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1
Irizar, Santander Arantxa Amaia. "Turn-taking markers in political television interviews." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2014. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/115701.
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Tesis para optar al grado de Licenciada en Lengua y Literatura Inglesa<br>The analysis presented in this presentationcenters on conversational turn-taking in these interviews and a comparative analysis of the interactions among different politicians according to a conversational structural interaction, examining, specially, the organization of turn-taking, along with, the conceivableadjustments thatturn-taking system can suffer such as interruptions, overlaps and some others In this opportunity, the analysis will be particularly keen on deviances from the turn-taking regulation that stipulates that only one party should talk at a time. The original hypothesis is that the interactions amongst politicians and the interviewer are surrounded by general features of the political interview; however these interactions also display certain areas of variability that replicatecertain ambiguity about the roles of the interlocutors.
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Bramley, Nicolette Ruth, and Nicolette Bramley@canberra edu au. "Pronouns of politics : the use of pronouns in the construction of 'self' and 'other' in political interviews." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2001. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20040817.141350.
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Pronouns play a key role in the construction of self and other. They are not merely a way of expressing person, number and gender as is suggested by traditional grammarians nor do they only do referential and deictic work. Rather, they must be thought of in the context of interaction and in terms of the identity work that they accomplish. In this thesis, it is argued that pronouns are used to construct favourable images of themselves, and others.¶ The context of this study is the Australian political media interview. In this study, the pronouns I you we and they are examined individually, then, as they occur in sequence. This investigation reveals that pronouns are used to construct politicians multiple selves and others and that as they occur in sequence, the changing selves of politicians and different others are created. The construction of these multiple selves and others is a version of reality that politicians construct discursively and is not an objective representation of facts.¶ This analysis of pronouns in political interviews also reveals striking and hitherto unresearched uses of pronouns, which can be used to show affiliation or create distance between people where it would not traditionally be expected. Politicians actively exploit the flexibility of pronominal reference to construct the different identities of themselves and other and use them to create different alignments to, and boundaries between, their multiple selves and others. Thus, pronouns are pivotal in the construction of reality a reality that is created and understood in the discourse of the moment.
3
Garton, Gregory William. "Verbal interaction in media interviews : an analysis of current affairs interviews conducted during the 1987 General Election campaign." Thesis, Queen Margaret University, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294088.
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Ingmire, Brock. "Gubernatorial candidates in polarizing times: examining gubernatorial discourse through political interviews." Thesis, Kansas State University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/19224.
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Master of Arts<br>Department of Communications Studies<br>Soo-Hye Han<br>The rise of partisan political news over the past two decades has influenced how political candidates discursively construct their image. While there is an extensive literature devote to presidential discourse, little is known about what gubernatorial discourse looks like and how they construct their image. This study examines how gubernatorial candidates discursively construct their image in a hyperpolarized electoral environment. An extensive content analysis of gubernatorial political interviews (n = 94), and specifically the utterances arising from those interviews (n = 1,524), was conducted. Findings show that gubernatorial candidates discursively construct their own image as a savior to the state, while creating their opponent’s and the DC elite’s image as a villain. Additionally, gubernatorial candidates do not adhere to the image bound by their party, and construct an image that is unique to their environment. Consequently, the environment that a gubernatorial candidate is situated influences how they communicate and construct their image and their opponent’s image. By examining gubernatorial discourse through political interviews, this study offers theoretical implications into understanding the influence of polarization, issue ownership, and tone in gubernatorial discourse. Practical implications examine the role of media outlets in gubernatorial discourse. This study contributes to scholarly understanding of gubernatorial discourse in a changing and polarizing political environment.
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Sabrow, Sophia, and George W. Kanyeihamba. "Menschenrechte auch in Afrika! : WT-Interview mit dem ugandischen Richter George W. Kanyeihamba." Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2009/3395/.
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Im Rahmen der alljährlichen Potsdamer Frühjahrsgespräche, die die Stiftung Entwicklung und Frieden in Kooperation mit WeltTrends durchführt, hatten wir Gelegenheit zu einem Gespräch mit dem ehemaligen Richter am Afrikanischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte und die Rechte der Völker, George W. Kanyeihamba
aus Uganda.
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Foody, Jane Elizabeth. "The politics of ageing in England : insights from interviews with older people." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2012. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/3834/.
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England’s population is ageing. Older people’s issues have entered political agendas. Yet much remains unknown about older people’s political lives. Although older people can be unfairly treated by governments and public employees, an ‘older people’s political movement’ has not emerged. For example, some older people require publicly financed social care services to continue living in their own homes. But as demand for social care increases, political decisions make it increasingly difficult to access these services. This thesis seeks to explore older people’s political understandings and experiences through qualitative semi-structured one-to-one interviews. Three research locations were selected as potentially deviant socio-political contexts, where local politicians set either the lowest threshold (Calderdale) or the highest threshold (Northumberland and West Berkshire) for individuals’ eligibility to access publicly funded social care services. In the run-up to the 2010 general election, interviews were conducted with 41 people aged 51 to 90. This research reveals some of the rich diversity and complexity of older people’s political behaviour and understandings. Some research participants demonstrate openness to learning from their socio-political context. And some people are choosing to change long-standing political behaviour. Therefore, older people’s political participation should not be taken for granted by politicians.
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Cullemo, Jenny. "Just idag är jag stark : En anarkistisk och intersektionell studie av läktarkultur och politiskt identitetsskapande." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för genus, kultur och historia, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-14914.
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This thesis explores the relationship between the Swedish autonomous left and the terrace culture of European football. It has its geographic starting point in Stockholm, Sweden and follows the three larges tStockholm football clubs, AIK, Djurgården and Hammarby, and its supporters. The author has followed the football club Hammarby from the terrace for the entire 2011 football season, and has interviewed six political activists who visit, or used to visit, the terrace. The research context this study is incorporated into centres around the history of, and relationship between, the terrace cultures of AIK, Djurgården and Hammarby. Previous research has also focused on the radical potential of Ultras terrace culture (which is derived from Italian supporter culture) and the terrace culture from an intersectional perspective. Part of the aim of the thesis is to explore anarchist theory within an academic framework, something which has rarely been done before. The other main theoretical approach is largely based on the ideas of political theorist Chantal Mouffe and her exploration of the political identity formation of the subject in opposition to the deindividuating effect the mass can have on the individual. The method of the thesis is based on anarchist theories of participatory methods and on walking interviews developed by, among others, geographer Jon Anderson. What the research shows is that the presence of fascist values is much stronger on the terraces ofStockholmthan expected, and that the terrace culture as a whole has adopted a seemingly “apolitical” stance to try and submerge these. The participants’ stories centre on the inability to “loose oneself” in the mass of the terrace, and the feelings this inability awakens. This is the first thesis about the Ultras culture written in a Nordic context.
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Gustafsson, Mathilda. "Why Women Take to the Streets of Minsk : An Interview Study of Female Protesters' Motivations." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-430808.
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While there are numerous examples of research investigating who would protest and why, the research fields of social movements and political participation have not done enough to understand the motivations of women in protest. Nor are there enough studies of the mobilisation of women in anti-regime protest in a post-communist context. This thesis investigates what motivates women in non-democratic settings to participate in protest, despite the elevated costs and risks given the context. It examines Belarus, a protest movement where women have taken on a prevalent role in the protest movement of 2020. The research design is a within-case study using the method of in-depth interviews. I conduct interviews with ten Belarusian female protesters who are found primarily via a snowball sampling technique. The transcribed interviews are analysed using a framework of collective and selective incentives. The study finds that discontent with the government and belief in the movement’s success are significant motivations, while there is not belief that their own participation will enhance the likelihood of success. Results also show that respondents were motivated by the violence used against protesters, a newfound sense of community between Belarusians, solidarity with protesters, the peaceful repertoires in the movement and group belongingness with other women. Taken together, these results deepen our understanding of protests as motivations in themselves and of motivation as a resource, but foremost of why women protest. The results might incentivise more research to be made on women’s role in protest and motivations to join social movements.
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Nassimi, Azim M. "An ethnography of political leaders in Afghanistan." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1063417.
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This study consisted of qualitative interviews with six Afghan political leaders who served as cabinet members in the Afghan government prior to the Soviet invasion. The study sought to report the political conditions in Afghanistan based on the direct experiences and the reflections of these leaders whose titles and names remain anonymous.The data were collected and analyzed using a modified version of Spradley's Developmental Research Sequence Writing methodology. The data included field notes gathered from numerous interviews, casual conversations, tape recording, library research and documents provided by the informants.The rivalries that prevented political unity during the war of resistance have exacerbated the quest for power now that the common enemy, the Soviet Union and Afghan-Marxist regimes, has disappeared from the scene. No credible social or political within the country to initiate and promote political reconciliation. Each group appears to be attempting a unilateral solution to the national crisis. The great majority of Afghans are not only left out of the political process, but are also held hostage to the confrontation between competing groups whose political and military strategies is the elimination, or at best exclusion, of other competing groups. Dangerously, none of the powerful group's adversaries has given up the idea of war as the institution or nationally acceptable leadership is available instrument of political settlement. Among political leaders there is still much in Afghan political culture that is basically hostile to open and competitive politics.<br>Department of Educational Leadership
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Oates, Deborah Hazel. "A drama out of a crisis : exploring fact/fiction and representation through interviews with women political activists." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.497708.
