Academic literature on the topic 'Politicals transitions'
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Journal articles on the topic "Politicals transitions"
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Rose, Amanda. "Extraordinary politics in the Polish transition." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 32, no. 2 (1999): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(99)00008-2.
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Among the arguments for rapid economic reform in transitions to the market in Central and Eastern Europe, scholars have argued that rapid reformers could better take advantage of the period of ‘extraordinary politics’ at the beginning of the transition. Regime transitions provide a unique opportunity for politicians to implement economic reform since the public is more likely to grant the government room to reform. If the public is more likely to give politicians this window of opportunity, politicians should implement far-reaching reforms during that period. I test two propositions in this paper: (1) politicians in office during a period of liberalization will get high positive ratings at the polls which will gradually deplete over time; and (2) at the beginning of the transition, views of the current economic situation will not predict views of politics. I find that approval of the Polish government was unusually high in the first one and one-half to two years of the Polish transition. In the same period, assessments of the current economic situation only weakly affected assessments of politics. After the period of extraordinary politics comes to an end, the relationship between political and economic assessments is much stronger. Thus, in a country with a harsh economic reform program and six contentious national elections within eight years, there is strong evidence that politicians benefited from a period of extraordinary politics at the beginning of the regime.
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Hussain, Muhammad Akmal, and Prof Dr Javed Akhtar Salyana. "The Transition of Guided Democracy in Pakistan. A Study of Military Regimes." International Research Journal of Management and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (2022): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/irjmss.v3.01(22)10.93-106.
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Since its creation, Pakistan remains politically an unstable state. The emerging influence of the military as well as the bureaucracy has weakened the political institutions. On the other hand, the political parties, as well as the politicians, were the major ones responsible for the disruption in politics. The earlier demise of leadership (like Jinnah and Liaquat Ali) put Pakistan on the verge of chaos and anarchy. Due to the political unrest, the military finds a suitable place to intervene and fill that gap that was created by the political forces. Whenever the military enters the power corridor, they set some of their goals and agendas. To achieve these goals and agendas, legal assistance is required from the main pillar of the state, probably the judiciary. PCO and LFO are the various kinds of legislation that provide the military with a legal way to achieve these goals. After achieving these goals, the military seeks assistance from the political forces to enter the political arena and to prolong their rule politically. The military revives the political system but that political system is purely managed by the military forces as per the liking of the military ruler and that system is known as guided democracy.
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Lockwood, Matthew, Caroline Kuzemko, Catherine Mitchell, and Richard Hoggett. "Historical institutionalism and the politics of sustainable energy transitions: A research agenda." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 35, no. 2 (2016): 312–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263774x16660561.
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Improving the understanding of the politics of sustainable energy transitions has become a major focus for research. This paper builds on recent interest in institutionalist approaches to consider in some depth the agenda arising from a historical institutionalist perspective on such transitions. It is argued that historical institutionalism is a valuable complement to socio-technical systems approaches, offering tools for the explicit analysis of institutional dynamics that are present but implicit in the latter framework, opening up new questions and providing useful empirical material relevant for the study of the wider political contexts within which transitions are emerging. Deploying a number of core concepts including veto players, power, unintended consequences, and positive and negative feedback in a variety of ways, the paper explores research agendas in two broad areas: understanding diversity in transition outcomes in terms of the effects of different institutional arrangements, and the understanding of transitions in terms of institutional development and change. A range of issues are explored, including: the roles of electoral and political institutions, regulatory agencies, the creation of politically credible commitment to transition policies, power and incumbency, institutional systems and varieties of capitalism, sources of regime stability and instability, policy feedback effects, and types of gradual institutional change. The paper concludes with some observations on the potential and limitations of historical institutionalism, and briefly considers the question of whether there may be specific institutional configurations that would facilitate more rapid sustainable energy transitions.
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Kemal, Maiftah Mohammed. "Ethnic-Based Party Systems, Culture of Democracy, and Political Transition in Africa: Challenges and Prospects for Political Transition in Ethiopia." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 13, no. 5. (2021): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2019.13.5.4.
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According to David Easton, “Politics involves change; and the political world is a world of flux, tensions, and transitions” (Miftah, 2019: 1). Ethiopia’s history of political transition fits the conceptualization of politics as changes and the political world as a world of flux. Political transition in Ethiopia has been dominantly tragic. Atse Tewodros II’s political career ended in the tragedy of Meqdela (1868), Atse Yohannes IV’s reign culminated in the ‘Good Friday in Metema’ (1889), while Menelik’s political career ended peacefully, and that of his successor, Iyasu, ended in tragedy before his actual coronation (1916). The emperor was overthrown in a coup in 1974, and Mengistu’s regime came to an end when he fled the country for Zimbabwe (1991). (Miftah, 2019) Thus far, revolutions, peasant upheavals, and military coup d’états have been political instruments of regime change in Ethiopia. What is missing in the Ethiopian experience of transition so far is the changing of governments through elections. This article discusses the challenges and opportunities for a political transition in Ethiopia using comparative data analysis and various presentation methods.
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Ibrahim, Jibrin. "Political Transition, Ethnoregionalism, and the “Power Shift” Debate in Nigeria." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503047.
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The Nigerian military has been engaged in a program of transition to democratic rule since 1985. The country’s military rulers developed “transition politics” into a strategy of transitions without end, a ruse to prevent democratization. Hopefully, Nigeria is now at the crossroads. One of the most important issues posed in the transition has been the ethnoregional one: Would entrenched ethnoregional forces allow political power to shift from the North to the South? It is not a new question in Nigerian transition politics.Two broad issues surface when ethnoregional domination emerges as a political issue in Nigeria: control of political power and its instruments, such as the armed forces and the judiciary; and control of economic power and resources.
