Relevant bibliographies by topics / Politický extremismus

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Politický extremismus'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Politický extremismus"

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Kirilenko, Viktor, and Georgy Alekseev. "Extremists: Criminals and Victims of Radical Violence." Russian Journal of Criminology 13, no. 4 (August 23, 2019): 612–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-4255.2019.13(4).612-628.

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The radical political violence outgoing from extremist communities became the most dangerous trend in the modern criminal dynamics. The victims of crimes committed by suicide terrorists are not only those who are subject to political and ideological violence, but also absolutely random people outside the field of politics. The actual perpetrators of mass homicide, including the most brutal acts of terrorism, are extremists with homicide-suicidal syndrome, interested in the society’s attention to them, convinced, in an irrational way, that absolutely all people are guilty of their problems. The fate of extremists and victims of their radical violence is not always directly determined by the level of unemployment or organized relations between the rule of law state and other social management institutions. These well-known criminological determinants affect the form of extremist actions and crimes, they may lower the level of extremist aggression, but do not change the motives of criminals. The higher the quality of life in the country, the less frequently mass homicide will happen, but it is likely to use high tech. Limiting the use of firearms by extremists, we are confronted with their attempts to adapt vehicles for deadly purposes. The actions of extremists do not reflect any real political struggle for freedom and independence, for religious values, for social justice; in practice, there is irrational extremism — a new socio-political phenomenon of active criminal protest against the very idea of huma­nism. Violent extremism emerges against the background of a certain social situation: 1) low efficiency of social policy; 2) isolation of an individual from civil society institutions and state structures; 3) desperate human desire for self-realization that is set against universal indifference to the problems of an individual. Under the influence of criminogenic factors, an extremist’s personality may become the object of manipulation by terrorist groups and other criminal communities.
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Baier, Dirk, Patrik Manzoni, and Marie Christine Bergmann. "Einflussfaktoren des politischen Extremismus im Jugendalter — Rechtsextremismus, Linksextremismus und islamischer Extremismus im Vergleich / Influencing Factors of Political Extremism in Adolescence — Right-Wing Extremism, Left-Wing Extremism and Islamic Extremism Compared." Monatsschrift für Kriminologie und Strafrechtsreform / Journal of Criminology an Penal Reform 99, no. 3 (November 1, 2016): 171–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mkr-2016-0302.

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Zusammenfassung In diesem Beitrag werden Einflussfaktoren von drei Formen des politischen Extremismus untersucht. Die Einflussfaktoren werden aus der Desintegrations-, Bindungs- und Selbstkontrolltheorie abgeleitet. Die Prüfung erfolgt anhand einer umfangreichen Befragung von Jugendlichen der neunten Jahrgangsstufe, die im Jahr 2013 in Niedersachsen durchgeführt wurde. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass ein kleiner Teil der Jugendlichen extreme Einstellungen befürwortet bzw. extremes Verhalten ausführt. Extremismusübergreifend erweisen sich »institutionelle Desintegration« in Form einer als negativ wahrgenommenen Behandlung durch die Polizei, »belief« in Form der eigenen Gesetzestreue und »Risikosuche« als eine Dimension der niedrigen Selbstkontrolle als wichtige Einflussfaktoren. Mit Blick auf den islamischen Extremismus, der aufgrund der Datenlage als Deutschenfeindlichkeit operationalisiert wird, werden zusätzlich spezifische Einflussfaktoren identifiziert (strukturelle Desintegration, Vereinszugehörigkeit und schulische Erfahrungen).
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SHULYAKOVSKAYA, J. M., and D. A. KHVATOV. "THE STATE OF SOCIETY AS A SOURCE OF EXTREMISM AND TERRORISM." Central Russian Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 6 (2020): 147–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2071-2367-2020-15-6-147-158.

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The purpose of the work is to carry out a comprehensive analysis of conflict destructions in society in the form of socio-cultural contradictions that determine the manifestations of extremism and terrorism. The subject of the research is social norms aimed at regulating social relations in the sphere of overcoming manifestations of terrorism and extremism, determined by the conflict phenomena of society. Methodological basis - using the data of secondary research, an analysis of social attitudes and stereotypes that form a high level of extremist and terrorist manifestations, and in this regard, which is an indicator of the emergence of a state of anomie in society, was carried out. This article analyzes the main conflict destruction of society as a basic source of extremism and terrorism. Among them are the following: civilizational crisis, expressed in political and economic antagonism, split in society, strengthening of existing differences between the Eastern and Western worldviews. It is substantiated that these phenomena are associated with the deterioration of the state of society. The population under the pressure of threats comes to the conclusion that the public danger does not come from extremists and terrorists, but from representatives of public authorities who do not want to accept the political speculations of extremists and terrorists. In this situation, society itself becomes an "accomplice" of extremists and terrorists. As a result, the ways of overcoming the manifestations of terrorism and extremism determined by the conflict phenomena of society are identified.
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Þórisdóttir, Hulda, and Eva Heiða Önnudóttir. "Need for security and system fairness on the political extremes." Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 11, no. 2 (December 15, 2015): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2015.11.2.1.