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Using interviews with first time women activists who took part in the 1997 Manchester Airport Runway 2 protest, this thesis explores the construction of stories and knowledge in the process of interview research. As well as the 'topic' of journeys to activism, this project includes an interrogation of the boundaries of 'facts' and 'fictions' and the way knowledge is constructed and presented in academia. Working within a 'feminist framework' and taking seriously issues of referentiality and representation, this thesis argues for an integrated approach to academic writing which refuses binaries of facts/fictions, researcher/researched and self/other and explores ways of foregrounding the researcher as constructor rather than presenter of knowledge.
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Nilsson, Rebecka. "Personifieringen av den politiska retoriken : Fredrik Reinfeldts argumentation i personliga intervjuer." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Litteraturvetenskapliga institutionen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-230335.
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Röde, Silja. "English as a lingua franca in political talk : The use of self-repair and repetition as clarification strategies in political interviews with Jean-Claude Juncker." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Engelska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-156937.
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This study investigates the use of two communicative strategies in particular, namely self- repair and repetition, in political interviews with Jean-Claude Juncker where English is used as a lingua franca (ELF). While ELF has received increasing attention throughout the past years, with a variety of researched genres ranging from higher education (e.g. Björkman 2011; Kaur 2011; Mauranen 2006) and business (Bjørge 2010; Firth 1996; Ehrenreich 2009; Pullin Stark 2009) to domestic settings (e.g. Klötzl 2014; Pietikäinen 2014), the genre of political interviews remains largely under-researched – despite it being such a highly international and high-stakes domain. Therefore, the aim of the present research is to include this domain to the list of researched genres, and thereby to gain a better understanding of how a politician uses ELF in his official role. The data comprises four interviews with the president of the EU-commission, Jean-Claude Juncker, with a total interview-time of 35 minutes. The interviews have been transcribed in their entirety for the purpose of the present study, and the data was analysed drawing on conversation analytic approaches. Both self-repair and repetition were frequently identified as clarification strategies in the data and their functions comply to a large extent with previous findings from ELF research (e.g. Kaur 2011; Lichtkoppler 2007; Mauranen 2006). Repetition was found to be used as a strategy to specify utterances and ensure understanding and self-repair to either right the wrongs or raise explicitness. In addition to that, the use of repetition showed some interview-genre related functions as well, such as the use of repetition to influence and interrupt the regular turn-taking structure of interviews. This study shows that the use of ELF is in fact to a certain extent different in political interviews than in other researched genres, and therefore suggests that further studies within this genre would significantly contribute to the field of research into ELF.
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Suddason, Kelvin. "Rethinking Rhetoric: An investigation of political persuasion online. A case study of Mauritian electoral interviews livestreamed on Facebook." Master's thesis, Faculty of Humanities, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/33038.
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The live-commenting feature Facebook Live offers a unique look into how persuasion operates online. By giving citizen-users, or the viewertariat (see Anstead & O'Loughlin, 2011), the opportunity to comment on live political performances, Facebook Live presents a worthy site of investigation into how traditionally-powerful performer-persuaders (electoral candidates) now face off with traditionally-excluded masses of audience-persuadees (citizen-users). The livestream then becomes a mediated space of contestation, where the boundaries between persuader-persuadee and performer-audience fades, where, this study proposes, persuadee becomes persuader, rendering, in the process, the traditional persuader less persuasive, and thus less powerful. The study sought to understand how electoral persuasion operates online in Mauritius by using the Facebook livestreamed interviews of three candidates (incumbent, long-time, and first-time candidate) running in the December 2017 By-Election. A combined rhetorical and content analysis was conducted on candidates' representative claims (see Saward, 2006) and the viewertariat responses to these claims. This study finds that candidates employ a self-centred rhetoric, focusing on their ‘candidateness' rather than their representativeness, which, this study proposes, has ramifications on how candidates approach politics in contemporary Mauritius. The study also finds that the viewertariat is actively engaged in counter-persuasion, constructing their own (re)representative claims and exchanging primarily with other viewertariat members and lurkers (see Hill & Hughes, 1997). The viewertariat exhibits horizontal persuasion which, this study discusses, dilutes the vertical persuasion employed by candidates. The overall findings lead to the conclusion that rhetoric as a theoretical framework must be extended to adequately capture the persuasive dynamics in online electoral public spheres. A new theoretical framework is finally proposed, with the tripartite distinction between performer-text-audience rearranged to include performer-persuasive text-viewertariat-lurkers, and complemented with an argument as to the growing conceptual obsolescence of the ‘audience' in studying rhetoric online.
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Lenstierna, Elisabeth. "Motivation on Twitter : A qualitative study examining motivational factors for political participation in #svpol." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-85576.
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This work takes off in earlier studies concerning motivational factors to interact in various social media in relation to societal and political discussions. The aim for this study is to garner a deeper understanding about how users on Twitter are motivated to take part in debates beneath the hashtag #svpol. Also, this work contributes with the personal experience of entering the Twittersphere as a new user without the capital of trust or knowledge prerequisite to the participation in the community of #svpol. Through semi-structured interviews six respondents shared their experiences of political dialogue on Twitter. Further, this study presents a new form of gathering data by using Twitter as a channel for textual responses through the function of Direct Messages where 3 respondents answered in text. The results presented confirms earlier theory in some respects regarding motivational factors to engage in political commentary and debate on Twitter. Also, this study presents nuances which can be recognized as pre-dispositioning motivational factors addressed in earlier research. The respondents in this work show differences in their social orientation displaying both relation orientation and antagonistic features in the community of #svpol. Their motivation and gratifications differ, and the result are discussed and concluded in the final chapter. This study does not generalize by the findings presented, rather it describes a small window of the community of #svpol and political commentary on Twitter. Rather than posing any absolute truths or widely held conceptions, this study contributes by giving some depth to the notion of nine Twitter users and their perception of the activity beneath #svpol on the Twitter platform. This work also shines light hardships which a researcher might encounter on the way to a qualitative approach to Twitter users in a general, largely anonymous, network within a national setting.
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Rivera, Jenidza N. "Arnold Hirsch Collection of Ernest N. 'Dutch' Morial Oral History Interviews, 1987: A Finding Aid." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2019. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2636.
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This finding aid of interviews is drawn from the Arnold R. Hirsch Collection at the Amistad Research Center. Between 1987 and 1994, historian Arnold Hirsch interviewed New Orleans’ first black mayor, Ernest Morial, and others related to that crucial era in New Orleans political history. This collection consists of 37 audiocassettes tapes that contain oral history interviews conducted by Arnold Hirsch with various New Orleanians who were active in city government and political activism. This project-based thesis covers the research and construction of the finding aid completed for this collection during an internship at the Amistad Research Center, as well as the metadata collected and created for the collection. This collection and finding aid are being housed at the Amistad Research Center.
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Ibrahim, Majd Yousif. "Identifying causes of mistranslation of Syrian political discourse : a contrastive Arabic-English analysis of interviews by the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad." Thesis, Durham University, 2015. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11703/.
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This research investigates the general causes of mistranslation of Syrian political discourse and in particular the causes that lead to pragmatic failure in translation. It starts by highlighting the key concepts in major theories of translation, including the review of the importance of pragmatics for translation. Next, it moves to highlight the necessity of exploring the importance of pragmatic translation equivalence in bridging the gap between the source text (ST) and the target text (TT). It also clarifies pragmatic failure in translation, which could be classified as pragma-linguistic failure, or socio-pragmatic failure or both, and then reviews the translation differences between Arabic ST and TT(s). The source of the research data was four interviews by the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. The four interviews together with their official and unofficial translations were presented in a questionnaire format to the research participants in a comparable manner, so that the contrastive research could be conducted. Each three sentences, the Arabic ST and the TTs, were put in a table designed to perform the contrastive analysis and collect the data necessary for answering the research questions. The questionnaire data was collected and analysed and the results of analysis reveal that the observed mistranslations in the unofficial TT (70.14%) were more than those observed in the official TT (29.85%). Out of these percentages 79.84% of the unofficial mistranslations caused pragmatic failure. The causes for these mistranslations were grammatical (7.75%), semantic (20.93%), culture-related (22.48%) and the other deviations under the previous three types together (28.68%). 20.15% of the official mistranslations caused pragmatic failure. The causes for these mistranslations were grammatical (0%), semantic (11.24%), culture-related (0%) and the other deviations under the previous three types together (8.91%). Further research in the light of findings in this research has been suggested.
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Åhlén, Mikaela. "“My small contribution to peace on earth.” : An interview study on the role perception of street-level bureaucrats within EU soft law." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-439965.
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The aim of the thesis is to explore how national street-level bureaucrats perceive their role when implementing EU soft law in a Europeanised environment. Existing studies have focused on the role perception of public servants working within implementation of EU hard law, or being diplomats or working on ministerial level. These studies find that there is an additional EU servant role perception, beyond the national servant role perception. It provides the theoretical and empirical expectation that the public servants on the street-level and within EU soft law are national servants and do not hold an additional EU role perception. The study uses theories on Europeanisation, identity and role perception, and street-level bureaucracy to further understand the case. The thesis is based on 13 semi-structured interviews to understand the role perception. The selected case is a least-likely study as it explores role perception of street-level bureaucrats within EU soft law. More precisely, the field of higher education and its internationalisation, as the study selects the Erasmus+ programme and street-level bureaucrats who work with its implementation in Sweden. This, to understand how they perceive their role when implementing an EU programme and in a Europeanised, but also national, environment. The findings of the thesis show that the street-level bureaucrats hold a national role perception but there are respondents who also present a perception of an additional EU role perception, for example five respondents who presented to be working for the EU in addition to the Higher Education Institution. Thus, it does not provide enough support for the theoretical and empirical expectations to be confirmed that street-level bureaucrats within EU soft law only hold a national servant role perception. Hence, it shows that it also exists a perception of also being an EU servant and holding loyalty to the EU.
