Journal articles: 'Politicians, india'

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GULZAR, SAAD, and BENJAMIN J. PASQUALE. "Politicians, Bureaucrats, and Development: Evidence from India." American Political Science Review 111, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 162–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000502.

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When do politicians prompt bureaucrats to provide effective services? Leveraging the uneven overlap of jurisdictions in India, we compare bureaucrats supervised by a single political principal with those supervised by multiple politicians. With an original dataset of nearly half a million villages, we find that implementation of India’sNational Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme, the largest employment program in the world, is substantially better where bureaucrats answer to a single politician. Regression discontinuity estimates help increase confidence that this result is causal. Our findings suggest that politicians face strong incentives to motivate bureaucrats as long as they internalize the benefits from doing so. In contrast to a large literature on the deleterious effects of political interventions, our results show that political influence may be more favorable to development than is commonly assumed.

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Singh, Thakur Ranjit. "REVIEW: Noted: Proactive on climate change." Pacific Journalism Review 18, no. 1 (May 31, 2012): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v18i1.306.

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Review of: Convenient action: Gujarat's response to challenges of climate change, by Narendra Modi. New Delhi: Macmillan Publishers India Ltd. 2011, 234 pp. ISBN (10) 0230-331920The picture and perception that the Western world and its media have painted of Indian politicians is uneducated and excessively corrupt individuals who manipulate the system to hang on to power. Narendra Modi's Convenient Action removes this myth and reveals a politician in a different light.

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Abullais, Md. "Corruption as Responsible Factor for Poverty in Aravind Adiga’s The White Tiger." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 1 (January 10, 2020): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i1.10341.

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Adiga has written the novel The White Tiger in the phase of his career when India was facing problems of corruption, moral depravity deceit. In the realistic portrayal of Indian society. He has canvassed to us a class of people where are social status are being determined by economic status. In his debut novel. The White Tiger, Adiga exposes the real but ugly face of India’s heart of darkness, mainly the rural India, Indian political system and government machinery. Politicians and bureaucrats misappropriate public money. Politicians and bourgeoisie follow the colonialist tendencies of exploitative methods. Adiga points out the problems of corruption facing by the people in India. The White Tiger expresses the power of the rich and their domination to the poor.

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Lokhova, Irina V. "Worldview formation and I. Gandhi development as a politician." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 2(2020) (June 25, 2020): 41–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2020-2-41-50.

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The article is devoted to the study of the process of I. Gandhi personally development as a politician, characteristics and features of her worldview formation. Indira Nehru’s entourage had a decisive role in becoming her as a politician and a leader of the nation continuing her father’s “Nehru course”. The cornerstone of I. Gandhi foreign policy concept and activity was the doctrine of “Great India” which took shape in the conditions of the 20th century world shocks which radically changed the political map of the world. Colonialism contributed to the emergence of a heightened sense of national dignity among many Indian politicians and intellectuals including I. Gandhi. J. Nehru views played an important educational role in I. Gandhi worldview formation. His scientific, philosophical and political views became the foundation that would subsequently develop and strengthen in her mind and form the future politician with certain beliefs and ideas about “Great India.” For her people she was not just a female politician, but a symbol, because even after the resignation from the post of prime minister, I. Gandhi presence in the government was seen as maintaining fidelity to the commandments of the largest national leader by the people. The spiritual appearance formed in her childhood helped her overcome all the difficulties that she would encounter on her political path. She would endure all the ups and downs with dignity and even the awareness of the impending assassination attempt did not make her hide but meet her opponents.

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Asher, Sam, and Paul Novosad. "Politics and Local Economic Growth: Evidence from India." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 229–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20150512.

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Political favoritism affects the allocation of government resources, but is it consequential for growth? Using a close election regression discontinuity design and data from India, we measure the local economic impact of being represented by a politician in the ruling party. Favoritism leads to higher private sector employment, higher share prices of firms, and increased output as measured by night lights; the three effects are similar and economically substantive. Finally, we present evidence that politicians influence firms primarily through control over the implementation of regulation. (JEL D72, L51, O17, O18, O43, R11)

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Copland, Ian. "‘Communalism’ in Princely India: The Case of Hyderabad, 1930–1940." Modern Asian Studies 22, no. 4 (October 1988): 783–814. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00015742.

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The time has come when the communal holocaust must be confined to the Indian States, the time has come when both the Hindu and Muslim newspapers must be prevented from blowing communalism into British India. There was a time when our politicians like Gokhale rightly used to take pride in Indian States being free from communalism, which was a vice in British India.… But the table appears to have been turned.

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Clots-Figueras, Irma. "Are Female Leaders Good for Education? Evidence from India." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2012): 212–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.4.1.212.

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This paper shows that the gender of politicians affects the educational levels of individuals who grow up in the districts where these politicians are elected. A unique dataset collected on politicians in India is matched with individual data by cohort and district of residence. The political data allow the identification of close elections between women and men, which yield quasi-experimental election outcomes used to estimate the causal effect of the gender of politicians. Increasing female political representation increases the probability that an individual will attain primary education in urban areas, but not in rural areas, and not in the sample as a whole. (JEL D72, I20, J16, 015, 017)

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ANDERSON, EDWARD, and PATRICK CLIBBENS. "‘Smugglers of Truth’: The Indian diaspora, Hindu nationalism, and the Emergency (1975–77)." Modern Asian Studies 52, no. 5 (June 4, 2018): 1729–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000750.