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We advance and empirically test the idea that people on both the far right and far left will be more likely than political moderates to perceive the system as fair, as long as it serves their heightened needs for security. We argue that political extremists may be especially drawn to systems that offer certainty and security. As long as ideological extremists are not alienated from the political system in general, they will, therefore, be especially motivated to see the system as fair, in particular, if extremism is coupled with a heightened need for security. We test this notion using data from Iceland, a country with a wide left–right spread in terms of the political opinions of both parties and people and which was, at the time of the study, still reeling from an economic crisis that strongly affected political trust and threatened people’s sense of security. We analyzed nationally representative data from the European Social Survey in 2012 (N = 752). The results showed a significant three-way interaction between political extremism, the need for security, and political trust in predicting perceived system fairness. The people most likely to perceive the system as fair were political extremists, with relatively high political trust and need for security. The results are discussed in light of context effects and how people on the left and right might have higher needs for security with different threats in mind.
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Kurzman, Charles, Ahsan Kamal, and Hajar Yazdiha. "Ideology and Threat Assessment: Law Enforcement Evaluation of Muslim and Right-Wing Extremism." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 3 (January 1, 2017): 237802311770477. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023117704771.

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Does ideology affect assessment of the threat of violent extremism? A survey of law enforcement agencies in the United States in 2014 offers a comparison suggesting a small but statistically significant effect: Political attitudes were correlated with assessment of threats posed by Muslim extremists, and threat assessment was not correlated with the number of Muslim Americans who had engaged in violent extremism within the agency’s jurisdiction. By contrast, the perceived threat of right-wing terrorism was correlated with the number of incidents of right-wing violence and not with political attitudes. These findings reflect the context of growing polarization of attitudes toward Muslims in the United States as well as the challenge of bringing counterterrorism policies into proportion with the actual scale of violent extremism.
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Baugut, Philip, and Katharina Neumann. "How Right-Wing Extremists Use and Perceive News Media." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 96, no. 3 (November 20, 2018): 696–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1077699018803080.

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We investigate how right-wing extremists use, perceive, and try to provoke news media coverage. Findings from qualitative interviews with former leaders of right-wing extremist groups in Germany, who served as key informants, show that reports on right-wing extremism are used and trigger feelings of being personally affected. Consequently, right-wing extremists show hostile-media and third-person perceptions. These perceptions influence both emotions and behaviors among right-wing extremists, for example, they cause right-wing leaders to strategically monitor news media to exploit them for political goals. Our findings are presented along with a model and are accompanied by a discussion of the implications for responsible journalism.
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Parker, David, and Lasse Lindekilde. "Preventing Extremism with Extremists: A Double-Edged Sword? An Analysis of the Impact of Using Former Extremists in Danish Schools." Education Sciences 10, no. 4 (April 16, 2020): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/educsci10040111.

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Governments across the West have invested significant resources in preventing radicalization, and strategies to prevent and counter violent extremism (P/CVE) are increasingly prominent within wider counter-terrorism policies. However, we know little about their effects, especially about projects that utilize former extremists to counter extremist narratives and increase critical thinking. Despite the prominence of interventions utilizing “formers”, there are almost no systematic, scientific evaluations of these programs. The lack of evaluation is problematic given the recognized risks and negative effects of using formers to address other social issues, such as crime prevention. This paper presents findings from the largest study to date of the effects of using former extremists to prevent violent extremism. Based on a randomized controlled effect evaluation with 1931 Danish youths, it highlights significant successes, including reducing the perceived legitimacy of political violence, as well as negative effects, including a small decrease in political tolerance. Overall, the findings suggest a need for cost–benefit analyses of P/CVE initiatives, weighing the benefits against the risks.
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Zwicker, Maria V., Jan-Willem van Prooijen, and André P. M. Krouwel. "Persistent beliefs: Political extremism predicts ideological stability over time." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 23, no. 8 (December 2020): 1137–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430220917753.