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Harder, James David. "Legislative Oversight Processes in U.S. States." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/86201.
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State legislatures have variable levels of professionalism. Measures of state legislative professionalism typically include metrics such as the number of legislative staff, legislative session length, and legislator compensation. This research considers the influence of variability in levels of legislative professionalism on the state’s oversight process. Few prior studies engage the legislative oversight process in states. To fill this gap, this research takes a grounded theory approach that uses thirty-three interviews with legislators, legislative staff, committee staff, and legislative research organizations in five states to test existing concepts and to develop new directions for research. The current scholarship on oversight and legislative institutions emphasizes the importance of broad factors like elections and committees, as well as more specific concepts like inter-branch conflict, partisanship, and legislative term-limits. This research confirms and extends those ideas, reaching the conclusion that oversight in states is a deeply political action. A central contribution of this work is a consideration of how the oversight process in states operates on the ground. The interviews uncover that many measures of professionalism often perform in unforeseen ways than what might expected. For instance, a lengthy legislative session can prohibit oversight actors from performing oversight functions. Conversely, long legislative interim periods provide actors with the space to conduct meaningful reviews of administrative action. This research also advances understandings of state legislative research organizations – like the Virginia Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission and Texas Sunset Commission – which play a vital role in performing meaningful legislative oversight. To catalyze these ideas a new concept, the oversight entrepreneur, is used to describe how stakeholders use the oversight process to achieve their preferences and enhance their reputations. The interviews contained here also expose the importance of each state’s individual context – including Constitutional, institutional, normed and historical factors. The dissimilarities that play out across states (and their secondary effects) demonstrate that future scholars would be well served to adopt caution in the application of concepts across contexts.<br>Ph. D.
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Åkerström, Linda. "Ett märkligt adjektiv på en medborgare : En intervjustudie av det praktiska medborgarskapet som identitet och ideal." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1221.
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<p>The aim of this essay is to explore the lived citizenship and its ideal. First, the form and expression of citizenship practice and ideal is explored through a qualitative interwiev study of ten citizens in the southern suburbs of Stockholm. The perception and expectations of the nature of citizenship, presented by the informants, is then compared to their citizen ideal, as well as to the ideal presented and promoted by the Swedish government. The point of departure is theory of democracy. The essay calls attention to an observed lack of empirical studies in the field of deliberative theory of democracy as well as studies that more broadly bring the theory down to empirical earth. The method used here strives towards combining and interacting the theoretical and academic debate with empirical data of citizen experience. The result shows that the informants’ perceptions of their citizenship is largely liberal, though with participatory features. The citizenship ideal is closer to, but not in tune with, the more active and participatory democracy promoted by the Swedish government. The deliberative ideas, which have had a big influence on recent democracy projects in Sweden and generally, are not found to be supported by the informants.</p>
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Vaughn, Paulina. "Pushed towards the mainstream : A mixed method study of the West European radical left parties’ changing Eurosceptic positions." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-376424.
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Mokapela, Sebolelo Agnes. "Interaction goals in political accounts in isiXhosa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/1152.
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Thesis (DLitt (African Languages))--University of Stellenbosch, 2008.<br>This study deals with research that has been conducted within three government
departments (Education, Health and Social Development) that form part of the social
needs cluster in the Province of the Eastern Cape. Five portfolio committee members
were interviewed in each department (six in the department of Health). Reproaches
(failures and challenges of service delivery and policy implementation) were
developed using information obtained from the “policy and budget speeches” of the
afore-mentioned departments.
In response to these reproaches, committee members had to give accounts
(responses, explanations and/or reason-giving). Four types of accounts (concession,
excuse, denial and justification) which are typical political accounts have proved to be
quite popular and focus has been given to them in the analysis. The focus on the
analysis of the accounts was given to effectiveness, argumentation (reasons or
arguments that are tendered in support of the accounts to establish the amount of
persuasiveness) and politeness.
The conclusions of the findings in the interviews were focused on three elements:
The interviewee: The analyses of the interviewees were discussed with regard to
the accounts together with the number of arguments given. Each reproach was
analyzed within an overview of the type of account with regard to three criteria:
effectiveness, argumentation and politeness. The analyses of the interviewees
were discussed individually with the help of tables of each interviewee. The focus
was on the accounts of justification and excuses. The interview was judged on
two parameters:
i. The number of accounts each interviewee has used with regard to the three
criteria above.
ii. A comparison was made to establish the relative merit of the interviewees
among themselves.
The reproach: various reproaches in the three departments were discussed
separately with regard to the number of accounts and arguments in each reproach. The focus was mainly on the accounts of justification and excuse. A
summary was given of the various reproaches with the four major types of
accounts. The same criteria of effectiveness, argumentation and politeness were
used. Judgment was given on the reproach or reproaches which have shown the
most attention in the interviews with regard to the total number of accounts which
have been used.
The account: various justifications and excuses which have been used in the
interactions were discussed with regard to effectiveness, argumentation and
politeness. The judgment was made as to which type of account was mostly
favored by the interviewees.
Implications of the research were discussed with regard to a comparative overview of
the political accounts in reproaches with specific attention to the type and frequency
of the account as well as possible reasons for this type of preferred account.
Four types of accounts have been used consistently in the interviews and among
these four types, justifications (36.6%) and excuses (46.1%) are generally favored by
all politicians who were involved in the interviews.
These accounts are quite popular among politicians because they work in their favor
as they are employed to reframe the consequences of the act with the ultimate aim of
changing negative perceptions about the policies of the department and/or
government (justifications) and to deny any responsibility and/or causal link between
the politician and the undesirable outcome of the policy and thereby implying that
there is no need for reproach (excuse).
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Osborn, Barbara. "A big wet kiss?, A barrel of laughs? the 2000 presidential election TV talk show interviews with the candidates /." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3213854.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.<br>Title from first page of PDF file (viewed June 27, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 347-379).
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Cavicchia, Giorgia. "Involvement and detachment in David Cameron and Ed Miliband’s political discourse. An analysis of deictic shields on the pronoun ‘I’ in UK 2015 General Election news interviews." Master's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2016. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/10799/.
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The goal of my study is to investigate the relationship between selected deictic shields on the pronoun ‘I’ and the involvement/detachment dichotomy in a sample of television news interviews. I focus on the use of personal pronouns in political discourse. Drawing upon Caffi’s (2007) classification of mitigating devices into bushes, hedges and shields, I focus on deictic shields on the pronoun ‘I’: I examine the way a selection of ‘I’-related deictic shields is employed in a collection of news interviews broadcast during the electoral campaign prior to the UK 2015 General Election. My purpose is to uncover the frequencies of each of the linguistic items selected and the pragmatic functions of those linguistic items in the involvement/detachment dichotomy.
The research is structured as follows. Chapter 1 provides an account of previous studies on the three main areas of research: speech event analysis, institutional interaction and the news interview, and the UK 2015 General Election television programmes. Chapter 2 is centred on the involvement/detachment dichotomy: I provide an overview of nonlinguistic and linguistic features of involvement and detachment at all levels of sentence structure. Chapter 3 contains a detailed account of the data collection and data analysis process. Chapter 4 provides an accurate description of results in three steps: quantitative analysis, qualitative analysis and discussion of the pragmatic functions of the selected linguistic features of involvement and detachment. Chapter 5 includes a brief summary of the investigation, reviews the main findings, and indicates limitations of the study and possible inputs for further research. The results of the analysis confirm that, while some of the linguistic items examined point toward involvement, others have a detaching effect. I therefore conclude that deictic shields on the pronoun ‘I’ permit the realisation of the involvement/detachment dichotomy in the speech genre of the news interview.
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CORDINI, MARTA MARGHERITA. "La Casa nell'Esperienza Migratoria: Significati, Funzioni e Implicazioni Politiche dell'Abitare." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/1254.
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Questo studio si occupa di investigare il percorso abitativo degli immigrati, dedicando un’attenzione particolare alla varietà degli elementi che contribuiscono al suo evolversi e alla loro connessione con fenomeni macro, come il mercato abitativo o le politiche abitative. Il fieldwork, un quartiere nel Sud della città di Milano, è stato scelto per due ragioni: da una parte, esso è infatti caratterizzato da una considerevole presenza di popolazione immigrata, dall’altra, tale quartiere, è stato soggetto, nel corso degli ultimi anni a una serie di interventi di recupero urbano e sociale promossi da attori privati e pubblici. Tramite l’utilizzo di diversi strumenti metodologici, le storie di vita, le interviste a testimoni chiave, l’osservazione etnografica e la creazione di mappe, la ricerca mira a cogliere la complessità che caratterizza la dimensione abitativa nell’esperienza migratoria. Esperienze individuali, fenomeni spaziali e politiche sono tutti elementi oggetto di osservazione. L’utilizzo delle mappe, inoltre, costituisce un’innovazione e un esperimento in ambito metodologico. Il complesso della ricerca è volto a suggerire un nuovo approccio all’analisi dei percorsi abitativi, sia da un punto di vista teorico che metodologico. L’analisi finale è dedicata a una riflessione sull’efficacia e i limiti delle politiche per la casa e per l’immigrazione.<br>This work aims to investigate the housing pathway of migrants, paying attention to the variety of different features from which they are shaped over time and their interaction with structural dimensions, as housing market and policies. Through the use of different methodological instruments, this research tries to gather the complexity concerning the dimension of home in migrants’ experience. The fieldwork, a neighborhood in Southern Milan, has been chosen for two main reasons: in the one hand it is characterized by a considerable presence of migrants at different stages of their migration experience, on the other hand it has been interested by urban renovation programs and social interventions promoted by private and public actors. Individual experiences are thus investigated, alongside with spatial phenomena, policies and interventions. Achieving these different fields of interest implied the utilization of life story interviews, ethnographic observation, key informants interviews and participatory maps. This last technique constitutes a methodological innovation. The purpose is to suggest a new approach in analyzing housing pathway, both from a theoretical and methodological perspective. In addition the research aims to reflect on the efficacy and limits of housing and immigration policies drawing on evidence based data.