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AbstractDuring the Indian Emergency (1975–77) a range of opposition groups and the Indian state competed to mobilize the Indian diaspora. The Emergency therefore needs to be understood as a global event. Opposition activists travelled overseas and developed transnational networks to protest against the Emergency, by holding demonstrations in their countries of residence and smuggling pamphlets into India. They tried to influence the media and politicians outside India in an effort to pressurize Indira Gandhi into ending the Emergency. An important strand of ‘long-distance’ anti-Emergency activism involved individuals from the Hindu nationalist movement overseas, whose Indian counterparts were proscribed and imprisoned during the period. Several key Hindutva politicians in recent decades were also involved in transnational anti-Emergency activism, including Subramanian Swamy and Narendra Modi. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh's role in opposing the Emergency—particularly the way in which it enabled overseas Indians to act as ‘smugglers of truth’—remains an important legitimizing narrative for Hindu nationalists. Indira Gandhi's Congress government mounted its own pro-Emergency campaigns overseas: it attacked diasporic opposition activists and closely monitored their activities through diplomatic missions. The state's recognition of the diaspora's potential influence on Indian politics, and its attempts to counter this activism, catalysed a long-term change in its attitude towards Indians overseas. It aimed to imitate more ‘successful’ diasporas and began to regard overseas Indians as a vital political and geopolitical resource. The Emergency must be reassessed as a critical event in the creation of new forms of transnational citizenship, global networks, and long-distance nationalism.

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Jeffrey, Craig, Patricia Jeffery, and Roger Jeffery. "Dalit Revolution? New Politicians in Uttar Pradesh, India." Journal of Asian Studies 67, no. 04 (November 2008): 1365. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911808001812.

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Sáez, Lawrence, and Aseema Sinha. "Political Cycles, Political Institutions and Public Expenditure in India, 1980–2000." British Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (November 17, 2009): 91–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123409990226.

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In Western democracies it is held that parties and their positions affect how politicians choose to make public expenditure and investment. This article examines the public policy choices of politicians in India, a large well-established democracy with remarkable subnational variation. Public expenditure, from education and health to agriculture and irrigation, is analysed. Counterintuitive findings – that election timing and political factors play a strong role in the subnational states, and that party competition increases investment in education – are explained by highlighting the role economic and political uncertainty plays in politicians’ choices. Building a ‘Polanyi’ argument enhanced by a supply-side mechanism highlights the importance of compensation and insurance and the imperatives of political stability for subnational politicians, who attempt to maximize re-election chances in an uncertain environment.

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Budhiraja, Amar, Ankur Sharma, Rahul Agrawal, Monojit Choudhury, and Joyojeet Pal. "American Politicians Diverge Systematically, Indian Politicians do so Chaotically: Text Embeddings as a Window into Party Polarization." Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 15 (May 22, 2021): 1054–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v15i1.18129.

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Conversations on polarization are increasingly central to discussions of politics and society, but the schisms between parties and states can be hard to identify systematically in what politicians say. In this paper, we demonstrate the use of representation learning as a window into political dialogue on social media through the tweets authored by politicians on Twitter. We propose to embed politicians in a space such that their output embedding vectors represent the content similarity between the two politicians based on their tweets. We further propose a short-text based embedding technique to overcome some of the shortcomings of the previous methods. The learnt embeddings for politicians of India and the United States show two trends. First, that in the US case, we find a clear distinction between Democrats and Republicans, which is also reflected in the coalescing of the states that lean towards each party placing likewise in a graphical space. However, in the Indian case, the federal structure, multiparty system, and linguistic differences clearly manifest in the coalescing political discourse in the largely monolingual north and the scattered regional states. Our work shows ways in which machine learning methods can offer a window into thinking about how polarized political discourses manifest in what politicians say online.

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JAFFE, JAMES A. "CUSTOM, IDENTITY, AND THE JURY IN INDIA, 1800–1832." Historical Journal 57, no. 1 (January 29, 2014): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x13000435.

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ABSTRACTThis article analyses the reception and understanding of the Indian village council (panchayat) among East India Company officials, British politicians, and Indian intellectuals during the first third of the nineteenth century. One of the several ways in which the panchayat was imagined was as an institution analogous to the English jury. As such, the panchayat took on significant meaning, especially for those influenced by the Scottish Orientalist tradition and who were serving in India. The issue became especially salient during the 1820s and 1830s as the jury system was debated and reformed in England. In this context, there was a transnational interplay of both ideas and policies that shaped both Company rule in India as well as the first generation of Indian nationalists.

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Sukhtankar, Sandip. "Sweetening the Deal? Political Connections and Sugar Mills in India." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 4, no. 3 (July 1, 2012): 43–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.4.3.43.

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Political control of firms is prevalent across the world. Evidence suggests that firms profit from political connections, and politicians derive benefit from control over firms. This paper investigates an alternative mechanism through which politicians may benefit electorally from connected firms, examining sugar mills in India. I find evidence of embezzlement in politically controlled mills during election years, reflected in lower prices paid to farmers for cane. This result complements the literature on political cycles by demonstrating how campaign funds are raised rather than used. Politicians may recompense farmers upon getting elected, possibly explaining how they can get away with pilferage. (JEL D72, G34, L66, O13, O17, Q12, Q13)

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Pani, Narendar. "Icons and Reform Politics in India: The Case of S. M. Krishna." Asian Survey 46, no. 2 (March 2006): 238–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2006.46.2.238.

