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Wright, Egil. "I politikens gränsland - mellan medborgerlig aktivism och extremism : En studie om passioner och mobilisering." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, REMESO – Institutet för forskning om migration, etnicitet och samhälle, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-129789.
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Arbetet behandlar frågor rörande hur olika politiska subjekt ställs i ett dikotomt förhållande till varandra genom diskursiva praktiker. Meningsmotståndare tänks utmana varandras olika samhällsvisioner inom ett politiskt rum som utgörs av den demokratiska processen. Detta rum kan artikuleras genom olika politiska styrningsformer, exempelvis konsensuspolitik eller agonism. Oavsett form tänks samhällsordningen och dess politiska styrelseform med tiden etableras genom dess allmänna acceptans som underbyggs av dess legitimitet och acceptans av samhället i stort. Denna cementering kännetecknas av begreppet hegemoni. Studien utgår till stor del utifrån Chantal Mouffes tankar om det politiska som något som kräver ett konfliktelement för att driva samhällsutvecklingen framåt. Således ses konsensuspolitik som något som i längden skadar den demokratiska processen och det demokratiska samhället. Genom ett diskursanalytiskt tillvägagångssätt tolkas våldsbejakande extremism som ett fenomen utpekat av och genom samhällets hegemoniska ordning. Våldsbejakande extremism är således de krafter som bjuder den hegemoniska ordningen motstånd genom att presentera alternativa samhällsvisioner. När motstånd och förändringsmöjligheter inte upplevs kunna föras genom de etablerade demokratiska strukturerna riskerar de utlöpa i våldsamma sammandrabbningar, ofta betecknade våldsbejakande extremism. Således undersöker studien hur dessa olika krafter möts inom det politiska rummet och bjuder varandra motstånd. Det teoretiska ramverket konkretiseras genom det empiriska underlaget i form av intervjuer och rapporter.
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Woloszczuková, Kristýna. "Uprchlická krize 2015 a politika České republiky." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264117.
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The theses deals with the most current problem of refugees stemming from the Syrian crisis, and the consequences the migration crisis can have for stability and the overall political situation in the chosen region. Due to the fact that the Syrian crisis is felt not only in the region, the aim of this thesis is to look at the impact of subsequent migrant crisis on the EU with focus on the Czech Republic. Despite various attempts by the international community, including the EU and the Czech Republic itself, to stabilise the situation the migration crisis is not, within a short and midterm time frame, closing to an end, and it is necessary to focus on possible negative consequences it may bring. The aim of this thesis is to uncover possible political repercussions. Even though, the Czech Republic is in reality afflicted by the migration wave on a minimal scale, the main hypothesis of this thesis is that the current migration wave has an influence on its political scene. The thesis is focusing especially on extremism in the Czech public and consequently in the political scene.
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Kjölstad, Henrik. "A European Declaration of Fascism? : En analys av Anders Behring Breiviks manifest 2083." Licentiate thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Institutionen för humaniora och samhällsvetenskap, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-38920.
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The terror attacks in Oslo, July 22, 2011, executed by Anders Behring Breivik, showed the deadliest outbreak of political violence in Norway since World War II. After the subsequent apprehension of Breivik, discussions about his ideological positioning soon emerged. While Breivik was initially described as an Islamophobic, right wing-extremist, a few expert witnesses and scholars labeled him and his manifesto 2083: A Declaration of European Independence as fascist. Some analysts disagreed with such a categorization and argued that Breivik's views had little to do with fascism. Other commentators and academics partly agreed with the fascist label but added that Breivik's ideology differed from classical fascism in several ways. The aim of this research is to examine whether the manifesto 2083 can be classified as fascist according to various established definitions and ideal types of fascism. In particular, this research draws on the theories, definitions, and ideal types of fascism of established scholars Roger Griffin, Stanley G. Payne, and Emilio Gentile to inform a content analysis of 2083.The study's relevance concerns the ideology of and behind certain violent political activism, and if fascism is undergoing a transformation which urges updates of established definitions of the phenomenon. 2083 is treated as an outlier or deviant case of fascism. This research finds that 2083 does fulfill several fascist criteria, and even concepts central to the ideal types. However, the results are at times ambiguous and open to further interpretation. Fascist concepts such as national rebirth, a glorification of violence, and religiously tinged activism are expressed in the manifesto, but crucial details regarding them remain unexplored or unspecified. 2083's violent strategies for achieving desired societal change have striking similarities with certain contemporary race radicalism; while descriptions of societal condition and utopian goals share certain fascism characteristics, but also resemble late 19th Century German revolutionary conservatism or proto-fascism. Thus, one might rather see 2083 as hybrid form of different, already existing, fascist ideological traits rather than a “new” form of fascism.De terrorattacker som utfördes av Anders Behring Breivik i Oslo den 22 juli 2011 var det dödligaste uttrycket för politiskt våld i Norge sedan det andra världskriget. Snart efter Breiviks gripande började diskussioner föras om hans ideologiska uppfattning och politiska hemvist. Tidiga utlåtanden gjorde gällande att han var en islamofobisk högerextremist, men några expertvittnen hävdade att Breivik och hans manifest 2083: A Decaration of European Independence snarare var fascistiska. Vissa analytiker motsatte sig detta och påstod att Breiviks åsikter uppvisade få likheter med fascism. Andra kommentatorer och akademiker gav delvis medhåll till den fascistiska klassificeringen men menade att Breiviks ideologi på flera sätt skiljde sig från klassisk fascism. Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka huruvida manifestet 2083 kan klassificeras som fascistiskt enligt olika etablerade definitioner och idealtyper av fascism. För att genomföra en innehållsanalys av 2083 används de teorier, idealtyper och definitioner av fascism som de etablerade akademikerna Roger Griffin, Stanley G. Payne och Emilio Gentile utarbetat. Studiens relevans utgår från diskussioner om ideologiers betydelse för vissa former av politiskt våldsam aktivism och om fascismen som ideologi genomgår förändringar vilka kan föranleda uppdateringar av dess definitioner. 2083 behandlas i detta sammanhang som ett kritiskt eller avvikande fall av fascism. Studiens resultat visar att 2083 uppfyller ett flertal kriterier för fascism och även vissa av de använda idealtypernas centrala koncept. Samtidigt är andra resultat tvetydiga och föranleder vidare diskussion. Fascistiska teman såsom en önskan om en nationell återfödelse, våldspositivitet och religiöst betonad aktivism återfinns i manifestet, men viktiga detaljer kring dem utvecklas inte eller förblir ospecificerade. De våldsamma strategier för samhällelig förändring som existerar i 2083 har klara likheter med vissa samtida former av rasradikalism, medan manifestets beskrivningar av det nuvarande samhällstillståndet och även dess utopiska framtidsvisioner på flera sätt påminner om fascistiska motsvarigheter. Samtidigt finns där också likheter med protofascism och radikalkonservatism från det sena 1800-talet. Därför kan 2083 betraktas som en hybrid av olika redan existerande former av fascism, snarare än som en "ny" sorts fascism.
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Scheiner, Miroslav. "Konspirační teorie a dezinformace v islámském světě z pohledu západních zemí a jejich zahraniční politiky." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-192515.
