To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Politics and culture – South Africa.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Politics and culture – South Africa'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Politics and culture – South Africa.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Glaser, Clive L. "Youth culture and politics in Soweto, 1958-1976." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272663.
Full text
2
Gorden, Kea L. "Conjuring power : the politics of culture and democratization in post-Apartheid South Africa /." Diss., Digital Dissertations Database. Restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
Full text
3
Thompson, Glen. "Surfing, gender and politics : identity and society in the history of South African surfing culture in the twentieth-century." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97064.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study is a socio-cultural history of the sport of surfing from 1959 to the 2000s in South Africa. It critically engages with the “South African Surfing History Archive”, collected in the course of research, by focusing on two inter-related themes in contributing to a critical sports historiography in southern Africa. The first is how surfing in South Africa has come to be considered a white, male sport. The second is whether surfing is political. In addressing these topics the study considers the double whiteness of the Californian influences that shaped local surfing culture at “whites only” beaches during apartheid. The racialised nature of the sport can be found in the emergence of an amateur national surfing association in the mid-1960s and consolidated during the professionalisation of the sport in the mid-1970s. Within these trends, the making and maintenance of an exemplar white surfing masculinity within competitive surfing was linked to national identity. There are three counter narratives to this white, male surfing history that have been hidden by that same past. Firstly, the history women’s surfing in South Africa provides examples of girl localisms evident within the masculine domination of the surf. Herein submerged women surfer voices can be heard in the cultural texts and the construction of surfing femininities can be seen within competitive surfing. Secondly, surfing’s whiteness was not outside of the political. The effects of the international sports boycott against apartheid for South African surfing were two-fold: international pressure on surfing as a racialised sport led to sanctions in the late 1970s against the amateur national surfing teams competing internationally or maintaining international sporting contacts; and, as of 1985, the boycott by professional surfers of events on the South African leg of the world surfing tour further deepened South African surfing’s sports isolation. By the end of the 1980s, white organised surfing was in crisis and the status of South African as a surfing nation in question. Lastly, the third counter-narrative is the silenced histories of black surfing under apartheid. Alongside individual black surfer histories, the non-racial surfing movement in the mid-to-late 1980s is considered as a political and cultural protest against white organised surfing. The rationale for non-racial sport was challenged in 1990 as South Africa began its political transition to democracy. Nevertheless, the South African Surfing Union, the national non-racial surfing body, played a pivotal role in surfing’s unification in 1991 which led to South African amateur surfing’s return to international competition in 1992. However, it was an uneasy unity within organised surfing that set the scene for surfing development as a strategy for sports transformation in the post-apartheid years. The emergence of black surfing localisms after 1994 is located within that history, with attention given to the promotion of young, male Zulu surfers within competitive surfing, which point to emergent trends in the Africanisation of surfing in the 2000s. It is concluded is that while cultural change in South African surfing is evident in the post-apartheid present, that change is complicated by surfing’s gendered and apartheid sporting pasts.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie is ‘n sosio-kulturele studie oor die geskiedenis van die sport van branderplankry in Suid-Afrika vanaf omstreeks 1959 tot 2000. Dit behels onder meer ‘n kritiese bespreking van die “Suid-Afrikaanse Branderplank Argief” wat in die loop van navorsing opgebou is. Daar word veral op twee temas in kritiese sport historiografie in suidelike Afrika gefokus. Die eerste is die wyse hoe branderplankry in Suid-Afrika as ‘n wit manlike sport ontwikkel het. Die tweede is of branderplankry as polities beskou kan word. Hierdie onderwerpe word onder die loep geneem deur te let op die dubbele witheid van Kaliforniese invloede wat die plaaslike kultuur op “slegs blanke” strande onder apartheid help vorm het. Die rasgebonde aard van die sport kan gevind word in die totstandkoming van die amateur nasionale branderplank vereniging in in die middel 1960s en is gekonsolideer met die professionalisering van die sport in die middel 1970s. Vervat in hierdie verwikkelinge is die vorming en instandhouding van ‘n besondere tipe manlikheid wat as ‘n ideaal tipe voorgehou is en deurmiddel van mededingende branderplank kompetisies aan ‘n nasionale identitieit gekoppel is. Daar is drie kontra narratiewe tot hierdie wit manlike geskiedenis wat deur dieselfde verlede verberg is. Eerstens is daar die