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Fortin, Amanda Michelle. "Exploring Communicative Aspects of Client Satisfaction, Loyalty, and Retention in a Private, Non-profit Organization: A Qualitative, Interview-Based Study of Catholic Charities." PDXScholar, 2014. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/1695.
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This thesis focuses on Catholic Charities (Hereafter CC), a non-profit agency that provides pregnancy and adoption support to families in times of crisis. Research and agency data reflect a positive association between the amount of time clients engage in services and the resolution of crises. Both theoretically and empirically, a key determinant of the depth and breadth of clients' engagement with both for-profit and non-profit services is their satisfaction with such services. In 2009-2010, CC's in-house, client surveys reported a decreasing level of client engagement with services. One clear trend was that clients discontinued services after thirty days or less. Against this trend, CC aims to provide social services for an extended period of time (i.e. longer than thirty days) in order to insure that clients have fully recovered from crises. In order to understand possible reasons for clients' low or short engagement rates, this thesis analyzes clients' satisfaction with CC services. Using a grounded-theory approach, twenty semi-structured interviews with former and current CC clients were analyzed for communication-based themes involving clients' satisfaction with services. Four macro-themes emerged: (1) Positive Caseworker Personality, (2) Feeling Emotionally Supported, (3) Feeling Helped, and (4) Positive Counseling Environment. Findings have implications for both theories of satisfaction and the offering and practice of CC services.
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Lin, Chun-Wei. "Against the grain : the battle for public service broadcasting in Taiwan." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2012. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10981.
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Over the last two decades public service broadcasting (PSB) around the world has faced increasing pressures from accelerating commercialisation and the fragmentation of the broadcasting landscape. This has led a number of media commentators in the system's traditional heartlands to ask whether the idea has now outlived its usefulness. Against the grain of this international trend, Taiwan has moved in the opposite direction, democratising its state-owned television system and introducing a form of public broadcasting for the first time. Against the grain of growing enthusiasm for a privatised solution supporters presented PSB as a necessary counter to the perceived deficiencies of the existing system, in serving a society moving from authoritarian to competitive party rule. This study sets out to explore how the expansion of PSB in Taiwan has been socially defined and constructed, and by whom. The various constructions in play were mapped through in-depth interviews with a range of claim-makers involved in the process. A systematic content analysis of the mainstream Taiwanese press was then conducted to explore the ways contending positions and issues were presented in the public domain and to identify the key voices given a public platform. This analysis demonstrated that the opinions and concerns of the general public were largely missing from a debate dominated by political and academic elites. Against the grain of their own claims to be representing the public key actors constructed public debate as a series of monologues, advancing their own sectional and paternalistic interpretations of the public interest. These findings point to the supremely ironic conclusion that a process ostensibly dedicated to reconstructing broadcasting as key element in a new, democratic, public sphere, excluded the public from active participation and relegated them to the role of spectators.
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Lougee, Nicholas 1972. "Who rocks the boat? Environmental organizations in the US: The effects of identities, strategies, and resources on oppositionality of political advocacy." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/10529.
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xviii, 274 p. : ill. (some col.) A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number.<br>Environmental organizations in the US engage in a variety of political practices in order to meet their goals. Some organizations consciously pursue more contentious and oppositional actions to match their goals, while others adopt methods that align with conventional institutional practices to achieve their goals. This variation in the terrain of the environmental movement is indicated by the behavior of the environmental organizations that it largely comprises. The following is an investigation of the factors that influence the political advocacy of a sample of environmental organizations and thus the political praxis of the environmental movement proper. By deriving concepts from a 2006 survey of a sample of organizations in the US, three conceptual factors derived from social movement theory are operationalized: ideological identities, strategies of practice and resource structures. Using numerous independent variables, these concepts are then tested in a logistic regression for the effect they have on the odds that the organizations would oppose any of three historical events: the World Trade Organization (WTO), the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and/or the Kyoto protocols. A typology of environmental organizations is then constructed, tested, substantiated, problematized, and interpreted. Subsequently, a comparative case analysis of 11 distinct organizations was conducted that revealed the ways in which the leadership constructed meaning around their organizational practices and helped develop the typology further, explaining some of its shortcomings and adding nuance to the model that better explains contemporary environmental advocacy behavior in the US. Directions for future research are assessed, and both the challenging and encouraging implications that this research has for the environmental movement as a whole are extrapolated.<br>Committee in charge: Michael Dreiling, Chairperson, Sociology;
Yvonne Braun, Member, Sociology;
Gregory McLauchlan, Member, Sociology;
David Frank, Outside Member, Honors College
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Tannous, Pamela. "Rethinking Youth as Means for Political Stability A qualitative content analysis of the sociopolitical situation in Lebanon from the perspective of empowerment theory." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21917.
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Youth exclusion in a society is a major issue in many parts of the globe, and particularly in the Arab world. It limits the succession of social movements leading to political stability and leaves a relevant part of the society alienated from political processes. For this reason, this thesis aims to introduce and highlight youth as a source for political and social development, using Lebanon as a case study through the theoretical lens of empowerment theory. The work carried out understands empowerment theory as a useful theoretical framework in Political Science, and its contribution to the case under scrutiny will rest upon three interrelated categories: individual empowerment, collective empowerment, and social and political change as a subsequent. The research focuses on the capacity development of young Lebanese people through their participation in a UNDP program. Using content analysis of a UNDP report and semi-structured interviews conducted with youth (20-28) as well as with the youth focal point in UNDP, the thesis systemically examines and evaluates the extent to which Lebanese youth are feeling empowered by the UNDP for creating social change and reducing political instability. The results and findings of the research suggest that if organizations such as the UNDP place more attention on youth, they are likely to have a greater political and social impact on social and political development.
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Antonio, Raffael. "Politiken är ett skämt : En kvalitativ intervjustudie om mediekonsumenters syn på politiska memes och Greta Thunberg." Thesis, Luleå tekniska universitet, Institutionen för konst, kommunikation och lärande, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ltu:diva-79960.
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Author: Raffael Antonio Title: The politics are a joke - a qualitative interview analysis about the view of media consuments on memes and Greta Thunberg. The purpose of this study is to look closely at the media consumers and their views on political memes and how other consumers and producers on social media are producing Greta Thunberg as a political figure by the help of memes. The analysis has been done by qualitative semi-structured interviews with people as regular social media consumers. This was made by an interview guide with semi-structured questions about political memes, politics on social media and how Greta Thunberg is produced by meme creators according to the consumers. The results have shown that there are two groups when it comes to Greta Thunberg on social media; the ones who are disliking her and the ones who stand up for her. These groups are based on opinions, political views and different generations which are also seen among the meme creators and what type of memes they made. Those who are disliking Thunberg, do it for different main reasons, such as age, origin of family and political beliefs. Memes also matter in this study because of its format in picture and text, which give consumers an idea of the meme creator and its beliefs. Results also show that the behaviour of memes reflect society on different levels, political beliefs as an primary example.<br>Skriven av: Raffael Antonio Titel: Politiken är ett skämt – en kvalitativ intervjustudie om mediekonsumenters syn på politiska memes och Greta Thunberg Syftet med denna studie är att titta närmare på mediekonsumenterna och deras syn på politiska memes och hur andra konsumenter och producenter på sociala medier producerar Greta Thunberg som en politisk figur med hjälp av memes. Analysen har gjorts genom kvalitativa semistrukturerade intervjuer med människor som vanliga sociala mediekonsumenter. Detta gjordes av en intervjuguide med semistrukturerade frågor om politiska memes, politik på sociala medier och hur Greta Thunberg produceras av memeskapare enligt konsumenterna. Resultaten har visat att det finns två grupper när det gäller Greta Thunberg om sociala media; de som ogillar henne och de som står upp för henne. Dessa grupper är baserade om åsikter, politiska åsikter och olika generationer som också ses bland memen skapare och vilken typ av memes de gjorde. De som ogillar Thunberg, gör det för olika huvudskäl, till exempel ålder, familjens ursprung och politiska övertygelser. Memes spelar också roll i denna studie på grund av dess format i bild och text, som ger konsumenterna en idé om meme-skaparen och dess övertygelser. Resultaten visar också att mönstren som visas i memes, återspeglar samhället på olika nivåer, politiska övertygelser som ett primärt exempel.
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Edberg, Clara, and Elin Sandorf. "“If you don’t exist in media, you don’t exist politically”. : En kvalitativ studie om svenska ungdomsförbunds kommunikationsstrategier inför valåret 2018." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-76028.
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Previous research has been done in the field of Political Communication, aimed to show a deeper understanding of how social media affects the public opinion. Less studies have been made aimed to understand how youth federation communicates with potential voters. We are therefore interested in gaining a deeper understanding of what three Swedish youth federations publish on their Instagram accounts to attract potential voters during the early stages of the election year 2018. The aim of this report is to examine and analyze how three of the biggest youth federations in Sweden communicates with potential voters though the social media platform Instagram during the first three months of 2018. Through a qualitative image analysis supplemented by informant interviews, we have been able to study which communication strategies the youth federations used when they published pictures on Instagram during the limited period of January 1 until March 3, 2018. Our findings suggest that the variation of the published material depends on what political marketing orientation the federation belongs to. We hope that our study can contribute with useful understandings into further research.