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This Master's thesis deals with conspiracy theories and disinformation, a topic received with insufficient attention in the field of international relations. The phenomenon constitutes one of the most distinctive features of the Islamic world; therefore, it has significant importance for the Western foreign policy towards the region. The thesis is divided into four chapters and aims to provide Western countries with a set of foreign-policy recommendations in relation to the phenomenon of conspiracy theories and disinformation in the Islamic world. The thesis does so on the basis of a thorough analysis of the general mechanisms of conspiracy theories (1st chapter), and the specific conditions and circumstances of their emergence and dissemination in the Islamic world (2nd chapter). The study of the case of Aafia Siddiqui (3rd chapter) leads to the conclusion that the implication of conspiracy theories and disinformation in the activities of Islamic extremist groups represents a serious security threat for the Western countries, which the current policy leaves with no adequate response (4th chapter). As an outcome, the thesis proposes ten basic principles which should serve to the Western countries as a guideline for their approach to conspiracy theories and disinformation in the Islamic world. The main import of this thesis lies in it being one of the first attempts with regard to the researched topic to perform a comprehensive analysis with practical outcomes.
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Dietze, Sascha. "Das Weltbild der Autonomen im Spiegel der Zeitschrift Interim." Doctoral thesis, Universitätsbibliothek Chemnitz, 2017. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:ch1-qucosa-219610.
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Die Autonomen sind die wichtigste Kraft im militanten Linksextremismus. Seit den 1980er Jahren machen sie mit Anschlägen oder „Massenmilitanz“ auf sich aufmerksam. Dietze beschäftigt sich in seiner Studie mit einem über lange Zeit zentralen Periodikum der Szene. Die Zeitschrift „Interim“ untersucht er hinsichtlich der in ihr geführten Themen und Diskurse. Ziel seiner Untersuchung ist es, Einblicke in das Denken der Autonomen zu geben. Hierfür arbeitet er zentrale, identitätsstiftende Positionen herausThe autonomists are the most important force in militant left-wing extremism. Since the 1980s they have been putting themselves in the public eye with attacks and "mass militance". In his study, Dietze focuses on a periodical that has been a lynchpin of the scene for many years. He examines the magazine "Interim" in terms of the themes and discourses it presents. His investigation aims to bring some insight into the mindset of autonomists. To this end, he maps out central identity-forming positions
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Boman, Sundström Alicia. "Nationellt arbete mot den våldsbejakande islamistiska extremismen." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-331666.
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Enberg, Julia. "Ändamålet helgar medlen? : En experimentell studie om svenskars acceptans för olika former av politisk extremism." Thesis, Luleå tekniska universitet, Institutionen för ekonomi, teknik och samhälle, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ltu:diva-64583.
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Rogoziński, Daniel. "Det synliga och osynliga politiska våldet. : en kritisk diskursanalys av begreppet ”våldsbejakande extremism” och statens arbete mot politiskt våld i Sverige." Thesis, Högskolan Kristianstad, Avdelningen för samhällsvetenskap, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hkr:diva-18406.
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Sedan flera år förs ett arbete i Sverige för att motverka ”våldsbejakande extremism” och ”radikalisering”, samtidigt som delar av detta arbete har kritiserats både utifrån sin hur det har definierat sina begrepp och hur det praktiskt har genomförts. Av denna anledning är det av intresse att närmare granska detta arbete, denna undersökning har undersökt frågeställningarna (I) hur olika typer av politiskt våld har betraktats över tid, (II) vad inbegrips i termen ”våldsbejakande extremism”, samt (III) hur den svenska statens arbete mot våldsbejakande extremism ser ut. Detta har gjorts utifrån en kritisk diskursanalys av flertalet dokument framtagna på det offentligas initiativ (däribland rapporter, handlingsplaner och direktiv), samt en översiktlig idéhistorisk genomgång menad att ge en historisk bakgrund till analysen. De statliga dokumenten har främst undersökts utifrån hur de definierar sina begrepp samt vilka förslag som förs fram för att motverka politiskt våld, medan den idéhistoriska genomgången görs som en del av uppsatsens teoridel. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna för arbetet är framförallt Pontara, Benjamin, Žižek, Galtung och Weber. I undersökningen framkommer att staten framförallt agerar ur en hegeliansk och dualistisk uppfattning om staten som den aktör som kan överbrygga samhällets motsättningar samt att statens agerande inte bör betraktas efter samma måttstock som andra samhällsaktörers. Begreppet ”våldsbejakande extremisms” definition varierar i de olika dokument, men den vanligaste definitionen är att våldsbejakande innebär ett aktivt eller passivt stöd till ideologiskt motiverat våld, medan extremism definieras som att inte acceptera en demokratisk samhällsordning där politiska mål och samhällsförändringar kan påverkas genom politiken och demokratiska processer. Vidare beskrivs tre miljöer som pekas ut som våldsbejakande, vit makt-miljön, den utomparlamentariska miljön samt den islamistiska miljön, dock tonas ideologierna ner till förmån för individuella och miljömässiga riskfaktorer till så kallad radikalisering. Fokuset i de statliga dokumenten ligger på förebyggande arbete i olika form, och ofta på lokal nivå. I de statliga dokumenten diskuteras överhuvudtaget inte statens egen våldsanvändning, vilket kan tolkas som att det våld som utövas av en demokratisk stat per definition är legitimt och lagligt. Detta osynliggör statens laguppehållande våld. Bland de olika våldsbejakande miljöerna finns en bredd av uppfattningar kring våld, moral och politik, vilket leder till en problematik då de klumpas ihop till en generaliserad modell över all våldsbejakande extremism, och risken är att förståelsen blir grumlig och åtgärderna ineffektiva. Därutöver är det problematiskt hur grupper och individer reduceras till att vara en potentiell risk, samt att offentliganställda uppmanas att närmast åsiktsregistrera dem som de kommer i kontakt med professionellt.
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Crone, Martha Ellis. "The role of ideological extremism in the mass public /." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487935958844331.
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Dietze, Sascha. "Das Weltbild der Autonomen im Spiegel der Zeitschrift Interim." Doctoral thesis, Universitätsverlag der Technischen Universität Chemnitz, 2016. https://monarch.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A20644.
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Die Autonomen sind die wichtigste Kraft im militanten Linksextremismus. Seit den 1980er Jahren machen sie mit Anschlägen oder „Massenmilitanz“ auf sich aufmerksam. Dietze beschäftigt sich in seiner Studie mit einem über lange Zeit zentralen Periodikum der Szene. Die Zeitschrift „Interim“ untersucht er hinsichtlich der in ihr geführten Themen und Diskurse. Ziel seiner Untersuchung ist es, Einblicke in das Denken der Autonomen zu geben. Hierfür arbeitet er zentrale, identitätsstiftende Positionen heraus.The autonomists are the most important force in militant left-wing extremism. Since the 1980s they have been putting themselves in the public eye with attacks and 'mass militance'. In his study, Dietze focuses on a periodical that has been a lynchpin of the scene for many years. He examines the magazine 'Interim' in terms of the themes and discourses it presents. His investigation aims to bring some insight into the mindset of autonomists. To this end, he maps out central identity-forming positions.