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Previous research suggests that political extremists have stronger convictions in their beliefs than moderates. The present research examines the relationship between political extremism and belief stability, defined as the extent to which people change their ideological beliefs over time. Studies 1 ( N = 397) and 2 ( N = 291) revealed that participants at the left and right extremes report more stable beliefs than political moderates. We then reanalyzed a longitudinal study that tracked actual ideological changes over time during a referendum (Study 3, N = 5812). Results indicated that for ideological orientation measured at three time points, politically extreme respondents had lower standard deviations—and hence, more stable ideologies over time—than moderates. Furthermore, the effect appeared more pronounced among people at the left than people at the right. We discuss implications of these insights for political extremism in society and the malleability of political ideology.
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Ali, Hina, Sumaira Khalid, Iqra Ashraf, and Naheed Anwar. "Extremism & Terrorism: A Political Issue or An Economic One?" Review of Education, Administration & LAW 4, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 179–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/real.v4i1.124.

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Extremism and terrorism have become a serious threat to Pakistan’s security and well-being. Pakistan is situated in an uncomfortable and unfriendly neighborhood and faces an existential challenge from domestic forces of sectional and ethnic militancy and terrorism. These problems started after the 9/11 attacks. The extremists have not only affected the life in tribal areas but have also invaded the well-developed urban cities of Pakistan as well. The lusts for power, religious differences, regional disparities, political instability, illiteracy, foreign involvements, Afghan Jihad of 1975, low socioeconomic indicators, and non-democratic values are a few of the many reasons that have added fuel to the fire of militancy, terrorism, and extremism. More than 75 thousand people in Pakistan have either been killed by terrorist groups or have become a victim of religious militants and extremists. To address these problems Pakistan took a few measures such as the launching of Zarb-e-Azab, amendments to the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967, the establishment of NATGRID, creating awareness about religion, revising Madrassa reforms, etc. All these efforts have solved the problem but only to some extent. There is a dire need for more strict measures not only by the Government but also by the civilians. Together, they need to keep working against these evils because they have eaten up the credibility, economic stability, reputation, well-being and peace of the country.
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Mudde, Cas. "Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 19, no. 2 (May 2005): 161–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325404270965.

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Based in part on the results of a unique, comparative research project, the aim of this article is threefold: (1) to provide a comparative summary of racist extremism in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE); (2) to compare the situation of racist extremism in CEE to that in Western Europe; and (3) to come to some further insights about racist extremism in the region. It concludes, in contrast to many of the alarming statements on the topic, that CEE is neither a hotbed of racist extremism nor a safe haven for racist extremists. In fact, if one compares the state of racist extremism in CEE to that in Western Europe, the differences seem less striking than is often assumed. Yet while the impact of racist extremism in CEE might not be as great as is often assumed, a lot remains to be done, particularly now that these countries are or will soon be members of the European Union.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Politický extremismus"

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Wright, Egil. "I politikens gränsland - mellan medborgerlig aktivism och extremism : En studie om passioner och mobilisering." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, REMESO – Institutet för forskning om migration, etnicitet och samhälle, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-129789.

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Arbetet behandlar frågor rörande hur olika politiska subjekt ställs i ett dikotomt förhållande till varandra genom diskursiva praktiker. Meningsmotståndare tänks utmana varandras olika samhällsvisioner inom ett politiskt rum som utgörs av den demokratiska processen. Detta rum kan artikuleras genom olika politiska styrningsformer, exempelvis konsensuspolitik eller agonism. Oavsett form tänks samhällsordningen och dess politiska styrelseform med tiden etableras genom dess allmänna acceptans som underbyggs av dess legitimitet och acceptans av samhället i stort. Denna cementering kännetecknas av begreppet hegemoni. Studien utgår till stor del utifrån Chantal Mouffes tankar om det politiska som något som kräver ett konfliktelement för att driva samhällsutvecklingen framåt. Således ses konsensuspolitik som något som i längden skadar den demokratiska processen och det demokratiska samhället. Genom ett diskursanalytiskt tillvägagångssätt tolkas våldsbejakande extremism som ett fenomen utpekat av och genom samhällets hegemoniska ordning. Våldsbejakande extremism är således de krafter som bjuder den hegemoniska ordningen motstånd genom att presentera alternativa samhällsvisioner. När motstånd och förändringsmöjligheter inte upplevs kunna föras genom de etablerade demokratiska strukturerna riskerar de utlöpa i våldsamma sammandrabbningar, ofta betecknade våldsbejakande extremism. Således undersöker studien hur dessa olika krafter möts inom det politiska rummet och bjuder varandra motstånd. Det teoretiska ramverket konkretiseras genom det empiriska underlaget i form av intervjuer och rapporter.
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Woloszczuková, Kristýna. "Uprchlická krize 2015 a politika České republiky." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264117.