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Reform politics in India reflects an increasing tendency for politicians and others to present themselves as icons of reforms. An analysis of the South Indian state of Karnataka from 1999 to 2001, the initial years of the term of Chief Minister S. M. Krishna, provides us insights into the precise role icons play in the politics of economic reform.

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Kumar, Prashant, and Kavita. "A Journey of Growth of FDI (Foreign Direct Investment) in Indian Retailing." International Journal of Social Sciences and Management 3, no. 2 (April 29, 2016): 129–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v3i2.14806.

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Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in retail has recently generated tremendous high spirits for a few and concern for others. It is supported that it will open floodgates for foreign retailers to speculate and can modification the retail landscape forever in India. FDI in retailing is much talked concerning subject by politician, media, trade specialist and industry experts. The Indian Retail market particularly the small Kirana store is not so well known by the actual means of FDI. The views given by politicians on the topic are terribly numerous and changes from party to party and person to person that has supplementary confusion in mind of those individuals. Retailing in Indiais the pillar of economy and accounts for about 22 percent of its GDP. The Indian retail sector is estimated to be US $500 billion and one of the top five retail markets in the world. India is the fastest growing retail markets in the world with 1.2 billion people.The Retail Business in India is presently at the point of inflection. As of 2008, speedy amendments with investments of US $ 25 billion were being planned by many Indian international firms within the next 5 years. The present study intends to explore the growth trends of FDI in Indian retail sector and also determine the SWOT (Strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats) analysis of Indian retail Industry.Int. J. Soc. Sci. Manage. Vol-3, issue-2: 129-134

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Nossiter, T. J. "India, Indira and After." Government and Opposition 20, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01067.x.

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IN THE WESTERN MEDIA RECENT EVENTS IN INDIA HAVE OFTEN been trivialized by comparison with a soap opera called Dynasty. A more appropriate analogy would be the Greek tragedy: the rejection of Mrs Gandhi at the polls in 1977; her sweeping return to power in 1980; the death of her heir apparent, Sanjay, in 1980; the invasion of the Golden Temple in June 1984; and on 31 October her assassination. Greatness, tragedy, hubris and nemesis are all there.A fair assessment of Mrs Indira Gandhi's contribution to her country is far from easy, not least because she was regally enigmatic. Her friendships ranged from Michael Foot to Margaret Thatcher. Her presence was formidable yet both to old and non-political family friends she was a loving sister or aunt. Alone among Indian politicians she drew massive crowds and, Sikhs apart, her death was mourned by her opponents as much as her supporters. Indira had not expected to enter politics but by acting as her widowed father Pandit Nehru's hostess and confidante, and, in the late 1950s, as Congress General Secreta , she gained an invaluable apprenticeship in the techniques of political management and the art of statecraft. When Nehru's immediate successor as Indian Prime Minister, Lal Bahadur Shastri, died after less than two years in office, Congress chiefs found it easier to nominate Nehru's daughter as their leader than to agree on one of their own number, particularly since they all underestimated her strength of character and purpose.

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Cheng, Chao-Yo, and Johannes Urpelainen. "Criminal Politicians and Socioeconomic Development: Evidence from Rural India." Studies in Comparative International Development 54, no. 4 (December 2019): 501–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12116-019-09290-5.

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Kupriyanov, Alexey Vladimirovich. "Geopolitics of the Sea: the Idea of Ocean Control in the Political Discourse of Independent India." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2019): 234–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2019-19-2-234-246.

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The article is devoted to the history of the idea of control over the Indian Ocean in the context of the development of India’s political discourse. This issue relates to the history of the development of the maritime security component of India in colonial and postcolonial times. The author seeks to analyze the genesis of the idea of India’s control over the sea, the main stages of its formation and its specific features. The relevance of the issue is emphasized by the attention paid in present-day India to the problem of effective control over the Indian Ocean, its perception as zone of Indian dominance in the context of the formation of the Indo-Pacific region. The article proves that the concept of ocean control, which is now popular among Indian politicians and experts, was formed as a result of the consistent evolution of discourse, to which theorists, military and politicians contributed. As a result of this evolution, India developed its own concept of control over sea spaces, implying the role of India as the main supplier of security in the region and the leader of the regional community of countries, which includes the states controlling the key points of the Indian Ocean. This evolution can be divided into three stages. During the first one (1947-1965) the doctrine of ‘possession of the sea’ was formulated, and this was done by K.M. Panikkar and K.B. Vaidya. Those plans, however, were not realized due to lack of resources. During the second stage (1965-1991) the idea was removed from the Indian external and internal political discourse. At the same time Navy’s size and equipment were constantly growing, allowing India to defeat Pakistan at sea in 1971 and successfully solve tactical tasks, supporting profitable status quo in the Indian Ocean region. Finally, during the third stage (1991-2019) the idea of control over the ocean was revived. As a result of this evolution, India developed its own concept of control over ocean spaces, implying the role of the country as the main supplier of security in the region and the leader of the regional community of countries, which includes the states controlling the key points of the Indian Ocean.