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FIeld, Nayomi Gunasekara. "Making Extremism Pay? Centripetalism and Nationalism in Post-War Sri Lanka." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1461018330.
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Ross, Gordon Charles. "The swastika in socialism : right-wing extremism in the GDR." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300908.
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This is the first empirical investigation of right-wing extremism in the GDR produced in English. Based on original research in the former GDR state archives as well as interviews with former right-wing extremists, it reconstructs and discusses the nature of right-wing extremism in the GDR, focusing, in particular, on the decade 1980-1990. The major aim of the thesis is to provide a fuller characterisation of the phenomenon in order to understand its existence and development in a self-proclaimed socialist, anti-fascist state. This aim is achieved by reconstructing right-wing extremism from the empirical and secondary sources and highlighting affinities between the dominant political culture of the GDR and the salient features of GDR right-wing extremism. The major findings of the study can be summarised as follows: right-wing extremism in Germany after the Wende was not simply a result of the problems associated with German re-unification but represents a continuation of a right-wing subculture that was developing into a small but militant political movement in East Germany before 1990 The right-wing extremists themselves were predominantly drawn from families closely associated with the regime and displayed no especial signs of socio-economic deprivation or social marginalisation. The motivation for right-wing extremism in the GDR was based largely on ethno-nationalist arguments which were mobilised and legitimised within mainstream political culture and a legitimacy crisis that undermined the regime in the 1980s.
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Gibson, Tanya Melissa. "Political extremism in Australia : social and political responses to parties of the extreme left and right /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1996. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arg451.pdf.
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Rebucas, Olsson Marco. "Radikalisering : De svenska kommunernas arbete mot våldsbejakande extremism." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-162539.
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Radikalisering och våldsbejakande extremism har på senare tid blivit ett allt större problem i samhället1 och den lokala nivåns betydelse understryks allt tydligare av såväl svenska forskare som internationella nätverk. Forskningen visar att kommunerna bär det största ansvaret avseende det förebyggande arbetet.2 I Sverige tillsattes den nationella samordnaren 2014 som satte allt större press på kommunerna att införa åtgärder mot den våldsbejakande extremismen. Denna uppgift hamnade på aktörer med varierande kunskap i ämnet och resulterade i handlingsplaner som skiljde sig åt i stor utsträckning. Syftet med denna uppsats är att förklara variationer i kommunernas arbete och varför implementeringen kom att se så olika ut. För att göra detta analyseras intervjuer och handlingsplaner från fyra olika kommuner i Sverige. Analysen tar en ansats utifrån tesen om att den enskilde individens vilja, kunskap och förståelse påverkar implementeringens utfall. Resultatet visar att förekomsten av dessa tre erbjuder högre måluppfyllnad i implementeringsprocessen. Detta resultat betonar individens påverkan på implementeringen och att dess förutsättningar bör tas i beaktning såväl inom forskningen som inom det faktiska arbetet hos kommunerna.
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Kawalerowicz, Juta. "Hotbeds of unrest and extremism : how social context influences political participation in the 21st century : Britain, from rioting to far right party membership." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9602b1e9-6771-4579-b527-e08865ef1243.
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British politics at the start of the 21st century provide a good setting for examining factors associated with mobilisation for extremist politics. This thesis is concerned with the relationship between individuals' preferences, their local setting and political behaviour. With focus on two outcomes - participation in urban rioting and support for a far right party - this thesis is divided into two parts and consists of five research papers addressing different aspects of mobilisation. In the first part we focus on urban disorder and examine police arrest records from the London riot of 2011. Much of the sociological literature has focused on variation in rioting across cities; here we examine variation within London by mapping the residential addresses of 1,620 rioters onto over 25,000 neighbourhoods. Our findings challenge the orthodoxy that rioting is not explained by deprivation or by disorganisation. Furthermore, we present evidence suggesting the importance of political grievances, in particular relations with the police, and examine the process of mobilisation to show that it was aided by spatial proximity and social similarity. In the second part we look at factors associated with engagement with far right politics. We use individual attitudinal data from the British Election Study to examine whether concerns over immigration are associated with the actual experience of immigration in one's place of residence. The results suggest that local setting does play some role, although individual factors seem to be more important. Secondly, we use leaked British National Party membership list to map 12,536 far right supporters onto over 200,000 neighbourhoods in Britain. Our findings underline the importance of a larger geographic context, where some spatial configurations present particularly fertile grounds for the far right; we also report the relative unimportance of cultural threat and significance of the social distance. Lastly, we question the recently advocated 'legacy effect' and suggest that white flight mechanism may possibly be an alternative way of thinking about organisational continuity.
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Andersson, Pontus. "Does subjective (un)happiness predict religious extremism?" Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-184892.
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With religious extremism being a destructive force in many parts of the world, the mission to understand and mitigate it is always actual. The current thesis tries to contribute to the knowledge of this phenomenon by investigating it through a very particular lens – its relation to subjective happiness. This is done through finding the answer to the research question “Does subjective (un)happiness predict religious extremism?”, using various quantitative gamma and chi-squared tests of association, as well as data from the World Values Survey, wave 7. Although it is hypothesised, based on previous research, that subjective happiness should have either a positive or negative relation with holding religiously extreme views, none of this is proven correct. Instead, a conclusion entirely new to the field of psycho-emotional well-being and political views emerges, namely that religious extremists tend to evaluate their happiness and sense of well-being just as extremely as they do societal and religious matters. This not only disproves the conclusions drawn by certain previous studies, it also provides a whole new perspective as to how to understand the inner worlds of individuals drawn to the ideas of religious extremism, something crucial for successful mitigation of this harmful phenomenon.
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Beimenbetov, Serik. "A comparative analysis of 'defensive democracy' : a cross-national assessment of formal-legal defensiveness in 8 advanced European democracies." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/17661.
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This dissertation addresses the question how democracies defend themselves from political parties and groups which profess antidemocratic values and use violence as one of the means to achieve their goals. In particular this dissertation analyses the range of formal-legal measures and provisions that democracies have at their disposal to constrain their non-democratic groups and political parties, looking at eight advanced European democracies Austria, Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. These measures and provisions are identified in constitutional documents, civil law, criminal law, in electoral laws, and other pertinent legal sources passed by the legislature and issued by courts of these countries, pertaining to the regulation of political freedoms, public order, and homeland security. On this basis, the thesis provides an encompassing and systematic assessment of differences and similarities between these democracies and thereby assesses their relative formal-legal democratic defensiveness.
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Melton, Alwyn J. "The Rise of American Extremism: An Exploratory Analysis of American Religious and Political Extremism from Presidents Jimmy Carter to Barack Obama: 1977-2016." Diss., NSUWorks, 2019. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/120.