geskiedenis van vroue branderplankry wat blyke gee van plaaslike vroue se betrokkenheid in dié oorheersende manlike domein. Gedempte vrouestemme klink op in kulturele tekste en die konstruksie van vroulike identiteite binne mededingende kompetisies.Tweedens was branderplankry se witheid nie onverwant aan die politieke dimensie nie. Die uitwerking van die internasionale sportsboikot teen apartheid was tweeledig: internasionale druk op branderplankry as ‘n rasgebonde sport het in die laat 1970s tot sanksies teen amateur spanne gelei wat oorsee meegeding het of internasionale kontakte gehad het, en sedert 1985 het die boikot van professionele branderplankryers van kompetisies in Suid-Afrika die land se isolasie verdiep. Teen die einde van die 1980s was wit georganiseerd branderplankry in ‘n krisis en die status van van Suid-Afrika as ‘n branderplankry nasie in die gedrang. Laastens is die derde kontra narratief die vergete geskiedenisse van swart branderplankryers onder apartheid. Samehangend met swart geskiedenisse word die nie-rassige branderplankry beweging in die middel 1980s as ‘n kulturele en politieke protes beskou. Die rasionaal vir nie-rassige sport is in 1990 uitgedaag tydens die oorgang na volledige demokrasie in Suid-Afrika. Desnieteenstaande het die Suid-Afrikaans Branderplankry Vereniging ‘n bepalende rol gespeel in organisatoriese eenwording in die sport en die hertoelating tot internasionale kompetisies in 1992. Dit was egter ‘n ongemaklike eenheid waarop transformasie gedurende die postapartheid fase gebou moes word. Die groter teenwoordigheid van plaaslike swart branderplankryers moet in dié konteks gesien word, veral ten opsigte van jong Zoeloe ryers wat alhoemee navore tree en op die Afrikanisering van die sport sedert ongeveer 2000 dui. Daar word ten slotte op gewys dat hoewel kulturele verandering in die huidige bedeling merkbaar is, die sport se geslagtelike en rasgebonde verlede nog steeds sake kompliseer.
4
Kinsell, Andrew. "POST-APARTHEID POLITICAL CULTURE IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1994-2004." Master's thesis, Orlando, Fla. : University of Central Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/CFE0002787.
Full text
5
Gallant, Bernette Denolia. "A study of the South African national anthem as a tool for division or unification." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/15138.
Full textAbstract:
South Africa is a nation that was born from a struggle that can be said to have turned racial divisions and discrimination into a diversity of heritages. Thus, contemporary South Africa has become a country recreated in such a way that its people are able to embrace diversity freely. This research study aimed to provide insights into South Africa’s diversity in culture and linguistics that were moulded into a single song, the South African National Anthem. The research study aimed to determine the selected sample’s (Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University Staff and Students) responses to the representation of the South African National Anthem based on two specific performances. The research study aimed to determine how the two online videos affected the perceptions of NMMU Staff and Students of the South African National Anthem and South Africa as a brand. The research study aimed to determine how the two performances of the South African National Anthem under study were received by Staff and Students at NMMU. The study also aimed to highlight the similarities and differences in the sample’s responses, based on this reception. The selected YouTube videos under study are: SA anthem destroyed URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=beg0-kMN3fM Ard Matthews ruins the SA national anthem URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fu6IG0Wx19w. An electronic questionnaire with both closed and open-ended questions was used to draw a conclusion regarding the selected sample’s perceptions of the South African National Anthem. Following the questionnaire results, a rhetoric analysis of the sample’s questionnaire responses was conducted. This text analysis and interpretation was conducted to gain insight into themes that were labelled based on the questionnaire responses, thus affecting perceptions of the sample and determining whether the South African National Anthem was perceived as a tool for division or unification.
6
Keniston, William Hemingway. "Richard Turner's contribution to a socialist political culture In South Africa 1968-1978." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2010. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_6823_1299566727.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis evaluates Turner&rsquo
s capacity to encourage a shift in white politics towards New Left radicalism. Despite Turner's influence on many, tensions arose between Turner's politics and more orthodox forms of socialism, embodied in unions and in vanguard parties. The socialist political culture which developed after his death was driven by leaders who were determined to build organizations that could meet tangible, short-term goals. What was lost in abandoning 'the necessity of utopian thinking' as outlined by Turner? Eclipsed through banning and assassination, and simultaneously marginalized by doctrinaire Marxism, Turner&rsquo
s work has yet to take its proper place in the history of liberation struggle in South Africa. This thesis aims to revive Turner's discourse by re-engaging with the utopian elements of his thought, making them available for our present political climate.