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Starck, Kathleen, and Russell Luyt. "Political Masculinities, Crisis Tendencies, and Social Transition: Toward an Understanding of Change." Men and Masculinities 22, no. 3 (2018): 431–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1097184x18782730.
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This introduction to the special issue on “Political Masculinities and Social Transition” rethinks the notion of “crisis in masculinity” and points to its weaknesses, such as cyclical patterns and chronicity. Rather than viewing key moments in history as points of rupture, we understand social change as encompassing ongoing transitions marked by a “fluid nature” (Montecinos 2017, 2). In line with this, the contributions examine how political masculinities are implicated within a wide range of social transitions, such as nation building after war, the founding of a new political party in response to an economic crisis, an “authoritarian relapse” in a democracy, attempts at changing society through terrorism, rapid industrialization as well as peace building in conflict areas. Building on Starck and Sauer’s definition of “political masculinities” we suggest applying the concept to instances in which power is explicitly either being (re)produced or challenged. We distinguish between political masculinities that are more readily identified as such (e.g., professional politicians) and less readily identified political masculinities (e.g., citizens), emphasizing how these interact with each other. We ask whether there is a discernible trajectory in the characteristics of political masculinities brought about by social transition that can be confirmed across cultures. The contributors’ findings indicate that these political masculinities can contribute to different kinds of change that either maintain the status quo, are progressive, retrogressive, or a mixture of these. Revolutionary transitions, it seems, often promote the adherence to traditional forms of political masculinity, whereas more reformatory transition leaves discursive spaces for argument.
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Wahyuningroem, Sri Lestari. "Towards Post-Transitional Justice." Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights 3, no. 1 (2019): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jseahr.v3i1.11497.
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When democratization took place in 1998 after three decades of authoritarianism in Indonesia, transitional justice became one of the agendas for the country. With the nature of compromised political transition, transitional justice brought together the interest of the elements who wished to challenge the repressive regime, and those who wished to distant themselves from the old regime in order to return to politics. As the result, transitional justice measures were successfully adopted in the beginning of political transition but failed to achieve its goals to break with the old regime and bring justice to victims. Today, after twenty years since reformasi, elements of the politics are consolidated, including those coming from the old regime. Transitional justice is undergoing a period I refer as “post transitional justice”. The main character of this state is the extensive roles of civil society. I argue in this paper that civil society, in particular the human rights groups, have important roles since the beginning of the transition in setting the agenda for transitional justice until today when state-centered mechanisms failed and led to post-transitional justice situation. These groups shift strategies to work from below and from the margins, which give strong character for post-transitional justice in Indonesia.
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Dr. Ayenew Birhanu Worku. "The Roles of Political Parties and Their Challenges in Political Transition: The Case of Ethiopia." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 1 (2021): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2915.
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The political parties of any country are expected to remain committed to the political and economic improvement of their country. As one of the main intermediaries between the state and citizens, one would therefore expect political parties to have a key role in achieving a democratic and peaceful transition. This article focuses on the contribution, actual or potential, of political parties to political transitions. The objective of this study is to examine the roles of political parties in ongoing reform efforts and the challenges they face in Ethiopia. The paper reports mainly on the findings of semi-structured interviews with local and national politicians carried out during 2020 as well as an analysis of political parties’ programs. This study indicates that political parties are the main agents of political representation, and play a crucial role in articulating and aggregating citizens’ demands in democracies. As such, this study argues that political parties have a major role to play in political transitions though, in Ethiopia, they have generally not lived up to expectations. The findings reveal that the very nature of transition and the prevailing character of political parties in Ethiopia have inhibited that role. The study concludes that the unpredictability of post-reform trends, a weak political culture, and inefficiency of political parties, which are in turn related to the nature of party systems, prompted political instability which in turn hampered the anticipated political transition in Ethiopia.
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Sarkorn, Suphan, Rattaphong Sonsuphap, and Pirom Chantaworn. "The political economy transition in a developing country." Corporate and Business Strategy Review 3, no. 2, special issue (2022): 339–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cbsrv3i2siart15.
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The current national economic and social development plan of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) aims to promote economic development, shift the structure of the economy for modern industry, and foster the growth of culture and society (Luangrath, 2019). This results in the economic transition from a centralised economy to a market economy. Consequently, the purpose of this study is to investigate the variables that influence such transitions and the resulting modifications. To achieve these goals, qualitative data analysis, and in-depth interviews were conducted. The results demonstrate that such transition depends on both external (the role of Laos, the influence of China, and the roles of international organisations) and internal factors (mechanisms of state ideology, economic reform, legislation and regulations, and the adaptation of the country’s leaders from one generation to the next). In response to the transitional economy, there are two essential changes, including capital groupings and state adjustments. The study proposes that investors interested in investing in Laos should research the country’s ideological mechanism, new economic reform policies, legislation and regulations, and economic transition history in depth since these are essential elements contributing to the economy in transition.
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Lee, Dalgon. "Local Government Reforms in Korea: A Transition from a Marionette Performance toward an Elementary Class Day." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 12 (December 31, 1997): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps12001.
