3792135.

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41

Breen-Smyth, Marie. "Hierarchies of Pain and Responsibility: Victims and War by Other Means in Northern Ireland." Tripodos, no. 25 (January 1, 2009): 27–40. https://doi.org/10.51698/tripodos.2009.25.27-40.

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This article develops an earlier analysis1 of definitions and disqualifications of victimhood during armed conflict, claims of responsibility and apologies for harm, based on the Northern Ireland case. The significance of political structures is considered by considering the consociational nature of the 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, which established two parallel political dynasties, allowing the parties to the Northern Ireland conflict to ‘agree to disagree’. The nature of this agreement makes a ‘reconciliation’ between the parties optional and therefore unlikely without some interventi

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Porter, Elisabeth. "Political Representation of Women in Northern Ireland." Politics 18, no. 1 (1998): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9256.00057.

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Increasing the political representation of women in Northern Ireland is part of fostering political pluralism. First, the political representation of women requires democratic participation and a justification of ‘women’ as a category. Second, specific factors of culture and the church unique to Ireland hinder women's participation in elected politics, and there are additional factors of class, violence, and nationalism that are peculiar to Northern Ireland. Third, gender quotas are successful elsewhere, but alone will not alter the powerful resistance to feminist change in Northern Ireland. S

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43

Teague, Paul. "Brexit, the Belfast Agreement and Northern Ireland: Imperilling a Fragile Political Bargain." Political Quarterly 90, no. 4 (2019): 690–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-923x.12766.

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44

Sugden, John P. "Belfast United: Encouraging Cross-Community Relations through Sport in Northern Ireland." Journal of Sport and Social Issues 15, no. 1 (1991): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019372359101500104.

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García-Periago, Rosa. "Contributing to Peace in Northern Ireland: Terra Nova’s Midsummer Night’s Dream." Atlantis. Journal of the Spanish Association for Anglo-American Studies 46, no. 2 (2024): 151–68. https://doi.org/10.28914/atlantis-2024-46.2.08.

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This article examines the production of A Midsummer Night’s Dream put together by Terra Nova Productions in Belfast, Northern Ireland, in 2019.1 Terra Nova Productions (directed by Andrea Montgomery) is a professional theatre company known for its intercultural work, already demonstrated in its first engagement with Shakespeare, The Belfast Tempest (2016). This challenging intercultural production of A Midsummer Night’s Dream was characterized by gender-switched characters, multi-racial casting and the integration of amateur actors into a professional cast. Alongside these features, the produc

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Allen, Rory. "The Legacy of The Northern Irish Conflict, Weak Men and Silenced Women in the Novels of Jan Carson." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 7, no. 2 (2025): 20–36. https://doi.org/10.32803/rise.v7i2.3316.

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This article focuses on the Belfast-based novelist and short-story writer Jan Carson. Raised in a rural, strictly evangelical Presbyterian household, Carson and her work offer rare insights into a community that is seldom given academic attention. The article will examine how her two most recent novels, The Fire Starters (2019) and The Raptures (2022), speak to themes regarding the legacy of violence and gender roles in Northern Ireland. Supplemented by Carson’s own oral testimonies, passages from her work, and her wider comments in the media, this article explores how Carson’s work reflects h

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Hewitt, Christopher. "Catholic Grievances and Violence in Northern Ireland." British Journal of Sociology 36, no. 1 (1985): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/590407.

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Brennan, Seán, and Branka Marijan. "Contested Spaces and Everyday Peace Politics in Northern Ireland." Treatises and Documents, Journal of Ethnic Studies / Razprave in Gradivo, Revija za narodnostna vprašanja 90, no. 90 (2023): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/tdjes-2023-0007.

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Abstract In 2022, the United Kingdom downgraded the security threat in Northern Ireland from “severe” to “substantial”, first set in 2010. The latter means that an attack is likely but not highly likely. For many analysts and political observers, the twenty-five years of peace that followed the signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (B/GFA) though interspersed with periods of political stalemate, have led to an overall external sense the conflict has ended. This downgrading of the security threat in Northern Ireland appears to confirm this sense of a settled peace. Still, the type of pea

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Horgan, Goretti, and Julia S. O'Connor. "Abortion and Citizenship Rights in a Devolved Region of the UK." Social Policy and Society 13, no. 1 (2013): 39–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746413000146.

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The 1998 Belfast Agreement seemed to promise women in Northern Ireland equality. This article examines the extent to which that promise has been met by exploring abortion rights in the region. It situates abortion within a citizens’ rights framework. The article explores the interconnectedness of civil, political and social rights and the implications of an inability to vindicate any aspect of those rights.

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Parr, Connal. "Something Happening Quietly: Owen McCafferty's Theatre of Truth and Reconciliation." Irish University Review 47, supplement (2017): 531–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2017.0308.

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This article concerns the Belfast dramatist Owen McCafferty (1961–) and his play Quietly, which debuted at the Abbey's Peacock Theatre in November 2012. Considering antecedents in McCafferty's earlier work, it illustrates how the play reflects a longstanding and contemporary condition whereby individuals in Northern Ireland deal with the legacy of the Troubles on their own terms, essentially bypassing elected representatives engaged in polemical disputes over the past. Based on a real bombing in 1974, the production's development is outlined prior to discussions of the play's depiction of viol

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