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Vicziany, Marika. "Imperialism, Botany and Statistics in early Nineteenth-Century India: The Surveys of Francis Buchanan (1762–1829)." Modern Asian Studies 20, no. 4 (October 1986): 625–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00013676.

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Buchanan arrived in India in 1794 and left in 1815. He was employed by the East India Company for these twenty years in a number of capacities but he is chiefly remembered today for two surveys he conducted: the first of Mysore in 1800 and the second of Bengal in 1807–14. These surveys have long been used by historians, anthropologists and Indian politicians to depict the nature of Indian society in the early years of British rule. Recently economic historians, Bagchi in particular, have used the ‘statistical’ tables compiled by Buchanan as a data base against which later statistical evidence about the Indian economy is measured. Bagchi believes that by doing this he can furnish firm proof of the extent to which British rule was detrimental to the people of India in the nineteenth century.

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Gaskarth, Jamie. "The absent dialogue: politicians, bureaucrats and the military in India." Defence Studies 21, no. 2 (March 9, 2021): 268–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702436.2021.1896950.

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Prakash, Nishith, Marc Rockmore, and Yogesh Uppal. "Do criminally accused politicians affect economic outcomes? Evidence from India." Journal of Development Economics 141 (November 2019): 102370. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jdeveco.2019.102370.

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Berenschot, Ward. "Patterned pogroms: Patronage networks as infrastructure for electoral violence in India and Indonesia." Journal of Peace Research 57, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 171–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343319889678.

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The regular occurrence of election-related violence between ethnic or religious communities has generated a burgeoning literature on ‘the dark side’ of democracy. This literature provides convincing accounts of how political competition incentivizes politicians to foment violence. Yet such elite-oriented approaches are less convincing in explaining why and how political elites succeed in mobilizing people who do not share their concern for electoral benefits. This article addresses this challenge by relating the capacity of politicians to foment violence to the everyday functioning of patronage networks. Using ethnographic fieldwork to compare violent and nonviolent areas during Hindu–Muslim violence in Gujarat (2002) and Christian–Muslim violence in North Maluku (1999–2000), I find that the informal networks through which citizens gain access to state benefits (‘patronage networks’) shape patterns of election-related violence between religious communities. Politicians succeeded in fomenting violence in areas where citizens depended strongly on ethnicized patronage networks, while violence was averted in areas where state–citizen interaction was organized through networks that bridge religious divides. Interpreting this finding, I argue that patronage networks generate both infrastructure and incentives to organize violence. They provide the infrastructure for violence because their everyday functioning generates interdependencies between politicians and local followers that facilitate the instigation and organization of violence. Patronage networks also generate incentives for violence because when prevailing patronage networks bridge social divides, politicians relying on these networks have an interest in preventing communal violence. When socio-economic changes cause patronage networks to become organized along religious divides, as occurred in the violent areas in Gujarat and North Maluku, divisive political discourse is more likely to resonate and political actors are more likely to benefit electorally from communal violence. In this manner this article provides a novel explanation for both subnational variation in patterns of violence and the hardening of social divisions.

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Ackerly, Brooke A. "Introduction to Symposium on The Humble Cosmopolitan by Luis Cabrera." Comparative Political Theory 1, no. 2 (December 30, 2021): 263–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26669773-bja10026.

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Abstract This piece introduces a symposium on Luis Cabrera’s The Humble Cosmopolitan (Oxford University Press, 2020), which is a comparative political theory text in three senses. First, it expands conventional conversation partners to include authors who are engaged in constructing their nation out of a colonial context, principally, Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar is a scholar, politician, Chairman of the Constitutional Drafting Committee for the newly independent India, and Dalit activist (“Dalit” being the self-applied term for those outside of the Hindu caste hierarchy) and Madhavrao Sadashivrao Golwalkar, the historical thought leader of Hindu nationalism. Second, Cabrera reaches across the colonized-colonizer divide, engaging with intra-nation difference, enabling cross-time comparisons, broadening the moral and political meanings of, contributions to, and criticisms of cosmopolitan thinking. Third, using grounded normative theory, it is methodologically comparative, utilizing the author’s own empirical research through over 150 interviews of activists and politicians from both Indian and European cosmopolitan and anti-cosmopolitan struggles.

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Nair, Neeti. "Rising Religious Intolerance in South Asia." Current History 117, no. 798 (April 1, 2018): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2018.117.798.148.

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Jit, Ravinder. "Challenges of Trade Union Movement in India." Global Journal of Enterprise Information System 8, no. 2 (February 28, 2017): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18311/gjeis/2016/7656.

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The trade union movement in India is facing many challenges. The finances of the unions are generally in a bad shape. Multiplicity of unions and inter-union rivalry makes it difficult to take a constructive approach to problems and issues. Heterogeneity of membership renders the unions unstable, weak, fragmented, uncoordinated and amorphous. Besides this, majority of unions are managed by professional politicians and lawyers who have no experience of physical work and no commitment to the organization. These outside leaders may give precedence to their personal interests and prejudices than welfare of the workers. Development of internal leadership is also not encouraged by unscrupulous politicians in the garb of union leaders. Keeping in mind all these challenges various scholars and practitioners have suggested certain measures to strengthen trade union movement in India. Developing internal leadership, presenting a united labor front for bargaining, ensuring financial stability of unions, having paid full time union office bearers, extending the boundaries of trade unions to unorganized sector and ensuring strong central legislation for recognition of representative union are some of the measures that can change the face of trade unionism in India.