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This paper deals with the recent reform-oriented measures in the area of national local policies. The just begun local autonomy in Korea now faces opportunities as well as serious challenges. The new developments are divided into four categories: 1) local politics and autonomy; 2) recent consolidation of local governments; 3) distribution of Government functions ; and 4) financial arrangement. The first section involves difficulties of independent local politics and local autonomy under strong culture of centralism. Local political elites are basically dependent upon the national politicians and the nomination as a candidate for local position is directly influenced by the central political machinery and national politicians. The last local election was severely hurt by national political issues. In addition, local animosities among several regions helped turn the political arrangement back to the old one, furthering the dependency of local politics. Nevertheless, it is evident that a new climate for autonomous governance in local society becomes high-spirited. The second section discusses the strength and weakness of the recent consolidation measures of local government which has been carried out nationwide. Majority of the lower - tier (basic) local governments' boundary have been expanded resulting in 230 local governments in number from 265. The upper-tier (widearea) local governments, whose number is 15, has readjusted their specific boundaries only. It may be claimed to facilitate managerial economies but technical efficiencies of specific local service delivery cannot be improved easily. To the worse, the consolidation cannot guarantee the healthy growth of local democracy. The third section deals with the bureaucratic struggle of government task redistribution after the introduction of local autonomy system. Because there is no clear principle of the division of labour between the three tiers of governments, bureaucratic politics takes larger share of the redistribution game. Although some tasks as been transferred to the local governments, the process seems very slow and the structure is not favorable to the local governments which are in weak position in the tug of war. The last section discusses the recent developments in the area of local tax, central-local financial coordination system in terms of central-local configuration. There are many skeptics who doubt whether local governments will have access to the administrative talents and financial resources essential to run the affairs of the country in truly decentralized way. In fact, there are relatively serious weaknesses in the financial management competence of local government officials. Decentralization advocates, however, assert that local financial resources should be expanded from the present 55% of total government sector money so that local governments carry out their present functions and tasks sufficiently.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politicals transitions"
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Baldé, Saïkou Oumar. "Les Organes de gestion des élections en Afrique de l’Ouest : approche comparative entre le Mali et la Guinée." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021BORD0271.
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Les commissions électorales indépendantes ou autonomes sont apparues en Afrique à la moitié des années 1990 dans le but démocratique de résoudre les crises autour de l’organisation d’élections. Ce sont des institutions juridiquement responsables de l’ensemble ou d’une partie du processus électoral. Elles sont soit politiques, techniques ou mixtes et sont perçues comme une solution à l’absence de transparence dans les processus électoraux. Le Mali et la Guinée ont choisi des commissions électorales politiques. Si la présence des partis politiques au sein de ces commissions est le gage d’une volonté de transparence et de crédibilité des élections, toutefois, ouvrir les commissions électorales aux formations politiques fait courir le risque de reproduire, en leur sein, les rivalités politiques. La création des organes de gestion des élections s’est effectuée au gré de différentes crises et intrigues politiques. Sur le plan théorique, tous les instruments juridiques qui encadrent l’organisation des élections reconnaissent et garantissent des élections libres et transparentes. Toutefois, dans la pratique, les textes et institutions sont instrumentalisés et manipulés, altérant ainsi la confiance des acteurs politiques dans une administration électorale politisée à outrance. La qualité des processus électoraux demeure en effet suspecte en raison de la faiblesse ou de la partialité de ses membres ou tout simplement de la communautarisation des élections. Les élections deviennent le moyen par lequel le système politique se perpétue depuis des années et la fraude électorale le régulateur systémique. Nous ne sommes plus dans les crises inhérentes à l’absence d’élection, mais des crises liées à des élections truquées. Le vote en tant qu’outil de désignation des élites à la disposition des citoyens est ici affaibli et les éventuels dispositifs de contrôle ne permettent pas d’endiguer les multiples fraudes orchestrées lors des scrutins<br>Independent or autonomous electoral commissions emerged in Africa in the mid-1990s with the democratic aim of resolving crises surrounding the organization of elections. They are institutions legally responsible for all or part of the electoral process. They are either political, technical or mixed and are seen as a solution to the lack of transparency in electoral processes. Mali and Guinea have chosen political electoral commissions. While the presence of political parties in these commissions is a guarantee of transparency and credibility of the elections, opening the electoral commissions to political parties runs the risk of reproducing political rivalries within them. The creation of electoral management bodies has taken place in the context of various crises and political intrigues. In theory, all legal instruments governing the organization of elections recognize and guarantee free and transparent elections. However, in practice, the texts and institutions are used and manipulated, thereby undermining the confidence of political actors in an overly politicized electoral administration. The quality of electoral processes remains suspect because of the weakness or partiality of its members or simply the communalization of elections. Elections become the means by which the political system is perpetuated for years and electoral fraud the systemic regulator. We are no longer in the crises inherent in the absence of elections, but in the crises linked to rigged elections. The vote as a tool for the designation of elites at the disposal of the citizens is weakened and the possible control devices do not allow the containment of the multiple frauds orchestrated during the polls
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Ferreyra, Ricardo Diego. "Political transition and institutionalization of party politics in Venezuela." FIU Digital Commons, 2000. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3314.
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The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the processes of consolidation and decomposition of the Venezuelan party system and their relation to democratic stability. Both processes are analyzed through a theoretical framework based on four conditions for institutionalization and three conditions for decomposition of a party system.
Preliminary findings reveal that the Venezuelan party system became institutionalized as of 1969 but began to unravel during the 1980s. This particular order, whose legitimacy rested on the distribution of rents, solidified an arrangement that collapsed when confronted with a deteriorating economic environment combined with growing popular disenchantment stemming from its institutional inability to represent and respond to shifting demands. The thesis also concludes that current political developments do not respond to a process of institutionalization of a new party system but to the development of an inchoate system.