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Bergkvist, Andersson Magda. "Domestic Organisations and Multi-Level Policy : An interview study of Swedish environmental non-governmental organisations influencing climate policy in a multi-level context." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-385475.
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Kaati, Patrik. "Small-Scale Farmers Land Use and Socioeconomic Situation in the Mount Elgon District in Northwestern Kenya : A Minor Field Study - Combined Field Mapping and Interview." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Geografi, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-10161.
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This Minor Field Study was carried out during November and December in 2011 in the Mount Elgon District in Western Kenya. The objective was to examine nine small-scale farming household´s land use and socioeconomic situation when they have joined a non-governmental organization (NGO) project, which specifically targets small-scale farming households to improve land use system and socioeconomic situation by the extension of soil and water conservation measures. The survey has worked along three integral examinations methods which are mapping and processing data using GIS, semi structured interviews and literature studies. This study has adopted a theoretical approach referred to as political ecology, in which landesque capital is a central concept. The result shows that all farmers, except one, have issues with land degradation. However, the extent of the problem and also implemented sustainable soil and water conservation measures were diverse among the farmers. The main causes of this can both be linked to how the farmers themselves utilized their farmland and how impacts from the climate change have modified the terms of the farmers working conditions. These factors have consequently resulted in impacts on the informants’ socioeconomic conditions. Furthermore it was also registered that social and economic elements, in some cases, were the causes of how the farmers manage their farmland. The farmer who had no significant problem with soil erosion had invested in trees and opportunities to irrigate the farmland. In addition, it was also recorded that certain farmers had invested in particular soil and water conservation measures without any significant result. This was probably due to the time span these land measures cover before they start to generate revenue. The outcome of this study has traced how global, national and local elements exist in a context when it comes to the conditions of the farmers´ land use and their socioeconomic situation. The farmers atMt.Elgon are thereby a component of a wider context when they are both contributory to their socioeconomic situation, mainly due to their land management, and also exposed to core-periphery relationships on which the farmers themselves have no influence.
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Lehto, Jesper. "Spindeln i krisnätet : En kvalitativ studie om förutsättningarna för regional krissamordning." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-433471.
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The coronavirus pandemic has thoroughly tested the Swedish crisis management system. It has affected and involved a large number of actors, across sectors and levels of government. Scholars of crisis management have long been interested in different forms of collaboration between actors. This large-scale crisis provides an opportunity to enhance our understanding of collaborative crisis management and to help us better deal with crisis in the future. This study aims to further enhance our understanding of collaboration in crisis management through the lens of a cen- tral actor in the Swedish crisis management system: the county administrative boards (länsstyrelserna). This study focuses on regional crisis management, where the county administrative boards play a central role, and aims to describe the con- text in which the actors operate and identify potential collaboration risks. This is being done through the application of the Institutional Collective Action Frame- work (ICA), which has been developed to identify and address collective action problems that may occur due to fragmented responsibility. Through a qualitative interview study this thesis has highlighted the complex nature of a large-scale crisis and the collaboration risks that follows. The main finding of this study is that the risk of coordination problems increases when a large-scale crisis involves a larger number of actors. Risks of incoordination are manifested in parallel communication channels and parallel networks, that if not identified and managed risks to short- circuit the ordinary collaborative structures in place. Some of the findings in the study may also be of interest for further studies.
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Wiklander, Josefsson Linn. "Socialtjänstens brottsofferstödjande insatser. Möjligheter, hot och framtida utmaningar." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för hälsa och samhälle (HS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-24115.
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Intresset för brottsofferfrågor har vuxit sig allt starkare i Sverige under de senaste årtiondena. Socialtjänsten är den instans som har det lagstadgade ansvaret att erbjuda brottsoffer den hjälp och det stöd de behöver. Idag tyder dock mycket på att det föreligger stora brister i socialtjänstens brottsofferstöd. Det är i dessa brister som denna studie har tagit sin utgångpunkt med två primära frågeställningar: (1) varför har det varit så svårt för socialtjänsten att fullfölja sitt lagstadgade ansvar gentemot brottsoffer och (2) vad skulle behöva göras för att få socialtjänstens brottsofferarbete att fungera på ett bättre sätt än vad det gör idag? Ingen liknande kartläggning har tidigare gjorts på området.Genom åtta stycken nyckelpersonsintervjuer undersöktes dessa frågeställningar. Vid intervjuerna användes en utformad modell bestående av faktorer som inbegriper begreppet förmåga, denna har utgjort en central utgångspunkt för kartläggningen av socialtjänstens förmåga att stödja brottsoffer. Nyckelpersonerna bestod av företrädare i nyckelpositioner inom verksamheter som på olika sätt arbetar med brottsofferfrågor.Resultatet visade på att det föreligger en stor ovisshet kring dessa frågor. Det visade sig även att en majoritet av de intervjuade anser att den största problematiken beror på att det inte riktigt finns den vilja som behövs för att prioritera och förbättra brottsoffersituationen i Sverige. Därmed kvarstår också den viktiga frågan; varför är det så svårt för socialtjänsten att fullfölja sitt lagstadgade ansvar gentemot brottsoffer? Med dessa oroväckande upptäckter är det än viktigare att fler studier utförs på området. Vidare forskning bör riktas mot att ta reda på var den faktiska problematiken ligger. Därefter kan det vara lämpligt att utreda eventuella åtgärder.<br>Interest in crime victim issues has grown stronger in Sweden in recent decades. The social services have the statutory responsibility to offer victims of crime the help and support they need. Recent indications suggest that there are major shortcomings in the social services for crime victim support. Based on these shortcomings this study investigates two primary issues: (1) why has it been so difficult for the social services to fulfill their statutory responsibilities towards victims of crime and (2) what would be needed for the social services for crime victim support to work better than it does today? No similar study has been conducted in this area before.Through the execution of eight key informant interviews these issues were investigated by the use of a designed model constituted of various factors including the concept of ability. This concept has been a central point for the mapping of the social services’ ability to support victims of crime. The key informants consisted of representatives in key positions in operations that work with different crime victim issues.The results show that there is a great uncertainty around these issues. It was also found that a majority of those interviewed believe that the biggest problem regarding these issues is that the will and the necessary prioritization of crime victim matters are relatively low. These alarming findings show an even greater need of more studies performed in this field. Thus remains the important question; why is it so difficult for the social services to fulfill its statutory responsibility towards victims of crime? Further research should be directed at finding out where the real problem lies. Further on, suggestions for improvement should be investigated.
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Xavier, Marlusa Ferreira Dias. "As san??es pol?ticas, mecanismo de interven??o do estado na ordem econ?mica e tribut?ria." Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte, 2013. http://repositorio.ufrn.br:8080/jspui/handle/123456789/13972.
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Previous issue date: 2013-08-29<br>Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte<br>This work pursues to analyze the sanctions of restrictive nature, which are characterized by impeding the business of the contributor in debt. Such sanctions known as political sanctions, are truly understood as an indirect way of tax enforcement, liable to cause problems to the private entity in curtailing, the initiative freedom, opposing the Article 5?, item XIII and Article 170, single paragraph of CF/88. As the State gets the several means to assure the economic order effective performance, it is up to the State to restrain the economic power abuse that objects to the marketing domination, to the ending of competition, and arbitrary increasing of profits (CF Article 173, ? 4?.) Therefore, it depends on the state, besides maintaining the economic order, to ensure a fair distribution of tax burden and act under the command of the Democratic State of Law principles. In order to make the tax collection effective, specific in some cases, the administrative fiscal agent uses coercive, excessive, and institutional, in imposing sanctions which causes constraint, maculating the contributor s essential rights, that matters of the necessity to force the tax credit ending. The principle of the free initiative and free competition, which are intended to be analyzed in this study, comes from a constitutional context and it will be reviewed in its systematic relations and with another rules, in order to evidence, at the end, the occurrence of an intervention towards the economic order when the State makes do of political sanctions as a tool for the tax credit effectiveness, infringing the Tax and Constitutional principles<br>Este texto visa analisar as san??es de natureza restritiva, que se caracterizam por impedir a continuidade dos neg?cios do contribuinte em d?bito. Tais san??es, conhecidas como san??es pol?ticas, traduzem-se numa forma indireta de execu??o fiscal, capazes de causar danos ao ente privado, ao cercear a liberdade de iniciativa, ferindo o Art. 5?, inciso XIII e Art. 170, par?grafo ?nico da CF/88. Como o Estado utiliza-se de meios diversos para assegurar o efetivo desempenho da ordem econ?mica, cabe-lhe reprimir o abuso do poder econ?mico que vise ? domina??o dos mercados, ? elimina??o da concorr?ncia e ao aumento arbitr?rio dos lucros (CF Art. 173, ? 4?.). Por?m, ao Estado cabe, al?m de manter a ordem econ?mica, garantir uma distribui??o justa da carga fiscal e agir sob o comando dos princ?pios do Estado Democr?tico de Direito. Ocorre que para efetivar a arrecada??o dos tributos, em alguns casos espec?ficos, o agente fiscal administrativo utiliza-se de meios coercitivos, excessivos e inconstitucionais, ao impor san??es que causam constrangimentos, maculando os direitos fundamentais do contribuinte, sob o argumento da necessidade de for?ar a liquida??o do cr?dito tribut?rio. O princ?pio da livre iniciativa e livre concorr?ncia, que se pretende analisar neste trabalho de pesquisa, nasce de um contexto constitucional e ser? analisado em suas rela??es sistem?ticas e em sua rela??o com outras normas, para se demonstrar, ao final, a ocorr?ncia de interven??o ? ordem econ?mica, no momento em que o Estado utiliza-se de san??es pol?ticas como instrumento de efetiva??o do cr?dito tribut?rio, violando princ?pios Constitucionais e Tribut?rios
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Longoni, Daniela da Rosa. "A arte de intervir no espaço urbano: educação do sensível e educação política de jovens em Novo Hamburgo - RS." Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2009. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/1980.