7
McConnell, Jesse. "A just culture : restoring justice towards a culture of human rights." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007594.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis seeks to investigate the possibility that the binary opposition between retributive and restorative forms of justice that structures the discourse on justice is unhelpful and unnecessary, particularly for societies seeking to extricate themselves from violent conflict and towards building peace and democracy. I shall argue for the importance of considering restorative justice as conceptually and historically prior to the possibility of retributive justice rather than the negation of one or the other, as well as advocate the potentially greater transformative power of the values of restorative justice which may provide a constructive alternative to retributive justice in the context of post-conflict peacebuilding.
8
McCusker, Monique. "The politics and micro-politics of professionalization : an ethnographic study of a professional NGO and its interface with the state." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1447.
Full text
9
Molapo, Rachidi Richard. "Sports, festivals and popular politics : aspects of the social and popular culture in Langa township, 1945-70." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/15984.
Full textAbstract:
Bibliography: pages 233-237.The rapid industrialization which transformed South African Society after the discovery of minerals, had a profound impact on the lives of most South Africans. The process of urbanization escalated during and after the Second World War because of better wages and job opportunities in the urban areas. South African urbanization was characterized by the brutal manner in which the state dealt with the Black people. The White middle and working classes' fear of being engulfed by this Black tide led to the multi-pronged strategies which were devised to contain and co-opt the Africans, hence the creation of townships like Langa. This study looks at how the journey from the rural areas to the cities became part of the 'making of Black working class'. Material conditions in the cities were characterized by social squalor and overcrowding. Ghetto-like conditions created ethnic identities and working class culture, consciousness and community struggles came to reflect capitalist domination in the twentieth century township of Langa. Many residents in the township indulged in leisure pursuits such as dance and music which had their origins in the rural areas and this indicated an important cultural resource which they adhered to so as to cope with the alienating and corrosive compound and hostel life. Some of the residents found pleasure in leisure pursuits whose roots and ethos could be traced to the Victorian period such as cricket, soccer and rugby. All these leisure pursuits however, came largely to be influenced by the realities of township life and the general national and economic exploitation. The working class in Langa was not a homogeneous block as there were intense struggles between the migrants and immigrants over township space and resources. Therefore festivals and sporting activities played an important part in the cultural history of Langa township's effort to create "communities". The last part of the study looked at how the conditions in the city led to the realization by the dominated classes that the solution towards the alleviation of the conditions that they were confronted with was through the formation of structures which aimed at overthrowing institutions of oppression, such as the pass laws.
10
Douglas, Stuart Sholto. "Attractions and artillerymen, curiosities and commandos : an ethnographic study of elites and the politics of cultural distinction." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23104.
Full text
11
Gunkel, Henriette. "The cultural politics of female same-sex intimacy in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of East London, 2007. http://roar.uel.ac.uk/1248/.
Full textAbstract:
In 1996 South Africa became the first country in the world that explicitly incorporated lesbian and gay rights within the Bill of Rights of the post-apartheid constitution. Since then the discussion and proclamation of sexual identities has increasingly emerged. This has brought not only the subject of rights but also the question of gender relations and cultural authenticity, as visible for example in the emerging populist notion of homosexuality as un-African, into the focus of the nation state's politics. The thesis examines the politics behind the claim homosexuality is un-African and its historical anchorage in the history of colonialism and apartheid. The thesis explores how colonialism and apartheid have historically shaped constructions of gender and sexuality and how these concepts are not only re-introduced by discourses of homosexuality as un-African but also through the post-apartheid constitution itself. As the interpretation of rights in relation to sexuality generally focuses on gay identities this thesis reflects on the effects of these discourses on non-normative modes of sexuality and intimacy. More specifically the thesis focuses on the interviews that I have conducted in Johannesburg on 'mummy-baby' relationships. By contextualizing these relationships in the historical and cultural framework of sexual cultures and cultures of intimacy this thesis argues that the South African history and cultures provided/provide a space which accommodates forms of female same-sex intimacy that are not necessarily linked to metropolitan sexual cultures. The thesis discusses the tensions between nonlesbian same-sex intimacy and metropolitan lesbianism and it explores the extent that these forms of intimacy are further marginalized by a post-apartheid constitution which reinforces a homosexual/heterosexual binarized identity. Therefore, the thesis questions the regulatory functions of identity and (Western) notions of sexual subjectivities and problematizes the practice of 'coming out' as always being a liberating moment. To do this the thesis pays attention to cultural and historical categories of sexualities, to normative and/or subversive forms of masculinities and femininities, and to social inclusion and exclusion on the basis of gender, sexuality and race. By doing so the thesis explores the suitability of queer theory in the South African context.
12
Pratt, Edward. "Education and change : quality or equality? : an analysis of the current (1985-1986) opposition among pupils, teachers and parent communities in the Western Cape to the existing educational dispensation, in institutions which fall under the jurisdiction of the Department of Education and Culture, House of Representatives." Thesis, University of Cape Town, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23674.