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Sir, Aslan Yavuz. "Political Modernization And Informal Politics In Uzbekistan." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608637/index.pdf.
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The objective of this thesis is to examine the political modernization experience of the Uzbeks. In order to do that, first, this dissertation critically analyze the modernization theory, and second, the identity- and socio-political transformation of Uzbeks in the pre-modern and modern eras. The political modernization of Uzbeks and its relation with the peculiar social-political structures, as well as the impact of Tsarist and the Soviet rule on those structures are examined. Moreover, the dissertation analyzes the emergence of an Uzbek political identity and its influence on the post-Soviet independent Uzbekistan. The main argument of this dissertation is that the Uzbek experience under the Tsarist and Soviet rule has inevitably transformed the Uzbek society and achieved relative success in changing the traditional forms into ostensibly modern ones. However, despite the successful political modernization during the Soviet era, the specific socio-political organization, clans and kinship structures inherent in the Uzbek society succeeded adapting and even transforming modern institutions and structures externally imposed by the Soviet. These informal traditional structures emerged as strong institutions in the post-independence era. Moreover, the dissertation claims that the transition and modernization approaches to Post-Soviet Uzbekistan failed in understanding the peculiar socio-political structures and their impact on informal politics in independent Uzbekistan.
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Rotnem, Thomas Eric. "The politics of employment in Yeltsin's Russia: the crucial nexus between economic and political transitions /." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487935125878939.
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Rogers, Nathalia Ablovatskaya. "The politics of business in an age of transition : political attitudes and political participation of the Russian capital owners." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36787.
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Significant and rapid social change has occurred in Russia in the recent decade. With the collapse of communism and the dissolution of the former socialist block, Russian society entered a new stage of development, a stage of transformation towards a capitalist society with a democratic political system. In the course of this transformation, a new social group of Russian private capital owners has emerged.<br>This research focuses on the political attitudes and political participation of Russian businessmen who own and manage their own capital. In particular, it examines the extent to which capital owners are willing to support the consolidation of the democratic regime in Russia. The analysis was based on interviews with 60 capital owners conducted in Moscow, the capital of Russia. I examine their attitudes towards democracy, democratic institutions and democratic procedures, along with their ways of political participation in correlation with the size and origin of the capital that the businessmen own, controlling for age, education and political past. The purpose of this analysis was to establish if structural conditions such as the size and origin of the capital might play a role in a capital owners' pro-liberal political orientation.<br>Three main conclusions emerge from this research: (1) Russian capital owners are not uniformly pro-liberal in their political orientation, some businessmen being hostile to democratic political rule, and others having only limited pro-liberal political attitudes; (2) those capital owners who have pro-liberal political attitudes, limited or not, are the least likely to participate politically; (3) owners of small and medium sized independent type capital constitute the most pro-democratic group among Russian businessmen.
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Nestheide, Robert B. "State Responses to Energy Transitions: Great Power Navies and their Transition from Coal to Oil." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1470757740.
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Brooks, Michael Sheldon. "Seizing power from within : an analysis of intra-party transitions in Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56511.pdf.
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Carlson, Heidi M. "Perceptions of regime legitimacy in Mozambique Legitimacy in transition? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FCarlson.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Letitia Lawson, Jessica Piombo. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-64). Also available in print.
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Manukyan, Alla. "Fraudulent Elections, Political Protests, and Regime Transitions." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/21.
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This research studies protests after fraudulent elections in a collective action framework, examining the impact of the potential cost, benefit and likelihood of success of protest on the occurrence and intensity of protests. Quantitative analysis of fraudulent elections in about 100 countries from 1990 to 2004 shows that the odds of protest after fraudulent elections are greater when the level of state repression is moderate with a possible backlash effect of high repression, when the opposition is united, and when international monitors denounce election results. The analysis only partially supports the benefit of protest argument. Also, the research uses case studies from Eurasia (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, and Russia) and mini-case studies from Africa and Latin America to study in more detail the effects of the factors identified in the quantitative analysis and to identify overlooked but important explanatory factors using a set of extensive interviews conducted in the United States and during fieldwork in Armenia, Georgia, and Russia with politicians, domestic and international election monitors, and country experts.
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Fukuoka, Yuki. "Indonesia's "democratic transition" revisited : a clientelist model of political transition." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.544392.
Full textBooks on the topic "Politicals transitions"
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Acemoglu, Daron. A theory of political transitions. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Economics, 1999.
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Shinn, Rinn-Sup. Japan's uncertain political transition. Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, 1994.
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Identities in transition: Challenges for transitional justice in divided societies. Cambridge University Press, 2010.
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R, Kaufman Robert, ed. The Political economy of democratic transitions. Princeton University Press, 1995.
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Brunn, Stanley D. Stamps, Nationalism and Political Transition. Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003048886.
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Wunner, Norbert. The Political Economy of Transition. Deutscher Universitätsverlag, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-89642-1.
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Caron, Jean-François, ed. Understanding Kazakhstan’s 2019 Political Transition. Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-4308-5.
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Arndt, Channing. The Political Economy of Clean Energy Transitions. Oxford University Press, 2017.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Politicals transitions"
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Bongaarts, John, and Dennis Hodgson. "Country Fertility Transition Patterns." In Fertility Transition in the Developing World. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11840-1_2.