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The theses deals with the most current problem of refugees stemming from the Syrian crisis, and the consequences the migration crisis can have for stability and the overall political situation in the chosen region. Due to the fact that the Syrian crisis is felt not only in the region, the aim of this thesis is to look at the impact of subsequent migrant crisis on the EU with focus on the Czech Republic. Despite various attempts by the international community, including the EU and the Czech Republic itself, to stabilise the situation the migration crisis is not, within a short and midterm time frame, closing to an end, and it is necessary to focus on possible negative consequences it may bring. The aim of this thesis is to uncover possible political repercussions. Even though, the Czech Republic is in reality afflicted by the migration wave on a minimal scale, the main hypothesis of this thesis is that the current migration wave has an influence on its political scene. The thesis is focusing especially on extremism in the Czech public and consequently in the political scene.
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Kjölstad, Henrik. "A European Declaration of Fascism? : En analys av Anders Behring Breiviks manifest 2083." Licentiate thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-38920.

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The terror attacks in Oslo, July 22, 2011, executed by Anders Behring Breivik, showed the deadliest outbreak of political violence in Norway since World War II. After the subsequent apprehension of Breivik, discussions about his ideological positioning soon emerged. While Breivik was initially described as an Islamophobic, right wing-extremist, a few expert witnesses and scholars labeled him and his manifesto 2083: A Declaration of European Independence as fascist. Some analysts disagreed with such a categorization and argued that Breivik's views had little to do with fascism. Other commentators and academics partly agreed with the fascist label but added that Breivik's ideology differed from classical fascism in several ways.    The aim of this research is to examine whether the manifesto 2083 can be classified as fascist according to various established definitions and ideal types of fascism. In particular, this research draws on the theories, definitions, and ideal types of fascism of established scholars Roger Griffin, Stanley G. Payne, and Emilio Gentile to inform a content analysis of 2083.The study's relevance concerns the ideology of and behind certain violent political activism, and if fascism is undergoing a transformation which urges updates of established definitions of the phenomenon. 2083 is treated as an outlier or deviant case of fascism. This research finds that 2083 does fulfill several fascist criteria, and even concepts central to the ideal types. However, the results are at times ambiguous and open to further interpretation. Fascist concepts such as national rebirth, a glorification of violence, and religiously tinged activism are expressed in the manifesto, but crucial details regarding them remain unexplored or unspecified. 2083's violent strategies for achieving desired societal change have striking similarities with certain contemporary race radicalism; while descriptions of societal condition and utopian goals share certain fascism characteristics, but also resemble late 19th Century German revolutionary conservatism or proto-fascism. Thus, one might rather see 2083 as hybrid form of different, already existing, fascist ideological traits rather than a “new” form of fascism.
De terrorattacker som utfördes av Anders Behring Breivik i Oslo den 22 juli 2011 var det dödligaste uttrycket för politiskt våld i Norge sedan det andra världskriget. Snart efter Breiviks gripande började diskussioner föras om hans ideologiska uppfattning och politiska hemvist. Tidiga utlåtanden gjorde gällande att han var en islamofobisk högerextremist, men några expertvittnen hävdade att Breivik och hans manifest 2083: A Decaration of European Independence snarare var fascistiska. Vissa analytiker motsatte sig detta och påstod att Breiviks åsikter uppvisade få likheter med fascism. Andra kommentatorer och akademiker gav delvis medhåll till den fascistiska klassificeringen men menade att Breiviks ideologi på flera sätt skiljde sig från klassisk fascism. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka huruvida manifestet 2083 kan klassificeras som fascistiskt enligt olika etablerade definitioner och idealtyper av fascism. För att genomföra en innehållsanalys av 2083 används de teorier, idealtyper och definitioner av fascism som de etablerade akademikerna Roger Griffin, Stanley G. Payne och Emilio Gentile utarbetat. Studiens relevans utgår från diskussioner om ideologiers betydelse för vissa former av politiskt våldsam aktivism och om fascismen som ideologi genomgår förändringar vilka kan föranleda uppdateringar av dess definitioner. 2083 behandlas i detta sammanhang som ett kritiskt eller avvikande fall av fascism. Studiens resultat visar att 2083 uppfyller ett flertal kriterier för fascism och även vissa av de använda idealtypernas centrala koncept. Samtidigt är andra resultat tvetydiga och föranleder vidare diskussion. Fascistiska teman såsom en önskan om en nationell återfödelse, våldspositivitet och religiöst betonad aktivism återfinns i manifestet, men viktiga detaljer kring dem utvecklas inte eller förblir ospecificerade. De våldsamma strategier för samhällelig förändring som existerar i 2083 har klara likheter med vissa samtida former av rasradikalism, medan manifestets beskrivningar av det nuvarande samhällstillståndet och även dess utopiska framtidsvisioner på flera sätt påminner om fascistiska motsvarigheter. Samtidigt finns där också likheter med protofascism och radikalkonservatism från det sena 1800-talet. Därför kan 2083 betraktas som en hybrid av olika redan existerande former av fascism, snarare än som en "ny" sorts fascism.
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Scheiner, Miroslav. "Konspirační teorie a dezinformace v islámském světě z pohledu západních zemí a jejich zahraniční politiky." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192515.