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Blankenship, Brian, and Johannes Urpelainen. "Electric Shock: The 2012 India Blackout and Public Confidence in Politicians." Review of Policy Research 37, no. 4 (March 30, 2020): 464–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ropr.12380.

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Lenneberg, Cornelia. "Women and political leadership in India: able politicians or token presences?" Asian Studies Review 17, no. 3 (April 1994): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03147539408712945.

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Kumar, Dharma. "VII. The Colonial Tradition in India and Indonesia." Itinerario 13, no. 1 (March 1989): 95–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004186.

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‘Given the circumstances facing Indonesian governments in the years 1950–57’, a standard history of Indonesia comments, ‘it is not surprising that the democratic experiment foundered, for there were few foundations upon which representative democracy could be built. Indonesia inherited from the Dutch and Japanese the traditions, assumptions and legal structure ofa police state. The Indonesian masses – mostly illiterate, poor, accustomed to authoritarian and paternalistic rule, and spread over an enormous archipelago – were hardly in a position to force politicians in Jakarta to account for their performance. The politically informed were only a tiny layer of urban society and the Jakarta politicians, while proclaiming their democratic ideals, were mostly elitists and selfconscious participants in a new urban superculture. They were paternalistic towards those less fortunate than themselves and sometimes simply snobbish towards those who, for instance, could not speak fluent Dutch. They had little commitment to the grass-roots structure of representative government and managed to postpone elections for five more years. A plant as rare as representative democracy can hardly grow in such soil.’

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Hamid, Nurul Hidayah, and Awan Ismail. "ROLES OF NEW MEDIA IN INDIA POLITICAL LANDSCAPE." International Journal of Law, Government and Communication 5, no. 18 (March 10, 2020): 26–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.35631/ijlgc.518004.

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Today, new media especially social media became an important tool in human life from providing information, communication; discuss an issue to mobilize people. People can do whatever they want just by using social media every time for 24 hours and everywhere regardless of time or place. Moreover, new media either Facebook, Twitter or Youtube use by everyone including politicians these days to share their agenda, besides other methods. In India, the use of new media mainly Twitter seen play an important in Delhi General Election 2014. For example, most of the election participant such as Narendra Modi or and their parties, Bharatiya Janata Party (BPJ) seen using new media extensively in their online campaign to attract the voter. Thus, the purpose of this research is to understand the roles of new media on politic in India and how politician uses Facebook, Twitter or Youtube in their online campaign and spread out agenda. For this purpose, an in-depth interview (qualitative) was used to get the findings on the impact of new media in politics. There is few media organization staff and former worker partook in an in-depth interview. In the end, this study found that new media, of course, can affect people especially when it is being used frequently.

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Koulish, Robert E. "Attitudes towards Roma Minority Rights in Hungary: A Case of Ethnic Doxa, and the Contested Legitimization of Roma Inferiority." Nationalities Papers 31, no. 3 (September 2003): 327–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599032000115538.

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In 1994, after the enactment of Hungary's Minority Rights legislation (herein the Act), representatives from India rather than Roma themselves were invited to represent the Roma at the signing ceremony, against the request of Roma leaders. During an interview in August 2000, former member of Parliament and Roma leader Aladar Horvath describes the events this way:[t]hey invited all the representatives of the nationalities, and the representative of the Hungarian Gypsies was someone from India … Antall Jozsef made a speech in which he said he wouldn't prevent that Hungarian Gypsies consider India as a mothercountry, and India considers the Hungarian Gypsies as children. In the Indian Embassy, they didn't say a word, and I said, as a member of Parliament: we very much appreciate this gesture that the politicians made, but thank you very much but that's not really what we want. We have very thin roots in Iridia, but they are much stronger here in Europe and Hungary.

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Gurtoo, Anjula, and Udayaadithya A. "Welfare schemes in India: decentralization dynamics and stakeholder influences." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 34, no. 3/4 (April 8, 2014): 154–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijssp-02-2014-0017.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to provide a background to the special issue on welfare schemes in India. After 25 years of decentralization of governance and structural adjustments implemented in the 1980s and 1990s, have welfare schemes implementation and execution become more accountable and efficient? This paper seeks a critical look at the welfare schemes and its relationship with decentralization and stakeholders’ dynamics. Design/methodology/approach – The paper is based on a review of studies post 1990s. Papers representing all main stakeholders are reviewed, namely, politicians and political parties, bureaucrats, beneficiary, and civil society organizations. The inclusion/exclusion decision for the papers was taken on two criteria: the paper/document had to explicitly investigate decentralization, and had to include welfare scheme as the overall theme under which decentralization was investigated. Findings – The paper summarizes the new complexities in the system. Stakeholder behaviour is driven by several factors external to the traditional social and economic diversities that signify the Indian sub continent. For example, the authors see the lobbying process shifting to the local level, increasing importance of the local politician and the significance of forming local coalitions and partnerships for better resource allocation. Originality/value – The paper attempts to provide an overview by going beyond a critique of development to focus on the perils of operating within a socio-economically complex society.