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AbstractThis chapter focuses on the fertility transitions of individual countries. Countries are the entities that make policy decisions and implement family planning programs. Each country has a special set of economic, political, social and cultural conditions that influence fertility trends and related policies. We describe levels and trends in fertility in 97 developing countries between 1950 and 2020. Measures related to successive phases of the transitions are provided, including pre-transitional fertility, the timing of the onset, the pace of fertility decline, the timing of the transition’s end and post-transitional fertility. A special section discusses countries that have experienced a “stall” in their fertility transition. Transition patterns varied widely among developing countries over the past seven decades. Countries such as Singapore, Mauritius, Korea, Taiwan, and China experienced early, rapid, and complete transitions. In contrast, transitions in all but one country (South Africa) in sub-Saharan Africa have been late and slow, and fertility today remains well above replacement. Among the 97 countries examined, only 42 have reached the end of the transition, which is defined as having reached a TFR below 2.5 in 2020. The majority of countries are still in transition, and some have barely started a fertility decline.
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Preysing, Domenica. "Transitional justice in political transition." In Transitional Justice in Post-Revolutionary Tunisia (2011–2013). Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-12012-2_6.
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Yee, Herbert S. "Money Politics and Political Mobilization." In Macau in Transition. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230599369_6.
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Müller, Katja, and Siddharth Sareen. "Digitisation and Low-Carbon Energy Transitions." In Digitisation and Low-Carbon Energy Transitions. Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-16708-9_1.
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AbstractThe world is digitising as the need for low-carbon transitions gains urgency. This chapter introduces the emergent linkages between digitisation and decarbonisation—the twin transition. Important for grid stability, the twin transition is needed for greenhouse gas emission reduction, yet its energy efficiency is debatable. Rebound effects and data generation for and within the twin transition are critical issues that surface within socio-technical and political economic contexts. The chapter pulls together insights on situating digitisation and on realising imaginaries of the twin transition, articulating the value of conceptualising low-carbon transitions with explicit attention to digitisation as a phenomenological element of infrastructural change. It provides an overview of chapters across these themes, and synthesis reflections on a research agenda for ethnographies of digitisation and energy transitions.
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Maley, William. "Political development." In Transition in Afghanistan. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315143071-4.
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Chossudovsky, Michel. "The Political Transition." In Towards Capitalist Restoration? Macmillan Education UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18415-6_2.
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Pulipaka, Sanjay. "Myanmar’s Political Transition." In Myanmar’s Integration with the World. Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-5134-0_2.
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Roberts, Ken. "Politics." In Youth in Transition. Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-10359-8_8.
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Hussain, Imtiaz. "Introduction: Transatlantic Hues and Paradigmatic Cues." In Global Political Transitions. Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-6608-5_1.
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Hussain, Imtiaz. "Southern Transatlantic Flows: Silver Bullets." In Global Political Transitions. Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-6608-5_2.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Politicals transitions"
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Kilinc, Ramazan. "THE PATTERNS OF INTERACTION BETWEEN ISLAM AND LIBERALISM: THE CASE OF THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/qhfj3934.
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The unprecedented resurgence of religious organisations in the public sphere in recent years has given particular urgency to the old question of the compatibility of Islam and liberalism. Some scholars have argued that Islamic notions of social–political order are not hospitable to democracy and human rights. Others have argued that notions of democracy and human rights are firmly established in the Islamic political discourse but their expression depends on history, social structure and context. Although this debate has proved fruitful in framing the role of Islam in the public sphere, both sides have generally focused on essential sources of Islam. The debate needs to be extended to the empirical realm through study of particular Islamic movements and their responses to liberalisation trends. Such study should take into account local context, the organisational capabilities of the movement, and the Islamic repertoire that it deploys in mobilising its followers. This paper looks at the Gülen movement’s response to liberalisation processes in Turkey in the 1990s and 2000s. Since liberalism has radically transformed the economic and political system of the country over the last two decades, Turkey is a good example for our purposes. Furthermore, the increased influence of the Gülen movement in Turkey provides rich empiri- cal data of an Islamic movement engaging with liberalisation in civil society and politics. The paper concludes that, while the movement’s discourse and practice are compatible with liberalism, its Islamic ethos means that at some points it must engage liberalism critically.
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Weller, Paul. "ROBUSTNESS AND CIVILITY: THEMES FROM FETHULLAH GÜLEN AS RESOURCE AND CHALLENGE FOR GOVERNMENT, MUSLIMS AND CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE UNITED KINGDOM." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/cdcf7302.
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The 7/7 (2005) attack on London Transport by Muslims brought up in the UK shocked the Government, many Muslims, and the wider civil society. Subsequently, the UK’s ‘multi- culturalist’ policy consensus has been subject to intensive questioning. Politicians and some parts of civil society have challenged a perceived ‘separatism’ among Muslims; emphasised a need for shared values and social cohesion; and advocated the promotion of ‘moderate Islam’ and ‘moderate Muslims’. This paper argues that, in legitimising simplistic distinctions between ‘good’ (understood as ‘liberal’ or ‘modernist’) and ‘bad’ or ‘suspect’ (understood as ‘traditionalist’, ‘radical’ or ‘fundamentalist’) Muslims and forms of Islam, there is a risk of eliding the condemnation of terrorist crimes conducted on religious grounds into the criminalisation, or at least social marginalisation, of religious conservatism and/or radicalism. This approach, it is argued, is more likely to undermine the development of inclusive approaches to the common good and that what is needed instead are authentically Islamic approaches that can offer both a resource and a challenge to Government, Muslims and the wider civil society. Finally, it is argued that such resource and challenge can be found in themes from Fethullah Gülen’s teaching. Gülen, on Islamic grounds, condemns terrorism in the name of religion. Further, being rooted in a confident Ottoman Muslim civilisational heritage and having during the period of the Turkish Republic engaged with both ideological ‘secularism’ and political ‘Islamism’, he also offers a critique of the political instrumentalisation of Islam while ar- guing for an active Muslim engagement with the wider (religious and secular) society based on a distinctive Islamic vision characterised by a robustness and civility that could make a positive contribution in the present UK context.