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This Master's thesis deals with conspiracy theories and disinformation, a topic received with insufficient attention in the field of international relations. The phenomenon constitutes one of the most distinctive features of the Islamic world; therefore, it has significant importance for the Western foreign policy towards the region. The thesis is divided into four chapters and aims to provide Western countries with a set of foreign-policy recommendations in relation to the phenomenon of conspiracy theories and disinformation in the Islamic world. The thesis does so on the basis of a thorough analysis of the general mechanisms of conspiracy theories (1st chapter), and the specific conditions and circumstances of their emergence and dissemination in the Islamic world (2nd chapter). The study of the case of Aafia Siddiqui (3rd chapter) leads to the conclusion that the implication of conspiracy theories and disinformation in the activities of Islamic extremist groups represents a serious security threat for the Western countries, which the current policy leaves with no adequate response (4th chapter). As an outcome, the thesis proposes ten basic principles which should serve to the Western countries as a guideline for their approach to conspiracy theories and disinformation in the Islamic world. The main import of this thesis lies in it being one of the first attempts with regard to the researched topic to perform a comprehensive analysis with practical outcomes.
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Dietze, Sascha. "Das Weltbild der Autonomen im Spiegel der Zeitschrift Interim." Doctoral thesis, Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:ch1-qucosa-219610.

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Die Autonomen sind die wichtigste Kraft im militanten Linksextremismus. Seit den 1980er Jahren machen sie mit Anschlägen oder „Massenmilitanz“ auf sich aufmerksam. Dietze beschäftigt sich in seiner Studie mit einem über lange Zeit zentralen Periodikum der Szene. Die Zeitschrift „Interim“ untersucht er hinsichtlich der in ihr geführten Themen und Diskurse. Ziel seiner Untersuchung ist es, Einblicke in das Denken der Autonomen zu geben. Hierfür arbeitet er zentrale, identitätsstiftende Positionen heraus
The autonomists are the most important force in militant left-wing extremism. Since the 1980s they have been putting themselves in the public eye with attacks and "mass militance". In his study, Dietze focuses on a periodical that has been a lynchpin of the scene for many years. He examines the magazine "Interim" in terms of the themes and discourses it presents. His investigation aims to bring some insight into the mindset of autonomists. To this end, he maps out central identity-forming positions
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Boman, Sundström Alicia. "Nationellt arbete mot den våldsbejakande islamistiska extremismen." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-331666.

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Enberg, Julia. "Ändamålet helgar medlen? : En experimentell studie om svenskars acceptans för olika former av politisk extremism." Thesis, Luleå tekniska universitet, Institutionen för ekonomi, teknik och samhälle, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ltu:diva-64583.

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Rogoziński, Daniel. "Det synliga och osynliga politiska våldet. : en kritisk diskursanalys av begreppet ”våldsbejakande extremism” och statens arbete mot politiskt våld i Sverige." Thesis, Högskolan Kristianstad, Avdelningen för samhällsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hkr:diva-18406.

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Sedan flera år förs ett arbete i Sverige för att motverka ”våldsbejakande extremism” och ”radikalisering”, samtidigt som delar av detta arbete har kritiserats både utifrån sin hur det har definierat sina begrepp och hur det praktiskt har genomförts. Av denna anledning är det av intresse att närmare granska detta arbete, denna undersökning har undersökt frågeställningarna (I) hur olika typer av politiskt våld har betraktats över tid, (II) vad inbegrips i termen ”våldsbejakande extremism”, samt (III) hur den svenska statens arbete mot våldsbejakande extremism ser ut. Detta har gjorts utifrån en kritisk diskursanalys av flertalet dokument framtagna på det offentligas initiativ (däribland rapporter, handlingsplaner och direktiv), samt en översiktlig idéhistorisk genomgång menad att ge en historisk bakgrund till analysen. De statliga dokumenten har främst undersökts utifrån hur de definierar sina begrepp samt vilka förslag som förs fram för att motverka politiskt våld, medan den idéhistoriska genomgången görs som en del av uppsatsens teoridel. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna för arbetet är framförallt Pontara, Benjamin, Žižek, Galtung och Weber. I undersökningen framkommer att staten framförallt agerar ur en hegeliansk och dualistisk uppfattning om staten som den aktör som kan överbrygga samhällets motsättningar samt att statens agerande inte bör betraktas efter samma måttstock som andra samhällsaktörers. Begreppet ”våldsbejakande extremisms” definition varierar i de olika dokument, men den vanligaste definitionen är att våldsbejakande innebär ett aktivt eller passivt stöd till ideologiskt motiverat våld, medan extremism definieras som att inte acceptera en demokratisk samhällsordning där politiska mål och samhällsförändringar kan påverkas genom politiken och demokratiska processer. Vidare beskrivs tre miljöer som pekas ut som våldsbejakande, vit makt-miljön, den utomparlamentariska miljön samt den islamistiska miljön, dock tonas ideologierna ner till förmån för individuella och miljömässiga riskfaktorer till så kallad radikalisering. Fokuset i de statliga dokumenten ligger på förebyggande arbete i olika form, och ofta på lokal nivå. I de statliga dokumenten diskuteras överhuvudtaget inte statens egen våldsanvändning, vilket kan tolkas som att det våld som utövas av en demokratisk stat per definition är legitimt och lagligt. Detta osynliggör statens laguppehållande våld. Bland de olika våldsbejakande miljöerna finns en bredd av uppfattningar kring våld, moral och politik, vilket leder till en problematik då de klumpas ihop till en generaliserad modell över all våldsbejakande extremism, och risken är att förståelsen blir grumlig och åtgärderna ineffektiva. Därutöver är det problematiskt hur grupper och individer reduceras till att vara en potentiell risk, samt att offentliganställda uppmanas att närmast åsiktsregistrera dem som de kommer i kontakt med professionellt.
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Crone, Martha Ellis. "The role of ideological extremism in the mass public /." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487935958844331.