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The purpose of this quantitative case study was to address the problem of domestic terrorism facing the United States. This concern led to a comprehensive examination of historical documents that focused on the temporal evolution of the problem beginning with the Carter administration and continuing through the Obama administration. The conceptual foundation centered on resolving the research question and validating three hypotheses directed at qualifying the escalation of domestic incidents of terrorism. This led to developing a behavioral model to assist law enforcement agencies in combating the issue of domestic terrorism. Bivariate and clustering statistical analysis validated the data while qualifying the demographics of the various typologies of U.S. domestic terrorists. The use of case study analysis, which drew on historical documents for evidence, considered the evolution of various groups, motivations, their ideologies, and goals. These variables were compared to successes and failures of relevant federal policies. The lack of understanding and oversight that led to an escalation of the number of incidents was also evaluated. Using ethical and scientific guidelines and protocols, the study’s findings promote the need for future research and highlight the dangers of repeating the past. By developing a behavioral model, this study gives law enforcement a valuable tool for resolving domestic terrorism. Additional considerations relate to future policy implications and the course of future research.
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Gush, Jason. "U.S. Interagency Coordination on Countering Violent Extremism Abroad." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1908.
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CVE is complex. It requires combatting the narratives and ideology of many extremist groups around the globe, constructing environments with appealing alternatives to extremism, and most importantly, sensitivity to the variety of circumstances in which CVE takes place to effectively battle the root causes of extremism. Constructing a complete CVE effort thus requires a great variety of skills, coordinated to efficient implementation. Despite notional commitment, U.S. CVE abroad lacks interagency coordination. JIATF-S offers a strong model of interagency coordination, from which lessons may be applied to the formation of an interagency CVE effort. Interagency coordination would bring extensive expertise and resources to bear on CVE operations.
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Golan, Guy D. "Countering violent extremism| A whole community approach to prevention and intervention." Thesis, California State University, Long Beach, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10065201.
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The United States national strategy for Countering Violent Extremism is broadly written and currently does not provide the framework necessary to combat homegrown violent extremism and the foreign fighter phenomenon. The threat of foreign terrorist organizations targeting the United States through a 9/11-style attack has become overshadowed by the threat of homegrown violent extremists and lone-wolf attacks. The purpose of this thesis is to gain a comprehensive insight into how intervention is used within the context of a counter-terrorism preventative strategy. How can intervention be used to disengage radicalizing individuals whose expression of extremist ideology involves committing violent acts? Furthermore, it is anticipated that the most appropriate methods for applying such an intervention program, in the pre-criminal space, can be most successful through interagency collaboration and a Whole Community approach. Such a system leverages partnerships between local, state, and federal government agencies, nongovernmental organizations, and community-driven initiatives. This paper analyzes specific case studies of socio-political landscapes, individuals who have radicalized to violent extremism, and intervention programs from Denmark, Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The results of the analysis provide recommendations for implementing a nation-wide intervention program in the United States.
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Bryan, Licona. "Countering Violent Extremism in Peshawar Pakistan." Diss., NSUWorks, 2018. https://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/114.
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Spikes of militancy, intolerance, ethnic division and sectarianism have all risen within Pakistan in recent years, yet Pakistan’s continuous battle to deter violent extremism fails to be successful. Following the December 16, 2014 Army Public School (APS) massacre in Peshawar Pakistan little empirical attention has been paid on how the Pakistani government, in the Northwest region of Pakistan, is countering violent extremism (CVE). As well as, its link to policy-making decisions on CVE. This dissertation study sought to analyze the currently active CVE narrative that Pakistan implemented into its Constitution in 2014. This qualitative explanatory case study project focused on operational links that could be traced over time. A content analysis of secondary sources of Pakistani political briefings and press conferences relating to the Pakistani 21st amendment was carried out to identify important themes that emerged. The qualitative analysis of the data generated five themes: (1) word-based agency, (2) knowledge & governance, (3) accountability, (4) closure, and (5) deontic orientation. To assist in addressing the research question, a critical holistic historical qualitative case study analysis was preferred because of its unique strength in incorporating various sources of evidence. Several suggestions of the findings are discussed. These include suggestions for practice and theory, bench-marking of the 21st amendment, and the inclusion of stakeholders in the CVE process.
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Mulloy, D. J. "The politics of extremism : the use of American history by the contemporary militia movement." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365167.
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Neubacher, Bernd. "Die Republikaner im Baden-wurttembergischenLandtag von einer rechtsextremen zu einer rechtsredikalen, etablierten Partei? /." [Stuttgart] : Universität Stuttgart, 2002. http://elib.uni-stuttgart.de/opus/volltexte/2002/1139.
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VandenBerg, Robert Joseph. "Framing Violent Extremism: Terrorism and Narratives of Meaning." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1589650646400179.
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Bailey, Gavin. "Community, politics and extremism : a study of far-right and radical Islamist engagement with wider society." Thesis, Keele University, 2012. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/2913/.
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This study examines the activities of those allied to the British National Party (BNP) and al-Muhajiroun, groups deemed ‘extremist’ by mainstream society, particularly those actions done as part of the extremist group, but which engage with the wider community. The research comprised of participant-observation and biographical interviews, both with extremist and non-extremist activists and focused on public community engagement. It was conducted in two sites in Stoke-on-Trent; a ‘white site’ with a number of BNP members in leadership positions, and a more dispersed ‘Islamic site’ in which a number of young men were engaged in al-Muhajiroun’s street-based activism. In the context of Community Cohesion and Preventing Violent Extremism policies and programmes, these groups and their members are presented as an existential threat to the nation while still allowed to carry on much of their business. In this light, the research looks at the backgrounds, connections, and political attitudes of extremist activists in order to situate them as community members and not as standing apart from society. The thesis asks how the political and policy context affects their contact with others. It finds that the connections and continuities, in background and political attitudes, between extremists and others, makes clear cut divisions problematic, and so undermines the rhetoric of ‘them and us’. The thesis argues that the government and media emphasis on particular extremist groups, as opposed to racism and intolerance more generally, is counterproductive. The singling out of particular groups allows those social groups from which the stereotyped extremists are drawn to see themselves as unfairly targeted. The conflation of political extremism with terrorism and other violent extremism at the same time exaggerates any threat of violence. A sense of injustice and fear can then fuel further extremism.
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Negulescu, Brad Michael. "Why We Failed: The Rise of Islamic Extremism and America’s Failure to Stop It 1979-2003." John Carroll University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=jcu1246029318.
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Fransson, Johan. "Mellan identitet och ideologi : Hur Socialidentitetsteorin kan analysera muslimers förklaringar av radikaliseringsfaktorer." Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-186459.
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Violent islamistic extremism has together with violent right-wing extremism been marked as the highest probable threat for potential terrorist attacks in Sweden. Research within violent extremism has shown a certain level of consensus around what factors drive radicalization. A consensus about theories or models that most adeptly explain its causation is however not prevalent within the academic community. This paper presents a model based on conclusions drawn from the Social Identity Theory (SIT) and will test this model's relevance by analyzing empirical data from interviews made with five practicing Muslims. The interviewees' attempts to explain factors of radicalization have been analyzed by being compartmentalized into an ideological- or identity-based continuum. Factors of radicalization able to be explained by the SIT-model have been categorized as identity-based explanations, whereas factors depending on knowledge, ideology, or religion have been categorized as ideology-based explanations. Most of the experienced factors could be explained by the SIT-model, while only some of two interviewees` experiences could be categorized as ideology-based. The significance of the empirical data from this research and its implications will be presented in the chapter of discussion along with previous research and its theoretical framework; recommendations for de-radicalization and continued research will be given at the end.