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Kuru, Ahmet T. "CHANGING PERSPECTIVES ON ISLAMISM AND SECULARISM IN TURKEY: THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT AND THE AK PARTY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mmwz7057.
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The debate between secularists and Islamic groups, a conspicuous feature of Turkish politics for decades, changed in the late 1990s when the political discourse of mainstream Islamic groups embraced secularism. The establishment elite advocate the existing French model of an ‘assertive secularism’, meaning that, in the public domain, the state supports only the ex- pression of a secular worldview, and formally excludes religion and religious symbols from that domain. The pro-Islamic conservatives, on the other hand, favour the American model of ‘passive secularism’, in which the state permits the expression of religion in the public do- main. In short, what Turkey has witnessed over the last decade is no longer a tussle between secularism and Islamism, but between two brands of secularism. Two actors have played crucial roles in this transformation: the Gülen movement and the Justice and Development (AK) Party. Recently the Gülen movement became an international actor and a defendant of passive secularism. Similarly, although the AK Party was originated from an Islamist Milli Görüş (National Outlook) movement, it is now a keen supporter of Turkey’s membership to the European Union and defends (passive) secularist, democratic regime. This paper analyses the transformation of these important social and political actors with regard to certain structural conditions, as well as the interactions between them.In April 2007, the international media covered Turkey for the protest meetings of more than a million people in three major cities, the military intervention to politics, and the abortive presidential election. According to several journalists and columnists, Turkey was experienc- ing another phase of the ongoing tension between the secularists and Islamists. Some major Turkish newspapers, such as Hürriyet, were asserting that the secularists finally achieved to bring together millions of opponents of the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma (Justice and Development) (AK) Party. In addition to their dominance in military and judicial bureauc- racy, the secularists appeared to be maintaining the support of the majority of the people. The parliamentary elections that took place few months later, in July, revealed that the main- stream Turkish media’s presentation was misleading and the so-called secularists’ aspira- tions were unrealistic. The AK Party received 47 percent of the national votes, an unusual ratio for a multiparty system where there were 14 contesting parties. The main opposition, Cumhuriyet Halk (Republican People’s) Party (CHP), only received 21 percent of the votes, despite its alliance with the other leftist party. Both the national and international media’s misleading presentation of Turkish politics was not confined by the preferences of the vot- ers. Moreover, the media was primarily misleading with its use of the terms “Islamists” and “secularists.” What Turkey has witnessed for the last decade has not been a struggle between secularism and Islamism; but it has been a conflict between two types of secularism. As I elaborated else- where, the AK Party is not an Islamist party. It defends a particular understanding of secular- ism that differs from that of the CHP. Although several leaders of the AK Party historically belonged to an Islamist -Milli Görüş (National Outlook)- movement, they later experienced an ideational transformation and embraced a certain type of secularism that tolerates public visibility of religion. This transformation was not an isolated event, but part of a larger expe- rience that several other Islamic groups took part in. I argue that the AKP leaders’ interaction with the Gülen movement, in this regard, played an important role in the formation of the party’s new perspective toward secularism. In another article, I analyzed the transformation of the AK Party and Gülen movement with certain external (globalization process) and internal (the February 28 coup) conditions. In this essay, I will focus on the interaction between these two entities to explore their changing perspectives. I will first discuss the two different types of secularism that the Kemalists and conservatives defend in Turkey. Then, I will briefly summarize diverse discourses of the Milli Görüş and Gülen movements. Finally, I will examine the exchanges between the Gülen movement and the AK Party with regard to their rethinking of Islamism and secularism.
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Ugur, Etga. "RELIGION AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL? THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT IN THE PUBLIC SPHERE." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/clha2866.
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This paper asks: when and under what conditions does religion become a source of coopera- tion rather than conflict? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that has made the movement a global phenomenon and the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of society together to facilitate ‘collective intellectual effort’ and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues, seeing this as a more subtle and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. To this end, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of these meetings was later expanded to include a wider audience in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. This paper looks specifically at the Abant Workshops and the movement’s strategy of bridge building and problem-solving. It uses the press releases, transcripts and audio-visual records of the past 14 meetings to discuss their objectives and outcomes. This material is supplement- ed by interviews with key organisers from the Journalists and Writer Foundation and other participants. The discussion aims to understand how far religiously inspired social groups can contribute to the empowerment of civil society vis-à-vis the state and its officially secular ideology. Beyond that, it aims to explain the role of civil society organisations in democratic governance, and the possibility of creating social capital in societies lacking a clear ‘overlap- ping consensus’ on issues of citizenship, morality and national identity. The hesitancy at the beginning turns into friendship, the distance into understanding, stiff looks and tensions into humorous jokes, and differences into richness. Abant is boldly moving towards an institutionalization. The objective is evident: Talking about some of the problems the country is facing, debating them and offering solutions; on a civil ground, within the framework of knowledge and deliberation. Some labelled the ideas in the concluding declarations as “revolutionary,” “renaissance,” and “first indications of a religious reform.” Some others (in minority) saw them “dangerous” and “non-sense.” In fact, the result is neither a “revolution” nor “non-sense” It is an indication of a quest for opening new horizons or creating a novel vision. When and under what conditions does religion become a source of cooperation rather than conflict in the civil society? The Gülen movement is an Islamic social movement that bases its philosophy on increasing religious consciousness at the individual level and making Islam an important social force in the public sphere. It is this intellectual and social activism that raises the Gülen movement of Turkey as a global phenomenon to the focus of socio-political analysis. The Gülen community brings different sectors of the society together to create and facilitate a ‘common intellect’ to brainstorm and offer ‘civil responses’ to social issues. The move- ment sees this as a more subtle, but more effective, and legitimate way of influencing public debate and policy. Hence, the movement initiated a series of symposiums, known as Abant Workshops in Turkey. The scope of the meetings was later expanded to include a wider audi- ence in Europe, the U.S., and the Middle East. In early 1990s the Gülen Movement launched a silent but persistent public relations cam- paign. Fethullah Gülen openly met with the prominent figures of government and politics, and gave interviews to some popular newspapers and magazines. With a thriving media net- work, private schools, and business associations the movement seemed to have entered a new stage in its relations with the outside world. This new stage was not a simple outreach effort; it was rather a confident step to carve a niche in the increasingly diversified Turkish public sphere. The instigation of a series of workshops known as Abant Platforms was one of the biggest steps in this process. The workshops brought academics, politicians, and intellectu- als together to discuss some of the thorniest issues of, first, Turkey, such as secularism and pluralism, and then the Muslim World, such as war, globalization and modernization. This paper seeks to explain the motives behind this kind of an ambitious project and its possible implications for the movement itself, for Turkey and for the Muslim World in transition.