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Dietze, Sascha. "Das Weltbild der Autonomen im Spiegel der Zeitschrift Interim." Doctoral thesis, Universitätsverlag der Technischen Universität Chemnitz, 2016. https://monarch.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A20644.

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Die Autonomen sind die wichtigste Kraft im militanten Linksextremismus. Seit den 1980er Jahren machen sie mit Anschlägen oder „Massenmilitanz“ auf sich aufmerksam. Dietze beschäftigt sich in seiner Studie mit einem über lange Zeit zentralen Periodikum der Szene. Die Zeitschrift „Interim“ untersucht er hinsichtlich der in ihr geführten Themen und Diskurse. Ziel seiner Untersuchung ist es, Einblicke in das Denken der Autonomen zu geben. Hierfür arbeitet er zentrale, identitätsstiftende Positionen heraus.
The autonomists are the most important force in militant left-wing extremism. Since the 1980s they have been putting themselves in the public eye with attacks and 'mass militance'. In his study, Dietze focuses on a periodical that has been a lynchpin of the scene for many years. He examines the magazine 'Interim' in terms of the themes and discourses it presents. His investigation aims to bring some insight into the mindset of autonomists. To this end, he maps out central identity-forming positions.
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Books on the topic "Politický extremismus"

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Downs, William M. Political Extremism in Democracies. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137052834.

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Backes, Uwe. Politischer Extremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Köln: Verlag Wissenschaft und Politik, 1989.

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Backes, Uwe. Politischer Extremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. 2nd ed. Bonn: Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung, 1990.

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Backes, Uwe. Politischer Extremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Berlin: Propyläen, 1993.

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Backes, Uwe. Politischer Extremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Köln: Verlag Wissenschaft und Politik, 1989.

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Backes, Uwe. Politischer Extremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Bonn: Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung, 1996.

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1948-, Jesse Eckhard, ed. Politischer Extremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. 3rd ed. Bonn: Bundeszentrale für Politische Bildung, 1993.

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Backes, Uwe. Politischer Extremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Köln: Verlag Wissenschaft und Politik, 1989.

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Backes, Uwe. Politischer Extremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Köln: Verlag Wissenschaft und Politik, 1989.

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Pravicový extremismus a radikalismus v ČR. Brno: Barrister & Principal, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Politický extremismus"

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Jesse, Eckhard, Thomas Schubert, and Tom Thieme. "Politischer Extremismus und Demokratieschutz." In Politik in Sachsen, 305–29. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-19110-2_15.

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Jaschke, Hans-Gerd. "Was ist politischer Extremismus?" In Elemente der Politik, 11–49. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-32378-3_2.

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Buck, Elena. "Keine Gesellschaft ohne Grenzen, keine Politik ohne Gegner_innen." In Ordnung. Macht. Extremismus, 263–85. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-93281-1_12.

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Laverick, Wendy, and Peter Joyce. "Contemporary Political Extremism." In Racial and Religious Hate Crime, 247–94. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-21317-6_7.

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Jaschke, Hans-Gerd. "Entwicklungen: Politischer Extremismus von rechts und links." In Elemente der Politik, 51–102. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-32378-3_3.

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Hatfield, Elaine, and Richard Rapson. "Political Identities, Emotions, and Relationships." In The Psychology of Extremism, 103–12. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-59698-9_5.