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Fleischmann, Alexandra, Joris Lammers, Janka I. Stoker, and Harry Garretsen. "You Can Leave Your Glasses on." Social Psychology 50, no. 1 (January 2019): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000359.

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Abstract. Does wearing glasses hurt or help politicians in elections? Although some research shows that glasses signal unattractiveness, glasses also increase perceptions of competence. In eight studies, participants voted for politicians wearing (photoshopped) glasses or not. Wearing glasses increased politicians’ electoral success in the US (Study 1), independent of their political orientation (Studies 2a and 2b). This positive effect was especially strong when intelligence was important (Study 3), and even occurred if glasses were used strategically (Study 4). However, it did not extend to India (Study 5) due to different cultural associations with glasses (Study 6). Furthermore, while intelligence mediated the effect, warmth did not (Study 7). In summary, wearing glasses can robustly boost electoral success, at least in Western cultures.

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Jensenius, Francesca Refsum. "Development from Representation? A Study of Quotas for the Scheduled Castes in India." American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 7, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 196–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/app.20140201.

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This paper estimates the constituency-level development effects of quotas for the Scheduled Castes (SCs) in India, using a unique dataset of development indicators for more than 3,100 state assembly constituencies in 15 Indian states in 1971 and 2001. Matching constituencies on pretreatment variables from 1971, I find that 30 years of quotas had no detectable constituency-level effect on overall development or redistribution to SCs. Interviews with politicians and civil servants in 2010 and 2011 suggest that these findings can be explained by the power of political parties and the electoral incentives created by the quota system. (JEL D72, J15, O15, O17, Z13)

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KRISHNAMURTY, J. "Manohar Lal: Scholar, Economist and Statesman." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 3 (February 18, 2009): 641–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0800379x.

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AbstractManohar Lal was an outstanding student of Alfred Marshall, a highly respected teacher, a successful lawyer-politician and a very able provincial Minister of Finance. The focus, in this paper, is on his stay in Cambridge until 1906, his career in India as an economist and as a lawyer and politician in the Punjab until 1945. I argue that his work in economics was not marked by great originality. His achievements were to have been a good teacher, to have successfully competed with British students and to have established close personal links with the British academic community. In politics, while he did not have a political base and was a scholar among politicians, he held high office with great competence. I believe he was one of the select groups of Indians who provided an inspiration to others by showing that Indians could compete successfully with the best from any country at the highest level.

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Gin, Willie. "Jesus Q. Politician: Religious Rhetoric in the United States, Australia, and Canada." Politics and Religion 5, no. 2 (July 30, 2012): 317–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048312000053.

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AbstractSociologist Peter Berger once said that if India is the most religious country and Sweden the least, then the United States is a nation of Indians ruled by Swedes. In terms of use of religious rhetoric by politicians, however, the United States actually comes closer to being a nation of Indians ruled by Indians, while Australia a nation of Swedes ruled by “Swindians,” and Canada a nation of “Swindians” ruled by Swedes. This article provides evidence for these claims and assesses theories as to what causes greater use of religious rhetoric by politicians. Size of the religious population and the rights revolution are not decisive in determining whether politicians heavily use religious rhetoric. The article argues that the politicization of religion is related to coalition-building incentives with Catholics.

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Nanda, B. R. "Nehru and the British." Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 2 (May 1996): 469–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016541.

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‘Communist, Revolutionary, most capable and most implacable of the enemies of the British connection with India,’ this is how Winston Churchill described Jawaharlal Nehru in 1937. Most British politicians, and the ‘guardians’ of the Empire would have agreed with the verdict.

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Lunev, Sergey I., and Ellina P. Shavlay. "India as a Global Power: The Strategic Culture Problems." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 77, no. 4 (November 7, 2021): 525–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09749284211047750.

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The article reviews India’s contested role of a great power in global politics. Although showing tangible results across all the aspects pertaining to the great power status, in international relations India is still largely underestimated and even overlooked. Politicians and scholars generally mention three main reasons behind that phenomenon: weak social and economic figures, the country’s relatively narrow global impact and the absence of strategic culture. We argue that the latter is key, and that it is in the process of being remedied. In fact, India already has all the prerequisites for being recognised as a ‘great power’, since it has political, military, economic and cultural capabilities corresponding to the status. It is simply a matter of time and coordinated efforts of the government to formulate and implement a consistent foreign policy and economic strategy as well as a change in Indian elite’s strategic thinking which will enable untapping India’s existing potential and successfully meeting the objective of increasing its influence in global politics.

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Kaur, Manpreet, and Rajesh Verma. "Social Media." International Journal of Social and Organizational Dynamics in IT 5, no. 2 (July 2016): 31–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijsodit.2016070103.