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Batista, Nuno Ricardo Esteves. "Social media e as mensagens políticas. A exposição seletiva a conteúdos extremistas no YouTube: caso das eleições europeias 2019." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20910.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Comunicação Social, vertente de Comunicação EstratégicaEste trabalho tem como objetivo de compreender como é que os conteúdos políticos sugeridos pelo YouTube, organizados por algoritmos, podem expor o utilizador a conteúdos de ideologia extremista durante a campanha eleitoral para as Eleições Europeias de 2019, em Portugal, Reino Unido e França. Para tal, foram recolhidos e analisados com recurso ao método qualitativo com abordagem indutiva através da análise crítica do discurso, os 50 vídeos mais vistos e os dez sugeridos no YouTube nestes países para a pesquisa “eleições europeias 2019”. Os resultados revelam que o YouTube sugere ativamente conteúdos de ideologia extremista, tanto na página de resultados como na página do vídeo. No que diz respeito à sua tipologia, os vídeos mais publicados são jornalísticos, seguidos pelos partidos políticos, pessoais, institucionais e associações cívicas. Conclui-se também que esta plataforma dá mais importância a características do vídeo como as interações em detrimento das visualizações para construir as suas sugestões. Este fator aliado à temática tendencialmente populista e sensacionalista dos vídeos extremistas que atraem mais interações, contribuem para que o algoritmo coloque estes vídeos em destaque, o que resulta numa situação de exposição seletiva para o utilizador Para além dos vídeos institucionais de apelo ao voto e, portanto, sem ideologia dominante, observou-se uma tendência para a visualização e sugestão de conteúdos de direita e extrema-direita perante a total ausência de conteúdos moderados e de poucos de esquerda. Destaca-se também a ausência dos partidos políticos que fazem parte do arco governativo em cada um dos seus países em detrimento do aparecimento de outros, mais pequenos, que tiram partido destas novas ferramentas de comunicação política.
This dissertation aims at understanding how political content, suggested by YouTube and organized by algorithms, can expose the user to extreme political ideologies during the 2019 European Elections in Portugal, United Kingdom and France. For this, we have collected and analysed, using the qualitative method and an inductive approach using critical discourse analysis, the 50 most seen and the ten suggested in these countries for the search “European elections 2019”. The results show that YouTube actively suggests videos containing extreme political ideologies, both in the results page and the video page. In what concerns the types of videos, the most published are journalistic, followed by the political parties, personal, institutions and civic associations. We also concluded that YouTube gives more importance to certain characteristics of the video such as interactions and ignores others such as views to build the suggestions. This factor, together with the tendency for populist and sensationalist messages of the extreme political videos that attract typically more interactions, contribute for the algorithm to put the user in a situation of selective exposure.In excess of the institutional videos with call to vote messages that, by nature, do not exhibit a dominant political ideology, we have observed a tendency for the viewing and suggestion of right and extreme-right content. This happens on a scenario of total absence of moderate and left content. We also highlight the general absence of videos published by the main political parties in the list of the most viewed and suggestions in every studied country. On the other hand, we have identified the appearance of other smaller political parties that took advantage of this new way of making political communication.
N/A
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Hansen, Henning. "Die Sozialistische Reichspartei (SRP) Aufstieg und Scheitern einer rechtsextremen Partei /." Düsseldorf : Droste, 2007. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/122260039.html.
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Thesis (doctoral)--Chemnitz, 2004/2005.Copyright 2007 by Kommission für Geschichte des Parlamentarismus und der politischen Parteien e.V., Berlin. Includes bibliographical references (p. [307]-317) and index.
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Hellenstierna, Alexander. "Radical Right Extremism in the Nordic Countries : The Nordic Resistance Movement, a Case of Old or New Terrorism?" Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-91070.
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The act of terrorism is a widely discussed topic. How it is conducted as well as how it is countered. A term not so often discussed is the changes we have seen within the field itself, one example being the theory brought about by Peter R. Neumann. This theory is known as Older & Newer Terrorism which divides the terrorism of old with the type of terrorism nowadays. The theory indicates a shift in the structure, aim and methods of terrorist organizations. This being from a hierarchical, nationalist/marxist way with attacks aimed at legitimate targets towards a networked and transnational structure which is religiously inspired and makes use of mass-casualty attacks against civilians. With that aim the thesis seeks to put the theory to the test using the Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM), and determine whether or not it holds up to the test of time. It shows that the theory has some struggle with defining the NRM as a terrorist organization which would operate under the Newer Terrorism term. This in turn leads to the questions of whether or not the theory is flawed in some way, or that the NRM simply should be considered an old terrorist organization.
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Thomas, Matthew Nickolai. "Perceived Salafi-Jihadi Exceptionalism and its effects on CVE (Counter Violent Extremism) Policy." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1556284965124805.
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Gerber, Christopher Jonathan. "Containment: A Failed American Foreign Policy and How the Truman Doctrine Led to the Rise in Islamic Extremism in the Muslim World." Scholar Commons, 2016. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6087.
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After World War II the United States, faced with the new Soviet threat of Communism, instituted the foreign policy known as “containment” in order to mitigate the threat to Western European states of Soviet expansionism. After the fall of Communism in the USSR in 1991 that policy was deemed, at once, a success and an anachronism. The power vacuum that the subsequent abandonment of that policy created was most notable in the Islamic states that had served as proxies in the Cold War against Communism. Both the backdrop of containment as well as the withdrawal of that policy served to lay the foundation for the rise of Islamic fundamentalism throughout the Muslim world as a function of American hegemony after 1991.
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Karlsson, Jesper. "Globalisering och islamistisk terrorism : En studie om globaliseringens möjligheter för en växande islamistisk extremism och staters agerande därefter." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-84623.
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Globalization is a phenomenon that connects people from all around the world to a single unit. It affects people on an economic, political and cultural level and because of that we can study and analyze many aspects within globalization. Globalization gives us many things aswell as opens up oppertunities for groups to strike back because they do not share the same view. The aim with this essay is to examine and analyze to what extent the economic, political and cultural dimensions opens up oppertunities for islamic terrorism to emerge and how globalization have changed the states’ actions against islamic terrorism. The theoretical starting points are the dimensions of globalization and realism and they will help answer the essay’s questions which are the following: What conditions have the dimensions of globalization made it possible for islamic terrorism to emerge? How has the states’ actions to counter islamic terrorism changed with globalization? The study shows that each dimension opens up oppertunities for islamic terrorism to emerge in some regard. The study also shows that globalization have changed the states’ actions against islamic terrorism.
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Fechner, Matthias. "The literature (novels/plays) of political extremism in Weimar Republic (1918-1933) : a comparative study of 32 Communist, nationalist and Nazi writers." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.286876.
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Panos, Nicholas Christopher. "The Political Impact of the Rising Salafi-Wahhabi Influence in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/52346.