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Previous issue date: 28<br>Nenhuma<br>Considerando a importância da (re)visão dos processos formativos voltados para as diferentes juventudes e a importância da educação política e da educação do sensível neste contexto, o presente estudo buscou realizar uma análise acerca das contribuições de uma experiência expressiva de intervenção urbana, construída dentro de um processo formativo em arte, com a educação política de jovens em Novo Hamburgo-RS. Esta investigação, através de uma proposta de intervenção-formação, desenvolveu uma experiência formativa situada na interface dos campos do ensino da arte e da educação política, analisando o processo de problematização de noções sociopolíticas partilhadas pelos jovens ao longo do processo. A pesquisa identificou que as problematizações juvenis foram mediadas pela produção expressiva que pensa o cotidiano; pela tomada de decisões do coletivo na produção expressiva coletiva; pelos atravessamentos da atualidade trazidos para o espaço da oficina; pela leitura de imagens que fazem pensar o cotidiano; pela<br>Taking into account the importance of the (re)vision of formative processes related to different kind of youth and the importance of political education and sensitive education in this context, this study analysed the contributions of a urban intervention expressive experience, built within a formative process in art, on the political education of young people in Novo Hamburgo-RS. By way of a formative-intervention design, this research generated a formative experience at the interface of political education and art education, analyzing the problematization process of sociopolitical concepts shared by young people throughout the process. The research demonstrated that the juveniles problematizations were mediated by the expressive production that stresses daily life thinking, by the collective decision making process on the collective expressive production; by the influence of the context on the development of the workshop; by the image reading that stimulates daily life thinking; by the gathering and interpr
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Ambrozevicius, Andrea Pimenta. "Poluição aquática em Santos (SP): uma abordagem interdisciplinar." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/90/90131/tde-23112011-090931/.
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A poluição aquática em Santos é uma questão ambiental prioritária, interdisciplinar por natureza, devido aos seus efeitos ecológicos, de saúde pública e sócio-econômicos. Trata-se de um problema amplamente relatado, cuja evolução acompanhou o histórico de desenvolvimento econômico da região. A presente pesquisa partiu de análises pontuais de um único, porém representativo, canal de drenagem pluvial urbana e das praias receptoras de seu conteúdo, para uma análise da poluição aquática no município como um todo. Para isso, foram usadas diferentes metodologias: coletas de amostras de água do canal e do mar, seguidas de análises físicas, químicas e ecotoxicológicas; pesquisas sobre as políticas públicas relacionadas à poluição hídrica local e aplicação de entrevistas estruturadas em frequentadores das praias. Além disso, foi analisada uma série histórica de dados microbiológicos das águas costeiras santistas. Os resultados indicam toxicidade aguda eventual nas amostras do canal e toxicidade crônica nas amostras da água do mar, coletadas em 2007, e severa contaminação de origem fecal, ao menos nas últimas três décadas. A pesquisa sobre as políticas públicas constatou que algumas surtiram efeitos positivos, mas não foram suficientes para melhorar a qualidade da água e mantê-la adequada, seja por sua descontinuidade, seja pelo crescimento acelerado no município, tanto demográfico, quanto econômico. A maioria das ações tem despontado em resposta a situações críticas, sendo implantadas sem planejamento adequado, visando conter apenas as conseqüências ambientais, e não as reais causas dos problemas. Como as políticas públicas geralmente não surgiram de processos de gestão participativa, também foram analisados alguns instrumentos de participação pública vigentes em Santos existe um envolvimento ainda incipiente da população, mas com iniciativas interessantes e potencialmente viáveis. Em relação às entrevistas, foram analisadas as respostas de 83 pessoas, entre as quais 77% eram residentes e o restante turistas. A maioria dos entrevistados acredita que as praias estão poluídas e que a situação dos canais é ainda mais crítica, corroborando com os resultados encontrados nas análises ecotoxicológicas e com os dados de contaminação microbiológica. Grande parte dos entrevistados não se banha justamente pela qualidade da água duvidosa, mas não se sentem responsáveis pela situação, nem demonstram iniciativa para pressionar o poder público a revertê-la. Quando os dados da pesquisa são integrados, é possível constatar que a qualidade da água das praias de Santos é crítica, como resultado de um modelo insustentável de desenvolvimento, com falta de planejamento e políticas públicas inconsistentes. Essa situação é agravada pela passividade observada entre muitos dos frequentadores das praias, que, apesar de cientes da poluição, não se envolvem na busca de soluções. Espera-se que a pesquisa contribua para o controle da contaminação aquática local, através do estabelecimento de políticas e ações que considerem todas as dimensões do problema e especialmente as suas causas. O presente estudo demonstra que a integração de diferentes métodos de avaliação permite uma compreensão maior acerca dos problemas ambientais e consequentemente pode subsidiar soluções mais efetivas. Além disso, foi enfatizada a importância da interdisciplinaridade em estudos de questões ambientais.<br>The aquatic pollution in Santos is a priority environmental issue, which presents many dimensions, as the ecological, public health and socioeconomic ones, having thus an interdisciplinary nature. This question has been extensively studied and its evolution was strictly related to the history of the regional economic development. The first phase of the present survey consisted of punctual analyses, made during 2007, of a single (but representative) urban pluvial drainage channel and the receiving beaches which are directly influenced by its contribution (i.e., to its contaminants inputs), in order to estimate the water quality (according to the aquatic pollution) in the overall shore. To achieve that, different methods were employed: sampling of channel and sea waters, and physical, chemical and ecotoxicological analyses. The second phase consisted of an investigation on the public policies related to the local hydric pollution. Concomitantly, as the third part of this survey, we conducted a study on the public knowledge on the aquatic pollution, by the application of structured interviews to the beaches users. Complementarily, the historical series of microbiological data for the coastal waters of Santos was assessed, to provide additional data. The results indicated eventual acute toxicity of channel water samples and chronic toxicity of sea water samples, and a severe fecal contamination at least in the last three decades. The evalution of public policies indicated that even though some of them had positive effects, they were not sufficient to improve the water quality and to maintain it appropriate, whether due to their discontinuity, whether to the demographic and economic accelerated growth of the city. The majority of actions have been implemented as responses to critical situations, without proper and wider planning, aiming only to control the consequences, and not the real causes of the problems. The public policies generally were not a product of participative processes; some instruments of public participation in Santos also were analyzed the involvement of the population is still incipient. However there are interesting and potentially viable initiatives. Regarding to the interviews, 83 beach users were considered to this survey, 77% were local residents and the remaining were tourists. The most interviewees believe that beaches are polluted and that the channels situation is still more critic, being in accordance with the results of ecotoxicological and microbiological data. Many of the beach users do not have contact with sea water due to its doubtful quality, but they do not feel responsible for the situation and not show initiative to press the public governement to act. When the obtained data are integrated, it is possible to notice that the water quality in Santos beaches is critical, as a product of an unsustainable model of development, lacking of planning and inconsistent public policies. The situation is aggravated due to the passivity observed among many of the beach users, who are aware of the pollution, but do not involve themselves to find effective solutions. We hope that this research may contribute to the control of aquatic local contamination, by the establishment of policies, enforcements and actions which consider all the dimensions of the problem, in special its causes. Moreover this research demonstrated that the integration of the different assessment methods may provide a stronger comprehension of the environmental issues and which consequently can subsidize much more effectively their solutions. Therefore it is highlighted the importance of interdisciplinarity to the studies involving environmental issues.
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Egeberg, Holmgren Linn. "IngenMansLand : om män som feminister, intervjuframträdanden och passerandets politik." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-145853.
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This thesis explores constructions of gendered and gender political positions and practices of men identifying as ‘feminist’. The analysis is based on qualitative interviews with 28 men aged 20-34. At issue is how seemingly contradictory positions for men as feminists are made comprehensible in theory and practice. An introduction showcase theoretical discussions on gendered experiences and the possibilities of men being feminist, mainly from standpoint, radical feminist and poststructuralist radical constructionist perspectives. Men doing feminism emerge as an unresolved complex matter. This is followed by a critical discussion of state feminism, double emancipation and research on men and masculinities in the welfare state. The support for men’s participation, predominantly as white heterosexual fathers, in the Swedish gender equality project has consequences for the construction of men as potentially ‘new’, ‘good’ gender equal feminist subjects. In the construction of profeminist positions in interview performances, interviewees are located in-between the radical feminist, poststructuralist and gender equality perspectives on men, masculinity and feminism. Two themes involve an implementation of the concept of passing and introduce the analytical concept of co-fielding. Passing consists of the microsociological process of making radical and deconstructive profeminist positions authentic and yet being able to manage masculinity in homosocial contexts. Co-fielding refers to the conjoint interlacing of experiences, knowledge and meaning-making in interview interaction where relations of researcher-researched are characterized by discursive closeness and overlapping positions. Co-fielding practices affect the outcomes of co-construction of interview performances, the negotiation of gender and power relations and the reflexive use of (in this case feminist) knowledge in qualitative interviews. In analyzing the presentations of self, ambiguous meanings of profeminist positions emerge and the doing, undoing and redoing of feminism and masculinity appear multi-faceted. Radical feminism and radical constructionism seem intersected in making men’s feminist positions comprehensible. Such rebellious positions emerge as oxymoronic and, when critically brought into the gender equality context, located in a no man’s land out of place. In all, the thesis seeks to bring together theoretical, national and empirical locations of profeminist men, and in a concluding chapter also explore issues of ethics in feminist research and cross-gender interviewing.