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Futrell, Robert, Pete Simi, and Anna E. Tan. "Political Extremism and Social Movements." In The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Social Movements, 618–34. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781119168577.ch35.

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Downs, William M. "Determinants of Democratic Defensiveness." In Political Extremism in Democracies, 53–79. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137052834_3.

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Downs, William M. "Is the Cordon Sanitaire Effective?" In Political Extremism in Democracies, 81–109. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137052834_4.

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Downs, William M. "The Moderating Effects of Incumbency?" In Political Extremism in Democracies, 111–46. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137052834_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Politický extremismus"

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Фантров, Павел Петрович. "EXTREMISM IN THE YOUTH ENVIRONMENT AS A SERIOUS THREAT TO THE NATIONAL SECURITY OF RUSSIA." In Сборник избранных статей по материалам научных конференций ГНИИ "Нацразвитие" (Санкт-Петербург, Июль 2021). Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/july192.2021.13.83.006.

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В статье дана оценка молодежному экстремизму, представляющему серьезную угрозу для функционирования российского социума и государства. Рассмотрены такие формы проявления экстремизма в молодежной среде, как политический и религиозный. Сделан вывод о необходимости совершенствования профилактических мер в рассматриваемой сфере. The article provides an assessment of youth extremism, which poses a serious threat to the functioning of Russian society and the state. Such forms of manifestation of extremism in the youth environment as political and religious are considered. It is concluded that it is necessary to improve preventive measures in this area.
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Ганаева, Есита Эминовна. "CRIMINOLOGICAL CHARACTERISTIC OF THE REASONS FOR THE SPREAD OF YOUTH EXTREMISM AND TERRORISM." In Сборник избранных статей по материалам научных конференций ГНИИ "Нацразвитие" (Санкт-Петербург, Май 2021). Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37539/may191.2021.41.23.017.

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В статье проведен анализ предпосылок, причин и факторов, которые способствуют активному возникновению и распространению молодежного экстремизма, в том числе: социальноэкономических, идеологических, политических, демографических, психологических, правовых и т.д. в современных условиях глобализированного общества. The article analyzes the prerequisites, causes and factors that contribute to the active emergence and spread of youth extremism, including: socio-economic, ideological, political, demographic, psychological, legal, etc. in the modern conditions of a globalized society.
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Salgiriev, Ali Ruslanovich. "Religious Political Extremism And Terrorism In The North Caucasus: Politological Analysis." In SCTCGM 2018 - Social and Cultural Transformations in the Context of Modern Globalism. Cognitive-Crcs, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2019.03.02.128.

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Morozova, Ekaterina. "REPRESENTATION OF CONCEPT FOOTBALL EXTREMISM IN ENGLISH AND RUSSIAN DISCOURSES." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.046.

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Zelenda Kupcova, Adela. "REFLECTION OF FREEDOM FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM ACTIVISTS." In SGEM 2014 Scientific SubConference on POLITICAL SCIENCES, LAW, FINANCE, ECONOMICS AND TOURISM. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b21/s4.044.

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Rudinac, Stevan, Iva Gornishka, and Marcel Worring. "Multimodal Classification of Violent Online Political Extremism Content with Graph Convolutional Networks." In the. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3126686.3126776.

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Lukashin, Alexey A. "Political Extremism Analysis In The Modern Western Europe Using Intellectual Data Processing." In 18th PCSF 2018 - Professional Сulture of the Specialist of the Future. Cognitive-Crcs, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2018.12.02.145.

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Spiliotopoulou, Constantina. "Encountering The “Politics of Fear”:Teacher Training for A Media Propaganda Education to Prevent Political Extremism, In The Context of DEMOKLEOS, Erasmus+ KA2- Project." In International Academic Conference on Teaching, Learning and Education. Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/tleconf.2019.09.580.

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Herza and Ignes Novirensi. "Questioning Action, Ideology, and Politics of ISIS Extremism Group in North Sinai, Egypt." In Airlangga Conference on International Relations. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0010277403750381.

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Effendi, Y., and A. Hamdi. "Extremism Trails in Santri Cities: Discourses, Networks, and Early Detection." In Proceedings of the First Brawijaya International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, BSPACE, 26-28 November, 2019, Malang, East Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.26-11-2019.2295181.

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Reports on the topic "Politický extremismus"

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de Bromhead, Alan, Barry Eichengreen, and Kevin O'Rourke. Right-Wing Political Extremism in the Great Depression. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, February 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w17871.

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Aryaeinejad, Kateira, Galen Englund, Candace Rondeaux, Prakhar Sharma, and Megan A. Stewart. The Governance Nexus: Surveying the Research on Violent Extremism, Governance Failures, and the Quest for Political Legitimacy. RESOLVE Network, June 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/rwps2017.2.