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This thesis examines the political impact of Salafi-Wahhabism in contemporary Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) since the El Mujahed Brigade of mujahedeen introduced this puritanical Saudi form of Islam during the 1992-1995 War that broke apart the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFROY). This study employs tenets of the English School of International Relations and utilizes a historical analytic approach to identify durable features of Bosnian Muslim religious economic activity, Bosnian education, and Bosnian political processes to answer the research question: what kind of influence has Salafi-Wahhabism had on BiH society and government since the end of the 1992-1995 Balkan War? Emergent evidence captured by these variables suggests a momentum of Salafi-Wahhabism influence is developing that may undercut the sovereignty of BiH and possibly impede its European Union membership bid. As a result of this rising Wahhabi influence in several facets of Bosnian society, the aggregate level of Islamism in the country is also likely increasing.Master of Arts
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Reynolds, Teddy. "Pulling back the curtain : an examination of the English Defence League and their use of Facebook." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6927.
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As social media becomes an integral part of our daily lives, and groups seek to utilize this medium to facilitate activism, understanding the nature of these communications and the impact of the content on the individual user becomes a valid area of interest. When one then considers that extremist and terrorist groups have found social media to be an inexpensive and effective means for communication, radicalization, recruitment and member mobilization, the need for this understanding becomes critical. This research seeks to provide just such an understanding in its examination of Far-Right English Defence League and their use of Facebook during a period of increased activism and online growth. Important elements of this work include an understanding of the legal and ethical issues surrounding the collection of online content, particularly in extremist environments; the role of traditional media in their coverage of the group and whether the comments of the members reflect the group's mission statement of the characterization of traditional media; the ability to enhance data segregation and analysis through the development and use of specialized software; and most importantly the findings from the data analysis. Contained within these findings is an understanding of the intricacies of online participation in extremist social media. These include insights into overall traffic generation, the use of links within communications and their impact on the member traffic, and how the group narrative put forth by the administrator is reflected in the dialogue of the users. The most important finding was an understanding of individual user participation within the group and how, even with such an inexpensive and pervasive media outlet, activist groups still struggle to overcome the problem of participation. That this knowledge can be applied in a meaningful way in counter extremist and counter terrorism efforts was an interesting and satisfying development.
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Waltå, Göran O:son. "Poet under black banners the case of Örnulf Tigerstedt and extreme right-wing Swedish literature in Finland, 1918-1944 /." Uppsala : Stockholm : [Uppsala universitet] ; Almqvist & Wiksell International, (distr.), 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/29476101.html.
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Kelly, James E. "Not Our Fight Alone: An Analysis of the US Strategy Combating the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1036.
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The recent policies of former Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, combined with the collapse of the Syrian state in 2011, created conditions that led to the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or “ISIS.” As of November 2014, ISIS controls large areas of western and northern Iraq and northern and eastern Syria, an area roughly the size of Belgium. The rise of ISIS in the past three years has caught the attention of every major nation, especially the United States, and world leaders are justified in fearing a strong ISIS in the Middle East.
The purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of the US strategy in combating the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. The effectiveness of the United States strategy is closely linked with numerous factors, including the history of sectarian violence in Iraq. These factors will be explored throughout the paper. This analysis sheds light on the strengths and weaknesses of the US strategy and provides various ways the US can further its goals in the region.
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Trygged, Sofia. ""Sverige är inte vakuumförpackat" : En kvalitativ innehållsanalys av mediers hotbildskonstruktion av två extremistiska dåd i Sverige." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-7277.
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The threat from violent extremism has become prioritized in the Swedish political discourse. Right wing extremism is the most common form of extremism. However, Islamist extremism is seen as the most severe threat against the Swedish society. Previous research indicates that there is an institutionalized view that foreigners are seen as more dangerous than home-grown extremists. The overall aim of this study is to examine how identity can contribute to the understanding of violent extremism as a threat. This is done by using a qualitative text analysis guided by framing and securitization theory in order to analyse how Swedish press has framed two extremist crimes. The study concludes that media frames the two threats differently and that the right wing-extremist is perceived as an individual unlike the Islamist perpetrator who is portrayed as a representative for a greater threat.
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Zander, Patrick Glenn. "Right modern." Diss., Atlanta, Ga. : Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/28270.
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Thesis (M. S.)--History, Technology and Society, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009.Committee Chair: Jonathan Schneer; Committee Member: Dr. John Krige; Committee Member: Dr. John Tone; Committee Member: Dr. Gus Giebelhaus; Outside Reader: Dr. David Edgerton.
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James, Alicia Shanti. "The Role of Social Motives in Affective Polarization." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1615216736068656.
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Brückner, Markus. "Essays in Macroeconomics." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7593.
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This thesis consists of three chapters. The first chapter examines empirically the relationshipbetween foreign aid and economic growth in the Least Developed Countries. Instrumental
variables techniques are used to estimate the effect that economic growth has on foreign aid
and to adjust for the reverse causal effect that growth has on aid when estimating the effect that
aid has on growth. The second chapter examines the effects that fiscal expansions have on the
unemployment rate. The chapter presents SVAR evidence for ten OECD countries and builds a
DSGE model with a labor force participation choice and workers' heterogeneity to explain the
empirical findings. The third chapter examines the effects that economic growth has on the
support for extreme political platforms. The chapter provides a theoretical model in favor of
growth effects (as opposed to level effects) on the support for extreme political parties, and
investigates empirically the relationship between growth and extremist votes for 16 OECD
countries.
Esta tesis consiste en tres capítulos. El primer capítulo examina empíricamente la relación entre
la ayuda exterior y crecimiento económico en los países menos adelantados. Técnicas de
variables instrumentales se utilizan para estimar el efecto que el crecimiento económico tiene
sobre la ayuda exterior y para ajustar el efecto de causalidad inversa que el crecimiento tiene en
la ayuda al estimar el efecto que la ayuda tiene sobre el crecimiento. El segundo capítulo
analiza los efectos que las expansiones fiscales tienen sobre la tasa de desempleo. El capítulo
presenta pruebas SVAR para diez países de la OCDE y construye un modelo DSGE con una
participación en la fuerza de trabajo y heterogeneidad de los trabajadores para explicar los
resultados empíricos. El tercer capítulo analiza los efectos que el crecimiento económico tiene
en el apoyo a las plataformas políticas extremas. El capítulo ofrece un modelo teórico a favor
de los efectos del crecimiento (en contraposición a los efectos de nivel) con el apoyo de
partidos políticos de extrema, e investiga empíricamente la relación entre el crecimiento de
votos y extremistas para 16 países de la OCDE.
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Hanna, Finell. "Hur bemöts radikalnationalistisk propaganda? : En studie av den svenska statens bemötandestrategier av radikalnationalistisk propaganda." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-9629.