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Backe, Ida. "Jämställdhet i undervisningen : Några gymnasielärares syn på jämställdhet i läromedel och undervisning." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Lärarutbildningen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-11015.
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The purpose of this study has been to look into and analyze the view on sex equality in textbooks and teaching media, and teaching of a group of upper secondary school teachers, through a gender perspective. The teachers teach subjects within social- and political science. The two questions that I wanted to answer are: What views do the teachers have on sex equality in their teaching? What views do the teachers have on sex equality in the teaching media (textbooks and other teacher media) which they have access to? Since I wanted to look into the teachers own views I chose unstructured interviews as the method of gather empirical information. To interpret the transcribed texts I chose the hermeneutic view of people as intentional. I interviewed six teachers in an upper secondary school, four men and two women. I have interpreted the interviews through a gender perspective, based on theories by Yvonne Hirdman, Maria Hedlin, Ylva Elvin-Nowak, Heléne Thomsson and Britt-Marie Thurén. Theories that have been acknowledged are gender, gender making, the male norm, structure, how to integrate sex equality, mentors and models, and feminism. Previous researches that I have focused on are thesis of Eva Gannerud, and Victoria C Wahlgren. The conclusion of the study is that some of the teachers’ did not think that most of the textbooks they used contained an aspect of sex equality, some of them seldom used textbooks and if they wanted a sex equality aspect of the teaching they had to find supplement material on their own. In my analysis I found that the teachers felt responsibility but did not feel that they had room for increased teaching by adding sex equality to the existing lesson material. I argue that the responsibility should not lie on the individual teacher to figure out supplement for sex equality aspects on their own, but the responsibility should lay on the school system as a whole, teachers training included.
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Khan, Enamul Haque. "A Technology and Management Perspective on Performance in Private and State-owned Banks – Bangladesh Cases." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Handelshögskolan vid Umeå universitet, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-37868.
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Abstract Title: Comparative Study Between Private and State-owned Banks: Technology and Management Perspectives Author: Khan, Enamul Haque Supervisor: Catherine Lions Background: Bangladesh is a lower developing country with limited resources and income. In Bangladesh, both private and state-owned banks operate side by side but under dissimilar conditions. State-owned banks are obviously overstaffed but secured by the government guarantee while private banks need to be competitive and profitable to survive. Two major competitive factors are technology innovation and good governance system. Private banks in Bangladesh are providing complete online solutions and function with a decentralized management while state-owned banks behave opposite due to government’s traditional attitude. Therefore it is relevant to explore what the state-owned bank can learn from the private bank so that the former can be more effective and profitable like private banks. Purpose: The purpose is to explore what the state-owned bank can learn from its private competitor. My first purpose is to analyze the functioning of technological improvements that, due to generation change, are vital for banks in developing countries. Secondly, since good governance is necessary for the organization to be efficient, I want to identify the main differences between state-owned and private banks that influence the performance. Finally, how to adapt these issues by state-owned banks to improve the performance is other purpose of this study. Method: Unstructured interviews with qualitative approach were carried by interviewing a private bank and a state-owned bank expertise. Primary data collected through telephone interviews helps to identify the practice in the different ownership systems and how growth factors work. Secondary data works as accelerator of the primary data. Conclusion: I have found that state-owned banks have three major problems are: Poor IT infrastructure, clumsy managerial governance working on regulatory bindings and political influence. To overcome these problems, state-owned banks should try to move towards decentralization of managerial activities and meet the technology standard requirements. Key words: Information Technology (IT), Private Bank, State-owned Bank, Developing Countries, Management, Ownership, Government, Regulation, Politics, Interview, Primary and Secondary Data.
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Stasilo, Miroslav. "Genre de discours politique en France et en Lituanie, éthos des politiciens : déclarations et interviews des candidats élus et des candidats vaincus consécutives aux résultats des élections présidentielles (1993 - 2009)." Phd thesis, Université Paris-Est, 2012. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00880255.
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L'objectif de la thèse est l'analyse de l'évolution du discours politique en France et en Lituanie via les déclarations ou les interviews, consécutives à l'annonce des résultats des élections présidentielles (1995 - 2009). Notre méthode est basée sur les techniques modernes de l'approche : la pluridisciplinarité, l'analyse du discours et le traitement informatique du corpus. La politique contemporaine est de plus en plus formatée selon les règles du marketing. La télévision oblige les orateurs à renoncer au jargon - le raisonnement n'est plus hypothético-déductif mais associatif. Les présidents élus consacrent plus d'attention à l'ethos et les candidats vaincus au pathos. Les ethos s'opposent et cela dépend du contexte des élections présidentielles. Les Interviews appartiennent aux discours-bilans et au modèle dialogique. Les Déclarations sont plus proches des discours-appels et du monologue. Les deux genres possèdent aussi des traits du modèle propagandiste dont l'effet social est minimal.
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Senary, Ashley M. "Deconstructing the Tszuj: Metrosexuality in Relation to Gender and Sexual Binaries." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1180489486.
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Utler, Richard. "Srovnání vybraných technik sběru dat kvantitativního výzkumu." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-262389.
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The thesis analyses the differences that result from using of specific data collection method, computer assisted telephone interviewing (CATI) and computer assisted personal interviewing (CAPI). The main findings are based on election model built by research agency TNS Aisa for elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic in 2013. The aim of the thesis is to determine whether the chosen method of data collection influences the results of the estimated electoral preferences, to determine in which sociodemographic categories it is happening and whether the differences in the obtained data are related to the ideological orientation of the political parties. The dependence of the results on the data collection method is assessed by the chi-quadrate independence test. Further, through personal interviews with researchers, it is determined at what stage of the research process the data may be distorted and what its possible causes are. The benefit of the thesis is the finding that the chosen method of collection influences the established preferences among voters aged 30-44, university graduates and voters living in Prague. In these groups, the left-hand side ČSSD is preferred more by personal interviewing and right-handed TOP 09 through telephone interviewing. The collection of data itself was evaluated by the most risky phase of the research process, in which possible distortion could occur. While the accuracy of personal interviewing depends largely on the interviewer's personality, the sources of distortion of the telephone inquiry result more from the nature of the use of the phone itself.
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Olsson, Lina. "ANTIRASISM I GYMNASIESKOLAN : En intervjustudie om samhällskunskapslärares uppfattningar och implementeringar av ett antirasistiskt uppdrag." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-180297.
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The school has an anti-racist mission where teachers, especially social studies teachers, have a central role. Previous research shows, however, that the school often lacks in counteracting racism, which raises questions about how teachers see racism as a phenomenon and school as an anti-racist place. There is a lack of knowledge about how social studies teachers perceive the anti-racist work and whether and, in such cases, how they implement anti-racism within the framework of social science teaching. The purpose of this study was therefore to investigate social studies teachers' perceptions of and implementation of an anti-racist mission in upper secondary school. This was done through five semi-structured interviews which were analyzed with Michael Lipsky's (2010) theory of grassroots bureaucracy which is supplemented by Gert Biesta and Sarah Robinson's (2015) theory of cultural and structural factors, Nicholas Abercrombie, Stephen Hill & Brian Turners (2006) definitions of individual and structural racism and Emma Arnebacks (2012) identified courses of action against racism. The results show that no teacher has an explicit anti-racist attitude, but they perceive the task as aimed at counteracting students 'tendencies to express "problematic" thoughts or opinions, which is a description of purpose that is influenced by teachers' understanding of racism as an individual phenomenon. The attitude to the assignment is positive, but it is perceived to be fraught with challenges that arise partly because of a perceived limited scope for action, and partly because of the teachers believing that there is a measure of anti-racism in the teaching. The teachers also perceive the social studies teacher's special role in an anti-racist assignment partly negatively as it is described as becoming a workload. Criticism is directed at a deficient teacher education that structurally limits the anti-racist work as they feel that it has to a low degree equipped them with competence in racism despite the subject's special relevance, and partly because the entire teacher education was not characterized by this which could even the workload. The teachers believe that they implement the anti-racist mission, and the courses of action are mediating, democratizing, and partly relationally characterized where concrete strategies in social studies are to provide knowledge and practice critical reflection in the students. Important knowledge is mainly about democracy and human rights, and an important skill is critical thinking. The study's conclusions are that social studies teachers do not perceive the school as an explicit anti-racist place, but rather in an implicit way. The fact that the mission is not explicitly carried out can mean that anti-racism is lacking when knowledge of racism is limited, especially when a structural reflexivity is lacking. Although teachers may neglect different expressions of racism in school, the implementation is still often consistent with the curricula's formulations of the anti-racist mission.
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Olsson, Moa. "Does Cognitive Leadership Matter? : An Analysis of Tony Blair’s Decision on the Iraq War." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-84677.