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Internet usage has shown drastic growth in the initial half of the year 2015 in India. The user base has increased over 354 million and with this India has become the top second country after China in terms of internet usage. Facebook is the prime social networking site which is used by 96% of urban users, followed by Google Plus (61%), Twitter (43%) and LinkedIn (24%). This extensive use of social media by the public had attracted the attention of the politicians to use it for election campaigns and has given researchers a reason to find out how politicians are engaging the public through this platform. Influence of Social media on the electorate has been proved from its successful use in the US presidential election in 2008 and by political parties in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections in India. This paper intends to explore the use of social media and its effectiveness in political elections through an extensive literature review. Social media has become an effective tool for political engagement and political participation as it is a low cost media as compared to traditional media. The low cost of this media has made it one of the main source to get information for advanced analysis and in-depth understanding of the electoral process. This paper will provide an insight to politicians, political analysts, journalists and electoral candidates regarding social media usage. The paper will also present a future research agenda to study how political parties can benefit from use of social media and change their strategies to engage workers and the voters.

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Kaviraj, Sudipta. "The General Elections in India." Government and Opposition 32, no. 1 (January 1997): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb01206.x.

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AT THE TIME OF INDEPENDENCE FIFTY YEARS AGO MAHATAMA Gandhi suggested that the Indian National Congress, which he successfully led to independence, should be disbanded. As its function was to produce a coalition which could achieve independence from British rule, its historical role was over. This was an entirely logical, yet an entirely unpractical suggestion. Politicians active inside the Congress wished, not unnaturally, to turn their sacrifices into potential investments in an independent state. Independence was accompanied by partition of the country which degenerated into riots and massacre of civilians. There was no other political organization except the Congress to establish effective government. In any case, Congress was too successful a political organization to be dissolved purely by the power of argument. The Congress, therefore, turned from an independence movement into a governing party, a difficult transformation under all circumstances, and flourished. The historical significance of the recent general elections in India, the eleventh after independence, seems to be the actual realization of Gandhi's suggestion. India must now find a political structure which can function without the overwhelming presence of the Congress, a party universally reviled but, ironically, treated as indispensable.

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Béteille, Tara. "Fixers in India’s Teacher Labor Markets." Asian Survey 55, no. 5 (October 1, 2015): 942–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.5.942.

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This paper examines the role played in India by fixers—intermediaries connecting teachers with politicians and government officers—in the teacher transfer process. It shows how the state’s efforts at education reform and accountability are compromised by entities operating outside the realm of policy.

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Goto, Jun, Takashi Kurosaki, and Yuko Mori. "Distance to news: how social media information affects bribe-giving in India." Japanese Economic Review 73, no. 1 (October 11, 2021): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s42973-021-00084-w.

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AbstractWhile recent empirical evidence reveals some effective interventions in preventing corruption among bureaucrats and politicians, there has been little discussion on how to prevent the bribe-giving behavior of ordinary citizens. This paper investigates the role of social media information in influencing the supply of bribes by citizens instead of the demand side. We, therefore, developed and published an original news application in India and implemented a 3-month experiment. In this application, we randomly circulate live news related to corruption to users and incorporate a lab experiment into the app system to elicit users’ bribery behavior every week. We find that corruption news involving politicians within a close geographical proximity lowers users’ moral costs against the anti-social bribery act, leading to an increase in the amount of bribes. However, news of accused citizens and officials within the geographic proximity increases their moral cost against bribes and decreases the amount. This suggests that individually tailored local information on corruption may be an effective tool to reduce citizens’ supply of bribes.

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Jensenius, Francesca R. "Mired in Reservations: The Path-Dependent History of Electoral Quotas in India." Journal of Asian Studies 74, no. 1 (December 4, 2014): 85–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911814002162.

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Since independence, India has had electoral quotas for Scheduled Castes (SCs, Dalits, “untouchables”). These quotas have been praised for empowering members of a deprived community, but have also been criticized for bringing to power SC politicians who are mere tools in the hands of the upper castes. Tracing the history of these quotas through four critical junctures, I show how a British attempt to strengthen their own control of India eventually resulted in one of the world's most extensive quota systems for minorities. The quota system was in the end a compromise between several political goals, and was not strongly supported by anyone. Also, while the quotas were designed to integrate SC politicians into mainstream politics, there was a subtle and gradual shift in the debate about them, to being about development for the SC community as such. This created a disjuncture between the design of the quota system and the expectation of what it would achieve. The case of quotas in India illustrates how policy choices often result from long path-dependent processes, how policy makers struggle with trade-offs when trying to design institutions, and also the power of expectations in shaping the perceptions of the outcomes of those institutions.

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Kommiya Mothilal, Ramaravind, Dibyendu Mishra, Sachita Nishal, Faisal M. Lalani, and Joyojeet Pal. "Voting with the Stars: Analyzing Partisan Engagement between Celebrities and Politicians in India." Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction 6, CSCW1 (March 30, 2022): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3512981.

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Celebrity influencers are increasingly central to political discourse as they engage in, and get engaged with, on matters of electoral importance. In this paper, using Twitter data from 1432 sportspersons and entertainers and their engagement with the 1000 of the most followed ruling party and opposition politicians from India, we propose a new method to measure partisanship of celebrities along different modes of engagement. Our examination of polarization, through topical and retweet analyses, shows patterns related to both party incumbency and the level of internal organization. We find that the ruling BJP has been more effective than the opposition, the INC, in organized outreach to celebrities, by eschewing explicit party-based partisanship, and instead employing non-partisan narrative techniques, such as maintaining nationalism as the central theme in tweets. We find that while entertainers are equally engaged by both the ruling and opposition parties, sportspersons, who often enjoy a nationalist appeal by virtue of representing the country, tend to have a much more partisan relationship with the incumbent party.