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This study investigates which strategies the Swedish government employs in reaction to radical nationalist propaganda. It uses the analytical framework proposed by Hellman and Wagnsson (2017) on information warfare and their four ideal-type strategies: countering, naturalising, blocking and ignoring. Through these, it analyses official inquiries and proposals made by SOU (Statens offentliga utredningar), strategic documents, and speeches and articles made by government officials, such as the Swedish Prime Minister. It also divides the propaganda into three categories to further nuance and structure the analysis according to which actor the propagandistic narrative revolves around: the minority, the elite and the people, as proposed by FOI (Totalförsvarets forskningsinstitut -FOI, 2017). The result was that the Swedish government responds to radical nationalistic propaganda using all strategies, but primarily ignoring. The strategies promoted in the strategic documents and the official inquiries tend more towards ignoring, differing from the speeches and articles where more confronting strategies are employed. The Minority-related narratives are confronted more often than other types of narratives, but blocking is also more prevalent. Narratives about the elite are primarily ignored, although all strategies are employed to some extent. Narratives relating to the people were more naturalised, in regards to characteristics of swedes as a group, but more ignored regarding the radical nationalist community, although some efforts might be taken to both stem recruitment, by naturalisation, and block it through laws. A name change for the strategy of ignoring is proposed due to the misleading notion that no actions are being taken using this strategy. It would be renamed preventing (förebyggande) to better reflect the range of measures taken within the strategy.
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Wolfberg, William. "The Homegrown Jihad: A Comparative Study of Youth Radicalization in the United States and Europe." Scholar Commons, 2012. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4421.
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Western nations continue to face potential attacks from violent extremist organizations waging a campaign of violence in the name of political Islam. Though these attacks are traditionally labeled as originating from abroad, leaders of these extremist organizations are utilizing a new tactic of radicalizing native or naturalized citizens from within Western countries in an effort to bypass the massive defensive security apparatus Western governments have put in place since the September 11 attacks.
These undistinguishable citizens turned radical jihadists, better known as homegrown terrorists, represent a clear and present danger to the security of the United States. In an effort to understand the problem, this paper seeks to identify patterns common amongst these individuals and addresses the question "How does a Muslim youth become radicalized into a homegrown terrorist?" This research will use a case study approach to identify patterns of radicalization in convicted homegrown terrorist and test the hypothesis that a failure of integration will cause some Western Muslim youth to radicalize and in some cases, commit violent crimes of terrorism.
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Githiga, Gideon Gichuhi. "The Church as the bulwark against extremism : development of Church and State relations in Kenya with particular reference to the years after political independence 1963-1992." Thesis, n.p, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/.
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Heger, Timo-Christian. "Die Linke und der Jihad : ideologische Schnittstellen zwischen der extremen Linken und dem sunnitischen Islamismus." Master's thesis, Universität Potsdam, 2007. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2007/1561/.
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Im Zuge der Diskussionen um den Irakkrieg 2003 oder den Einsatz des israelischen Militärs gegen die Hisbollah 2006 konnte beobachtet werden, dass sich die extreme Linke stärker denn je dem politischen Islam angenährt hat. Zwar gab es bereits in den 1970ern Kooperationen linker und palästinensischer Terroristen, jedoch lässt sich festhalten, dass sich der Diskurs in Teilen der Linken (vor allem im „antizionistischen“, „antiimperialistischen“ Spektrum) ebenso wie bei den vormals eher säkular ausgerichteten arabischen Extremisten „islamisiert“ hat. Auf der anderen Seite finden sich im „islamischen Widerstand“ verschiedene Vokabeln und Denkfiguren wieder, die aus der „antiimperialistischen“ Rhetorik der Linken bekannt sind.
Trotz dieser Auffälligkeiten gab es bislang nur wenige Versuche, die extreme Linke (teilweise auch die extreme Rechte) in Verbindung mit dem salafistischen Islamismus zu bringen. Der Islamismus gilt hierbei dann oftmals als „dritter Totalitarismus“ oder „Islamofaschismus“, der die Riege totalitärer Ordnungsvorstellungen von Marxismus-Leninismus und Faschismus/Nationalsozialismus um eine weitere Spielart erweitert. In der Regel erfolgt diese Einordnung und Bewertung jedoch im Rahmen politischer Kommentare oder Essays und ohne tiefer gehende theoretische Betrachtung. Arbeiten, die sich – meist aus Perspektive des bundesdeutschen Verfassungsschutzes – mit möglichen Querfrontbestrebungen beschäftigen, gleichen das theoretische Manko zwar teilweise aus, gleichzeitig jedoch entbehren sie einer tiefer greifenden Analyse der ideologischen Basis der betrachteten Extremismen und verharren bei den oberflächlich zu erkennenden Feinbildern der jeweiligen Strömungen als Vergleichsmaßstab.
Die Arbeit schließt diese Lücke, indem sie in vergleichender qualitativer Betrachtung ideologische Schnittstellen zwischen der extremen Linken und dem salafistischen Islamismus untersucht. Den ideologischen Konstrukten kommt dabei eine wesentliche Rolle zu. Weltanschauliche Grundannahmen beeinflussen die Wahrnehmung der Umwelt und der eigenen Rolle innerhalb derselben; erst ihre Bindungskraft schafft einen Ordnungsrahmen, anhand dessen sich Gleichgesinnte zu einer Gruppe zusammenschließen können, um gemeinsame Ziele zu verfolgen. Diese Erkenntnis hat sich auch in konstruktivistischen Erklärungsansätzen internationaler Politik niedergeschlagen und beschränkt sich nicht nur auf die klassischen Akteure im internationalen System – die Nationalstaaten. Auch nichtstaatliche Akteure wie eben die Protagonisten des internationalen Terrorismus lassen sich auf diese Weise erfassen.
In der Untersuchung wird nach einleitenden Begriffserklärungen und Ausführungen zur angewandten Methodik zunächst eine idealtypische extreme Linke konstruiert, deren spezifische Ziele, Feindbilder etc. (Primärebene) und Vorstellungen über den Weg zum Erreichen dieser Ziele (Sekundärebene) die Analysekategorie für den nächsten Untersuchungsschritt bilden.
In diesem werden Quellen des Salafismus inhaltsanalytisch untersucht und so ideologische Schnittstellen aufgezeigt. Hierbei werden Sayyid Qutbs „Milestones“, Ayman az-Zawahiris „Knights under the Prophet’s Banner“ sowie verschiedene Botschaften Usama Bin Ladins als Quellenmaterial herangezogen. Der Fokus der Untersuchung liegt auf dem „al-Qa’idaismus“ als derzeit offensichtlichste Ausprägung eines weltweiten islamistischen Terrorismus.
Ausgehend von der idealtypischen Linken werden dabei nicht nur Schnittmengen auf der Sekundärebene oder hinsichtlich gemeinsamer Feindbilder (Antisemitismus, Antiamerikanismus, Antikapitalismus) festgestellt, wie dies bereits von anderen Autoren teilweise vorgenommen wurde. Vielmehr finden sich auch bei der positiven Zielbestimmung zumindest deklaratorische Gemeinsamkeiten, wenn etwa auch im Islamismus eine „herrschaftsfreie Gesellschaft“ verwirklicht werden soll und das Ziel der Gleichheit aller Menschen propagiert wird.
Abschließend wird die Frage diskutiert, ob sich aus den Ergebnissen neue Erkenntnisse hinsichtlich einer möglichen „Querfrontbildung“ zwischen der extremen Linken und dem Islamismus ergeben. Insbesondere durch Bin Ladin gab es bereits mehrfach Versuche, auch nicht-islamistische Kräfte für seinen Kampf zu gewinnen.