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Thurston, Alexander. Campuses and Conflict in the Lake Chad Basin: Violent Extremism and the Politics of Religion in Higher Education. RESOLVE Network, May 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/lcb2018.1.

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Bergenthal, Alex. Is Political Extremism within the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Germany a Threat That Can Be Managed. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada220702.

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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.

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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).
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Nyseth Brehm, Hollie. Identity, Rituals, and Narratives: Lessons from Reentry and Reintegration after Genocide in Rwanda. RESOLVE Network, November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/pn2020.8.vedr.

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This policy note outlines core findings from a case study of the experiences of approximately 200 Rwandans as they left prison or community service camp and returned to their communities. Specifically, it relies upon interviews with each of these individuals before, 6 months after, and again 1 year after their release—as well as interviews with over 100 community members. Although reentry and reintegration are multifaceted processes, this policy note focuses on identity, rituals, and narratives with an emphasis on initial reentry, which sets the stage for broader reintegration. In doing so, the note highlights insights that are relevant to reentry and reintegration following not only genocide but also mass violence, war, insurgency, violent extremism, and other forms of political violence. It simultaneously recognizes, however, that the case of Rwanda has exceptional elements and addresses these elements throughout.
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Thurston, Alexander. In Brief: Foreword for the Lake Chad Basin Research Initiative Compendium. RESOLVE Network, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/lcb2021.1.

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In fall 2017, the RESOLVE Network launched a major project to analyze religiosity on university campuses in the Lake Chad Basin. The project was related but not limited to the context of the Boko Haram insurgency. The project generated four major studies, including one research report based on a desk literature review and three country case studies (Nigeria, Cameroon, and Chad) based on original fieldwork. The project was driven by policymakers’ and researchers’ desire to more fully understand political and religious change in this conflict-affected region. This RESOLVE research project sought not merely to investigate questions of radicalization but also to challenge stereotypes, particularly the idea that campuses are inevitably hotbeds of religious extremism. It has been credibly asserted that some of Boko Haram’s recruits, particularly in its early phases in the 2000s, were university students. Yet universities in the region have also been sites where key peacemaking initiatives are both studied and implemented.
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Hellström, Anders. How anti-immigration views were articulated in Sweden during and after 2015. Malmö University, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24834/isbn.9789178771936.

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The development towards the mainstreaming of extremism in European countries in the areas of immigration and integration has taken place both in policy and in discourse. The harsh policy measures that were implemented after the 2015 refugee crisis have led to a discursive shift; what is normal to say and do in the areas of immigration and integration has changed. Anti-immigration claims are today not merely articulated in the fringes of the political spectrum but more widely accepted and also, at least partly, officially sanctioned. This study investigates the anti-immigration claims, seen as (populist) appeals to the people that centre around a particular mythology of the people and that are, as such, deeply ingrained in national identity construction. The two dimensions of the populist divide are of relevance here: The horizontal dimension refers to articulated differences between "the people", who belong here, and the "non-people" (the other), who do not. The vertical dimension refers to articulated differences between the common people and the established elites. Empirically, the analysis shows how anti-immigration views embedded in processes of national myth making during and after 2015 were articulated in the socially conservative online newspaper Samtiden from 2016 to 2019. The results indicate that far-right populist discourse conveys a nostalgia for a golden age and a cohesive and homogenous collective identity, combining ideals of cultural conformism and socioeconomic fairness.
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Charting Violent Extremism Research Priorities in North Africa and the Sahel 2018. RESOLVE Network, January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/rp2021.1.lcb.

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As the socio-political dynamics of conflict and insecurity continue to evolve across North Africa and the Sahel, efforts to prioritize the exploration of ongoing and emerging violent extremist trends remain important. For decades, violent conflict, poor resource management, environmental change, and weak governments (through lack of institutional capacity or by predatory elite design) have contributed to cycles of instability and state fragility. Violent extremist organizations such as Boko Haram, al-Qaeda, and the self-proclaimed Islamic State and its affiliates have benefited from this instability. As the groups, tactics, and contexts continue to change, greater attention to ongoing and emerging threats to peace and stability in the region is needed. In 2018, the RESOLVE Network convened over 30 global, regional, and local researchers, practitioners and policymakers with varied expertise in local governance, development, and the preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) research landscape in the Lake Chad Basin and regional proximity. The topics identified here reflect participants’ collective assessment of current dynamics, expertise, in-depth understanding, and commitment to continued analysis of violent extremism (VE) trends and dynamics in the region.
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Lake Chad Basin Research Series Fact Sheet: Campuses and Conflict in The Lake Chad Basin: Violent Extremism and the Politics of Religion in Higher Education. RESOLVE Network, August 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/fs2020.1.lcb.

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