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Dickey, Sara. "The Politics of Adulation: Cinema and the Production of Politicians in South India." Journal of Asian Studies 52, no. 2 (May 1993): 340–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059651.

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Popular south Indian cinema is a highly melodramatic entertainment form, plotted around improbable twists of fate and set in exaggerated locales, filled with songs, dances, and fight scenes. Patronized primarily by the poor, it is typically dismissed by critics, who find its vast popularity either bemusing or indicative of viewers moral and intellectual degradation. Even more confounding for many observers has been cinema's critical role in state and national politics.

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Haque, M. Shamsul. "E-Governance in India: Its Impacts on Relations Amongcitizens, Politicians and Public Servants." International Review of Administrative Sciences 68, no. 2 (June 2002): 231–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852302682005.

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Hall, Ian. "Anit Mukherjee. 2020. The Absent Dialogue: Politicians, Bureaucrats and the Military in India." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, no. 3 (December 2020): 390–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020962704.

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Gupta, Muskan. "Privatization in India." International Journal for Research in Applied Science and Engineering Technology 10, no. 2 (February 28, 2022): 123–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22214/ijraset.2022.40200.

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Abstract: Privatization generally is defined as the process of transfer of ownership, it can also be permanent or just for the years for which a particular contracted has been drafted between the parties. It is basically a route from public ownership to private ownership. On the other side it is also a strategy that provides advantage to a few at the price of many. In the 1960's and 1970's academicians, economists and politicians favored state ownership over personal possession within the production and provision of products and services. By the tip of the 1980's, however, there was a reversal of public policy from state domination of the assembly and provision of products and services to non-public ownership and operation. This was due partly to what the globe Bank observed as “state failure”, that was characterized by inefficient service delivery, unprofitable SOEs, high government debt, and stagnant economic process rates. Consequently, privatization caught on in several countries as a policy tool to foster potency, encourage investment, free public resources for investment in infrastructure and social programs to boost economic process and spatial arrangement equity. This paper also discusses the causes and reasons for privatization to happen in India and what are its pros and cons.

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Burchi, Francesco, and Karan Singh. "Women’s Political Representation and Educational Attainments: A District-level Analysis in India." Journal of South Asian Development 15, no. 1 (April 2020): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973174120913722.

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This paper has three major objectives: (1) to analyse whether the gender of politicians in India is relevant to the educational achievements of the residents of the districts in which they were elected; (2) to test whether politicians are more sensitive to the needs of the people of same gender and (3) to explore the potential channels through which the above relationships operate. By applying econometric techniques to a dataset obtained by merging individual with district-level political data, we concluded that an increase by 10 percentage points in women’s political representation produces an increase by 6 percentage points in the probability of children completing primary school. We then found gender-differentiated results: women’s political representation affects significantly more girls’ than boys’ education. This relationship works partly through the improvement of women’s access to educational programmes like the Mid-Day Meal scheme, while an increase in school infrastructures does not appear to be an important mediating factor. While an in-depth understanding of the pathways through which women’s representation in politics impacts on children’s education is hindered by data constraints, our findings seem to point to the importance of the ‘role model’ effect.

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MISRA, MARIA. "The Indian Machiavelli: Pragmatism versus morality, and the reception of theArthasastrain India, 1905–2014." Modern Asian Studies 50, no. 1 (May 14, 2015): 310–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x14000638.

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AbstractThis article explores the ways in which theArthasastra(The Science of WealthorThe Science of Power), an ancient text rediscovered in 1905, was interpreted by Indian politicians and commentators. It seeks to explain why the text's popularity changed so drastically over time, and why, despite the excitement about it in the first 20 years following its reappearance, it was largely ignored in the Gandhian and Nehruvian eras, until a striking revival of interest from the late 1980s onwards. It argues that these changes in the text's fortunes can be explained partly as a result of significant shifts in elite Indian political culture. It also suggests that we need to reassess our analysis of the fundamental fault-lines in Indian politics, questioning Chatterjee's and Nandy's argument on the centrality of tensions between Gandhian ‘indigenous’ thought and Nehruvian ‘Western’ modernity, and arguing for the importance of the conflict between a moral politics, endorsed by both Gandhi and Nehru, and a ‘pragmatic’ politics justified by theArthasastra.

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Bhattacharya, Sanjoy. "Struggling to a monumental triumph: re-assessing the final phases of the smallpox eradication program in India, 1960-1980." História, Ciências, Saúde-Manguinhos 14, no. 4 (December 2007): 1113–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-59702007000400002.

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The global smallpox program is generally presented as the brainchild of a handful of actors from the WHO headquarters in Geneva and at the agency's regional offices. This article attempts to present a more complex description of the drive to eradicate smallpox. Based on the example of India, a major focus of the campaign, it is argued that historians and public health officials should recognize the varying roles played by a much wider range of participants. Highlighting the significance of both Indian and international field officials, the author shows how bureaucrats and politicians at different levels of administration and society managed to strengthen-yet sometimes weaken-important program components. Centrally dictated strategies developed at WHO offices in Geneva and New Delhi, often in association with Indian federal authorities, were reinterpreted by many actors and sometimes changed beyond recognition.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Politicians, india'

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