Auch bei der extremen Linken finden sich Stimmen, die im Islamismus und seiner Betonung des Religiösen lediglich ein Überbleibsel alter Strukturen erkennen, die nach erfolgreichem antiimperialistischem Kampf verschwinden werden. Dass positive Zielbestimmungen geteilt werden, lässt eine Querfrontbildung zumindest von Teilen des linksextremen und islamistischen Spektrums möglich erscheinen. In dem Maße, in dem sich der „al-Qa’idaismus“ im Sinne des Modells der „Leaderless Resistance“ entwickelt, können sich auch einzelne Linksextremisten zu Solidaritätsaktionen ermutigt fühlen.While the ideological threat by al-Qa’ida and other Islamist groups has been compared to Fascism before, comparisons with the extreme Left have been made rather seldom, despite the fact, that within the extreme Left there are noticeable trends to express solidarity with Islamists and their “anti-imperialist” struggle. At the same time, the rhetoric of leading figures of “al-Qa’idaism” borrows heavily from the social revolutionary vocabulary of the Left. This work compares key ideological premises of the extreme Left with those of Islamic fundamentalism, exemplified by Usama Bin Ladins al-Qa’ida, and derived from a content analysis of various sources of Islamism (Sayyid Qutb’s “Milestones”, Ayman az-Zawahiri’s “Knights under the Prophet’s Banner” as well as various messages by Usama Bin Ladin). Both ideologies are considered to be “resistance identities” (Castells), directed at the perceived dominance of liberal capitalism and globalization. Both propagate a pre-modern model for the organization of society, they believe to be tainted by modernism. As the first step in this approach, an ideal model of the extreme Left is constructed, trying to incorporate its various shapes into a single model. The goals and enemies (primary characteristics) as well as the proposed ways and means in order to achieve these goals (secondary characteristics) are then used in a content analysis of the sources on Islamism. While previous authors have found various convergences on the secondary level as well as common enemies, so far common goals beyond the immediate victory over the United States, Israel or capitalism have been dismissed as unlikely. This is explained by obvious differences between Islamists and leftists concerning the role of women in society or the importance of religion. However, a more thorough comparison of the two ideologies shows that, despite these differences, Islamists as well as Leftists propagate a societal model based on cooperation, without recourse to man-made laws or any form of government. This positively defined utopia could serve as a rationale for cooperation between leftist extremists and Islamists stretching beyond the “common enemy”. Already, members of the extreme Left have explained the popularity of Islamism within the Islamic world with the Marxian term of “opiate for the masses”, thus expressing belief that as soon as “repression” and “exploitation” of the Third World have ended, the need for religion will vanish. In this point of view, differences about the role of religion could be defused. The more “al-Qa’idaism” is transforming into a form of leaderless resistance, individual terrorist acts committed by Leftist extremist in “solidarity” with the “Islamic masses” could occur.
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Steinback, Athahn. "Thinking Beyond The Führer: The Ideological and Structural Evolution of National Socialism, 1919-1934." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2019. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/949.
Full textAbstract:
Much of the discussion of German National Socialism has historically focused on of Adolf Hitler as the architect of the Nazi state. While recognizing Hitler’s central role in the development of National Socialism, this thesis contends that he was not a lone actor. Much of the ideological and structural development National Socialism was driven by senior individuals within the party who were able to leverage their influence to institutionalize personal variants of National Socialism within broader party ideology. To explore the role of other ideologues in the development of Nazi ideology, this thesis examines how Hitler’s leadership style perpetuated factionalism, how when and by whom central elements of Nazi ideology were introduced, as well the ideological sources from which these concepts were adapted. After the party’s ultimate rise to power Hitler, always centrally positioned, eliminated internal competition and institutionalized his own variant of National Socialism whilst co-opting the concepts and structures developed by other ideologues that offered useful tools to pursue his goals. Through this analysis, this thesis seeks to demonstrate how the foundational elements of National Socialism took form, even before the party achieved power, and how these elements were subsequently utilized to consolidate Nazi control over the German state. Above all else, this thesis sheds much-needed light on the pivotal role of individuals and the conflict between them that engineered the cataclysm of the Third Reich.
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Smith, Jason Matthew. "Extreme Politics: An Analysis of the State Level Conditions Favoring Far Right Parties in the European Union." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2003. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4177/.
Full textAbstract:
Three models are developed to analyze the state level conditions fostering the rise of far right parties in the European Union in the last two decades. The political background of these parties is examined. This study offers a definition for far right parties, which combines several previous attempts. The research has focused on the effects of the number of the parties, immigration, and unemployment on support for the far right in Europe. Empirical tests, using a random effects model of fifty elections in eight nations, suggest that there are political, social, and economic conditions that are conducive to electoral success. Specifically, increases in the number of "effective" parties favor the far right, while electoral thresholds serve to dampen support. Immigration proves to be a significant variable. Surprisingly, changes in crime and unemployment rates have a negative effect on support for the far right. Suggestions for future research are offered.
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Белобородов, Е. А., and E. A. Beloborodov. "Технологии профилактики политического экстремизма в молодежной среде : магистерская диссертация." Master's thesis, б. и, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10995/98041.
Full textAbstract:
Тема магистерской диссертации - "Технологии профилактики политического экстремизма в молодежной среде". В первой главе проведено исследование сущности политического экстремизма, выявление его признаков и классификации видов политического экстремизма. Кроме этого, определены особенности политического экстремизма в молодежной среде, выявлены основные направления в современном российском молодежном политическом экстремизме. Во второй главе диссертационной работы представлены результаты исследования эффективности использования технологий таргетинга в профилактике политического экстремизма среди молодежи и разработаны конкретные предложения по их использованию.The topic of the master's thesis is "Technologies for the Prevention of Political Extremism in the Youth Environment". The first chapter examines the essence of political extremism, identifies its signs and classifies the types of political extremism. In addition, the features of political extremism in the youth environment have been identified, and the main trends in contemporary Russian youth political extremism have been identified. The second chapter of the dissertation presents the results of a study of the effectiveness of the use of targeting technologies in the prevention of political extremism among young people and developed specific proposals for their use.
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Gustafsson, Linus. "The Swedish Connection : Exploring the Social Network of Violent and Violence-Promoting Islamist Extremism in Sweden and its Connections to the Global Jihad." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-2659.
Full textAbstract:
This study examines who is part of the Swedish network of violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism and whether the social network is a case of „new social movement‟. Through a social network analysis of violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremists in Sweden the results shows that there is a loose Swedish network with global nodes. The social network in Sweden is analyzed through the framework of New Social Movement theory and the connections between the global jihad and the Swedish network are examined. The result is that the network cannot be seen as a case of „new social movement‟. However, several individuals of the network can be seen as part of the global jihad and therefore a case of „new social movement‟. More academic research is needed on violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism in Sweden, especially on why and how these actors are radicalized. In addition, more research is needed on how to prevent and counter violent and violence-promoting Islamist extremism.