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Karaköy, Çağatay, Ahmet Uzun, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "The Changes in Foreign Debt for the Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00279.
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1989 and the years following 1991 were the times in which many important economic and political turnovers had taken place in the world. That was the time when Berlin Wall fall down with scattering the Eastern block and many politically and economically independent states came into being, at the same time, ongoing about 70 years socialist system also started to spin into liberal system. The constituted 27 states in 1991 were tended to liberal economic system instead of socialist economy, and these stated were called as transition economies. With the transition period, there has have been significant decreases in the level of affluence, hyperinflation and some common properties seen at the beginning. It became inevitable to get foreign debt for reorganization and configuration of these economies. Nevertheless these foreign debts caused many serious problems in some of these economies. In the present work we tried to understand the economic structure and external loans of the transition economies, which are different with respect to their natural resources and are similar to each other in term of social, political and cultural aspects. It was under debated to investigate the relationship between indicated foreign debts and indicated domestic income and external trade so foreign trade financing problematic which thought to be the source of going into debt and economical development relations are searched.
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Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.
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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.
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Faraj, Anwar, and Jalil Ali. "The Role of the External Factor in the Processes of Democratic Transition." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp86-96.
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The democratic transition is one of the common terms in academic and societal circles, but it is noticeable that there are discussions and differences of opinions about how to transform from a non-democratic system to a democratic one. Among the things that are disputed is the question; Is the priority given to internal factors or external factors in the transfers? Can democracy be imposed if the state is not internally qualified to accept the transition? This research attempts to address the role of the external factor in the processes of democratic transition by standing on the contribution of theoretical literatures presented in the field of political science and international relations on this topic.
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Ak, Omer. "Civil-Military Relations and Exit Guarantees under the JDP Government in Turkey: A Transition From Transitional to Consolidated Democracy?" In 2nd Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science Technology Forum, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir12.23.
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Saeed, Nawsherwan. "Is the constitution the problem in front of the democratic transition in Iraq?" In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp171-183.
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Nearly 17 years after the US invasion, Iraq ranks first in the list of the most corrupt and least stable countries in the world. The state of instability and rampant corruption in Iraqi society since 2003 made some critics blame the constitution itself as the main obstacle to the country's democratic transition. For them, the hasty method of drafting the constitution, the absence of Iraqi constitutional expertise, and the lateral representation of Sunni Arabs are among the factors that have contributed to the precarious situation in Iraq over the past years. Likewise, critics argue that the ambiguity and ambiguity in some constitutional articles hindered its application. Amid these readings, the October revolution erupted on October 1, 2019 in Baghdad and the rest of the southern governorates of Iraq in protest against the deteriorating economic conditions of the country, unemployment, and the spread of administrative corruption. The demands of the demonstrators reached to change the constitution and amend the electoral law. Thus, the question posed in this paper is to what extent can the constitution really be an obstacle to the democratization process in Iraq? This paper discusses that the nature of Iraqi society as a deeply divided society, the absence of the previous democratic experience among the citizens, the weakness of the political culture of cooperation and tolerance among the political elites, and external interference are among the main obstacles to the democratic transformation in the country. Finally, the conclusion of the study is that despite all the criticisms and criticisms about the democratic experience in Iraq, the process of democratic transformation is slow in itself, and therefore it can be said that the process is still ongoing and has not failed yet.
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Chandranegara, Ibnu Sina, and Zainal Arifin Hoessein. "Defining Judicial Accountability Post Political Transition in Indonesia." In International Conference on Law Reform (INCLAR 2019). Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.200226.004.
Full textReports on the topic "Politicals transitions"
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Haider, Huma. Constitutional Courts: Approaches, Sequencing, And Political Support. Institute of Development Studies, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.097.