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By using a qualitative content analysis and cognitive mapping, the purpose of the thesis is to investigate the decision-making of political leaders in extraordinary situations. The thesis focuses on the case of Tony Blair and his decision to invade Iraq in 2003. The cognitive map of political elites by Robert Axelrod is used to form a cognitive map to illustrate and represent the beliefs of Blair. The research question is what formed Blair’s decision to invade Iraq in 2003? Three time periods are analyzed: before, during and after the war. The results show that intervention should be accepted and no intervention should be rejected. This is with regard to the British utility. The motives for the intervention was Blair’s belief in spreading democratic values and rights. Something which would generate stability and progress for Britain, as well as, for other countries. To end human suffering, WMD trade and terrorism were also among the motives for the intervention. To strengthen the strategic relationship with Russia through intervention was important and the relationship with the U.S. even more. No intervention would increase the ineffective containment and strengthen the regime of Hussein. No intervention would also increase WMD (trade, development and use), terrorism, destruction and people suffering and dying on a mass-scale. Altogether this would negatively impact the British utility.
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Aymoré, Léa Mattosinho [UNESP]. "O Pasquim em tempos de abertura política (1978-1980): uma análise das grandes entrevistas." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/143118.
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Previous issue date: 2016-07-13<br>O Pasquim, periódico semanal de enorme sucesso desde seu lançamento em junho de 1969, apenas seis meses após o estabelecimento do AI-5, foi de extrema importância para toda uma geração. Pois com seu humor inteligente promovia uma reflexão crítica sobre a realidade brasileira, além de ser porta voz de uma série de mudanças comportamentais pelas quais passava a nossa sociedade entre os anos de 1960 e 1970. Sobreviveu à censura prévia com o apoio da maior parte da intelectualidade carioca, a chamada “esquerda festiva”, responsável também por sua criação e se manteve independente por mais de uma década até perecer economicamente na primeira metade dos anos 1980. Esta pesquisa teve como objetivo analisar O Pasquim como fonte e objeto de estudo, entre os anos de 1978 e 1980, período de abertura política, em que o jornal funcionou sem uma censura prévia, e afirmou seu caráter contestador em cada edição, apoiando a campanha pela anistia, denunciando abusos e defendendo uma maior transparência por parte das instituições nacionais, lançando as bases do que seria uma das principais características da imprensa no período de redemocratização. O primeiro capítulo analisou o contexto histórico de criação e funcionamento do Pasquim em seus mais diversos aspectos políticos, econômicos, sociais, institucionais e culturais. O capítulo seguinte situou o jornal no contexto de funcionamento da imprensa alternativa, sendo o semanário um dos mais significativos representantes do setor. Por fim, o terceiro e último capítulo desenvolveu uma análise das grandes entrevistas, parte fundamental do jornal desde sua primeira edição. As grandes entrevistas, geralmente extensas, contribuíram para a inovação da linguagem jornalística e publicitária tamanha a informalidade com que eram realizadas e publicadas, geralmente na integra, transmitindo um clima de intensa familiaridade, que aproximava o leitor dos entrevistados. Esse modo totalmente inovador de realização e publicação de entrevistas foi revolucionário e intensamente imitado por inúmeros outros jornais e revistas da época, tornando O Pasquim um jornal influente não apenas por seu conteúdo, mas também por sua forma.<br>O Pasquim, weekly newsletter of huge success since its launch in June 1969, only six months after the AI-5 promulgation, was extremely important for a generation. For with his intelligent humor promoting a critical reflection on the Brazilian reality, in addition to being spokesman of a series of behavioral changes that passed our society between 1960 and 1970. He survived to prior censorship with the support of most of the Rio intelligentsia, the "festive left", also responsible for its creation and has remained independent for over a decade to economically perishing in the first half of the year 1980. This study aimed to analyze O Pasquim as the source and object of study, between the years 1978 and 1980, political opening period, in which the newspaper ran without prior censorship, and stated his maverick character in each edition, supporting the campaign for amnesty, denouncing abuses and advocating greater transparency by national institutions, laying the foundation of what would be a major feature of the press in democracy period. The first chapter examines the historical context of creation and functioning of the O Pasquim in its various political, economic, social, institutional and cultural. The next chapter placed the newspaper in the alternative press operating environment, and the weekly one of the most significant representatives of the sector. Finally, the third and final chapter has developed an analysis of great interviews, key part of the newspaper since its first edition. The great interviews, usually extensive, contributed to the innovation of journalistic and advertising language such informality with which they were carried out and published, usually full, conveying an atmosphere of intense familiarity, which approached the reader of respondents. This completely new way of conducting and publishing interviews was revolutionary and intensely imitated by numerous other newspapers and magazines of the time, making O Pasquim an influential newspaper not only for its content but also by its shape.
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Rasiah, Parameswary. "Evasion in Australia's parliamentary question time : the case of the Iraq war." University of Western Australia. Graduate School of Education, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0208.
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Given that the basic functions of parliamentary Question Time are to provide information and to hold the Government accountable for its actions, the possibility of evasion occurring in such a context is of crucial importance. Evasion (equivocation) has been identified as a matter of concern in political interviews, but no systematic study has been undertaken in the context of parliamentary discourse, notably Question Time, anywhere in the world. This study applies and adapts Harris's (1991) coding framework on various types of responses, Bull and Mayer's (1993) typology of non-replies and Clayman's (2001) work on how politicians 'resist' answering questions, all of which are based on political news interviews, to the study of evasion in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time. A comprehensive, unified framework for the analysis of evasion is described, a decision flow-chart for the framework is provided, and an illustrative example of the applied framework is given based on Australia's Federal House of Representatives' Question Time. Put simply, the study was undertaken to determine if evasion occurred, how frequently it occurred and how it occurred. It involved the classification of responses as 'answers' (direct or indirect), 'intermediate responses' (such as pointing out incorrect information in the question), and 'evasions' based on specific criteria. Responses which were considered evasions were further analysed to determine the levels of evasion, whether they were covert or overt in nature and the types of 'agenda shifts' that occurred, if any. The thesis also involved a discourse-analytical study of other factors that appear to facilitate Ministerial evasion in Australia's House of Representatives, including the Speaker's performance and the use of 'Dorothy Dixers'. The research data was sourced from Question Time transcripts from the House of Representatives Hansard for the months of February and March 2003, dealing only with questions and responses on the topic of Iraq. In those months there were 87 questions on the topic of Iraq, representing more than two thirds of all questions on Iraq for the whole of 2003. Of these 87 questions, the majority (48) came from the Opposition party, through its leader. The balance (39) was asked by Government MPs. Analysis of the question/answer discourse for all 87 questions revealed that every question asked by Government members was answered compared to only 8 of the 48 Opposition questions. Of the 40 remaining Opposition questions, 21 were given intermediate responses and 19 were evaded outright. The fact that the overwhelming majority (83%) of Opposition questions were not answered together with other findings such as instances of partiality on the part of the Speaker; the use of 'friendly', prearranged questions by Government MPs; and the 'hostile' nature of questions asked by Opposition MPs casts serious doubt on the effectiveness of Question Time as a means of ensuring the Government is held accountable for its actions. The study provides empirical evidence that evasion does occur in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time.
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Ozar, Ryan H. "Accommodating Amish Students in Public Schools: Teacher Perspectives on Educational Loss, Gain, and Compromise." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1531913852929844.
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Blomgren, Mattias. "Inkluderande och exkluderande strategier och förhållningsätt mot Sverigedemokraterna i tre av riksdagens utskott." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-176482.
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Many studies have focused on whether or not different kinds of strategies used towards radical right parties give them more or less electoral support and power. This study, however, sets out to center the MP’s subjective views on how the strategies and different approaches are being used and experienced in parliamentary committees in the Swedish Riksdag. The purpose of the study is to gain new and more detailed information of the motivations used for the strategies from the MPs subjective views of the Swedish Democrats (SD). The different types of strategies studied are excluding strategies such as ignore, cordon sanitaire, demonise and defuse. The including strategies which are examined are adapt and collaborate. Vote technical disidentification is a theoretical contribution to strategies being used from this study and shows how MPs blame other parties for voting more on SD than their own. Semi- structured interviews with MPs from five parties, including SD, in three different parliamentary committees with a total number of 15 participants, which are used as the material. The result of the study suggests that there are some differences in the approaches of the different MPs, and the difference lies mostly in between and within parties and not so much among the different committees. The MPs have some differences in their subjective conception of the SD where some have a tough approach against them while others have a softer understanding to them socially but none except for one MP want formal collaboration with them. In broad terms, the political right has some tendencies to use inclusion strategies and the political left uses the exclusion strategies more broadly and not the inclusion at all, according to the result. Informal approaches to take distance from SD, used more by the political left. The perception of the strategies and approaches being used differs a lot from between the MPs from SD and the rest of the MPs in the study. A more hard, unfair and undemocratic is the perceptions of the MPs from SD of the strategy and approaches while the others do not see them as commonly used.
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Mardiasmo, Diaswati. "Good governance implementation and international allignment : the case of regional governments in Indonesia." Queensland University of Technology, 2007. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16508/.
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The purpose of this study is to analyse the level of good governance understanding implementation in Indonesia regional governments, identify impeding variables to good governance implementation, and evaluate the extent of international good governance standards alignment. The influence of economic and political transition, decentralisation and regional autonomy regime, bureaucracy culture, and political history is analysed to reflect the degree of good governance implementation and level of convergence to international good governance standards. The methodological approach involves a triangulation of in-depth interview, document analysis, and International Good Governance Standard comparison. Findings from the study reflect disparities in good governance understanding and implementation between Indonesia regional governments, nine main impeding variables to good governance implementation including bureaucratic culture and political history, and a positive response to convergence towards international good governance standard alignment. Findings also act as an in depth study and analysis of current Indonesia regional government situation, resulting in inputs and recommendations geared towards public policy development and good governance implementation guidelines.