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This rapid review looks at various constitutional courts established in transitional, fragile and conflict-affected contexts—the approaches adopted, sequencing in their establishment, and experiences with political support. There are few comprehensive accounts in the literature, however, of constitutional courts and their role in judicial review in the contexts of transition and/or as key actors in ‘building democracy’ (Daly, 2017a; Sapiano, 2017). Further, scholars have tended to focus on a relatively small number of case studies from the immediate post-Cold War era, such as South Africa and Colombia (Daly, 2017a). Discussion on the sequencing and steps adopted in establishing a constitutional court in fragile and conflict-affected states (FCAS), or on incentives that have swayed political elites to support these courts, is even more limited. Nonetheless, drawing on various academic and NGO literature, including on countries that transitioned from authoritarianism, this report offers some discussion on sequencing in relation to the constitution-making process and the establishment of the courts; and general reasoning for why constitutional courts may be supported by political actors.
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Avis, William. Armed Group Transition from Rebel to Government. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.125.
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Governments and political parties with an armed history are not unusual, yet how these groups function during and after the transition from conflict has largely been ignored by the existing literature. Many former armed groups have assumed power in a variety of contexts. Whilst this process is often associated with brokered peace agreements that encourage former combatants to transform into political parties, mobilise voters, and ultimately stand for elections, this is not always the case. What is less clearly understood is how war termination by insurgent victory shapes patterns of post-war politics. This rapid literature review collates available evidence of transitions made by armed groups to government. The literature collated presents a mixed picture, with transitions mediated by an array of contextual factors that are location and group specific. Case studies are drawn from a range of contexts where armed groups have assumed some influence over government (these include those via negotiated settlement, victory and in contexts of ongoing protracted conflict). The review provides a series of readings and case studies that are of use in understanding how armed groups may transition in “post-conflict” settings.
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Kramer, Steven P., and Irene Kyriakopoulos. US - European Union Relations: Economic Change and Political Transition. Defense Technical Information Center, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada386024.
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Trenchard, Terence D. Hezbollah in Transition: Moving From Terrorism to Political Legitimacy. Defense Technical Information Center, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada560136.
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Barrientos, Agustín. Reproduction of 'Losing your dictator: firms during political transition'. Social Science Reproduction Platform, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.48152/ssrp-rsp2-d669.
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Elnour Abdelkarim, Zeinab. Assessing Sudan's Electoral Legal Framework. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2022.18.
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Assessing Sudanʼs Electoral Legal Framework provides an in-depth insight and analysis of Sudanʼs current legal framework for elections. It measures Sudanʼs legal electoral framework against a common international understanding of the principles, norms and obligations that define credible and democratic elections. The objective of this analysis is not to criticize or pass judgement on the countryʼs existing electoral processes; instead, it offers an unbiased assessment of how Sudanʼs existing electoral laws and country context create an enabling or disabling environment for free and fair elections. It provides comprehensive and constructive recommendations to strengthen existing legislation and improve fairness, uniformity, reliability, consistency and professionalism in Sudanʼs future elections. This Report also assesses the status of core democratic principles and freedoms that provide the foundation for credible elections and highlights any restrictions on these fundamental rights and liberties that could interfere with the countryʼs upcoming elections or delay its political transition. It calls upon the transitional government to protect citizensʼ rights and liberties and prevent abuses that may influence public trust, fairness, and openness of electoral and other transitional processes. Lastly, this Report discusses political, socio-economic, and legal issues impacting Sudanʼs roadmap to democratic transition before the October 2021 military coup.
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Wade, Steven. Climate & environment assessment: Support to political transition in Yemen. Evidence on Demand, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.12774/eod_hd027.dec2012.wade.
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Bruno, Michael. From Sharp Stabilization to Growth: On the Political Economy of Israel's Transition. National Bureau of Economic Research, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w3881.
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Walsh, Alex. The Contentious Politics of Tunisia’s Natural Resource Management and the Prospects of the Renewable Energy Transition. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.048.
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For many decades in Tunisia, there has been a robust link between natural resource management and contentious national and local politics. These disputes manifest in the form of protests, sit-ins, the disruption of production and distribution and legal suits on the one hand, and corporate and government response using coercive and concessionary measures on the other. Residents of resource-rich areas and their allies protest the inequitable distribution of their local natural wealth and the degradation of their health, land, water, soil and air. They contest a dynamic that tends to bring greater benefit to Tunisia’s coastal metropolitan areas. Natural resource exploitation is also a source of livelihoods and the contentious politics around them have, at times, led to somewhat more equitable relationships. The most important actors in these contentious politics include citizens, activists, local NGOs, local and national government, international commercial interests, international NGOs and multilateral organisations. These politics fit into wider and very longstanding patterns of wealth distribution in Tunisia and were part of the popular alienation that drove the uprising of 2011. In many ways, the dynamic of the contentious politics is fundamentally unchanged since prior to the uprising and protests have taken place within the same month of writing of this paper. Looking onto this scene, commentators use the frame of margins versus centre (‘marginalization’), and also apply the lens of labour versus capital. If this latter lens is applied, not only is there continuity from prior to 2011, there is continuity with the colonial era when natural resource extraction was first industrialised and internationalised. In these ways, the management of Tunisia’s natural wealth is a significant part of the country’s serious political and economic challenges, making it a major factor in the street politics unfolding at the time of writing.
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Girdap, Hafza. Book Review: The Turkish Malaise – A Critical Essay. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/br0012.
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Author Cengiz Aktar argues that Turkey is witnessed a victory of a non-democratic system—and the majority of society supports this transition. The regime consolidates its discriminatory, oppressive, autocratic politics by gaining the support of non-AKP constituents through the discourse of “native and national.” Thus, the situation in Turkey is not a simple deviation from the norm; it is a more complex socio-political conundrum. In other words, the regime represented by Recep Tayyip Erdogan, is not the reason for but the result of society’s mindset which is a reasonable part of the “Turkish malaise.”