Full text
13
Arndt, Corinna. "Managing dissent : institutional culture and political independence in the South African Broadcasting Corporation's News and Current Affairs Division." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/28269.
Full textAbstract:
Despite a fairly successful institutional transformation in the early 1990s, the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), in particular its News and Current Affairs division, is widely perceived to lack political independence from the African National Congress-led government and to have neglected its role as a political watchdog in South Africa's young democracy. Most academic studies continue to be concerned with formal factors such as the SABC's institutional structure, media laws, or commercial imperatives -yet have not been able to explain the above anomaly. This paper focuses instead on the institutional culture around editorial independence which is conceptualised as comprising of beliefs (journalists' role perceptions), values (news values and the professional ethos) and internal practices (news decision-making, internal debate etc.). The main focus of analysis lies on the ways dissent is being managed within the corporation. This paper transcends the classical boundaries of political science into the neighbouring disciplines of media studies and sociology and draws specifically on (a) the literature on public broadcasting in young democracies, (b) debates around journalists' roles and professional values, and (c) conceptualisations of institutional culture as well as power and power relations within organisations. In-depth interviews with 17 current and former SABC employees suggest that beliefs and values around editorial independence are highly contested at the SABC - in particular among staff and management and so much so that the struggle around which ones should be dominant has become part of the institutional culture itself. The resulting dissent is being managed both from above (by management and senior editors) and from below (by newsroom staff). The SABC does not seem to be subject to unusual levels of political pressure from outside. Instead, threats to editorial independence seem to originate mostly on the level of the SABC's board and senior news management. They take the form of pressure and rewards which, in combination, effectively stifle independent thinking and hence work against editorial independence and a professional ethos integral to the SABC's public broadcasting mandate. Hirschman's concepts of exit, voice, and loyalty are used to analyse how journalists respond to such pressure and rewards. While exit is not an option for many staff and voice is perceived as costly, loyalty (towards the idea of public broadcasting) does not appear to be very common either. Instead, what I call opportunistic loyalty or quiescence in the face of power seems to be the preferred way of dealing with the dilemma of individually-held values and beliefs and a dominant institutional culture that runs contrary to them. As a result, debate is silenced, staff morale suffers, and routine processes of news decision-making are easily manipulated by senior managers or other powerful individuals with the will to enforce their preferred values and beliefs (which in tum might have little to do with the ideals of public broadcasting). Journalists and editors seem to generally be reluctant to get involved in sensitive news decisions, to take responsibility and exercise their professional judgement which then makes the corporation potentially vulnerable to political interference from outside as well.
14
Pienaar, Stephanus De Wet. "The influence of a leader’s perceived organisational politics on employee behaviours and the moderating effect of cultural intelligence." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14488.
Full textAbstract:
Modern day workforces are governed by political environments which are a precursor to the formation of perceptions that are generated by employees regarding their leader’s political activities. These perceptions include the views that leaders more often than not indulge in self-seeking political behaviour. Employees who are forced to deal with these politically charged environments often find that their perceptions dictate their respective behaviours as their ethical beliefs and values are continuously challenged by leaders who abuse their authority in an attempt to promote personal gain. South Africa is known for its diverse workforce and tense political environments and cultural intelligence is an aspect that could well enhance the employee / employer relationship. It is felt that a leader’s cultural intelligence could be instrumental in moderating employee perceptions of organisational politics and their respective behaviours. It is against this backdrop that an empirical study was formulated by making use of a hypothetical model for the purposes of extrapolating evidential data required to draw conclusions and make recommendations to leadership regarding the impact that perceptions of organisational politics might have on employee behaviours and to test whether or not cultural intelligence has a moderating effect on these relations.
15
Firth, Kerry. "British amateur singers and Black South African choral music : the politics of access and encounter." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2018. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/british-amateur-singers-and-black-south-african-choral-music-the-politics-of-access-and-encounter(aa580d73-8506-4cfc-80b1-02d77dca53f1).html.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores connections between British amateur singers and black South African choral music that, over the past fifty years, have grown in strength and significance. By concentrating on a set of representative case studies, it investigates how and why this music is learned, performed and rehearsed within a variety of choirs and ensembles of different styles and experiences. In addition, the thesis focuses on certain songs that have become popular within specific choral contexts, and discusses the reasoning behind their enthusiastic reception and attractive power. My approach is ethnographical, and the material I present is taken from my own participant-observations of choir rehearsals, workshops and performances, as well as from interviews I conducted with choir members and leaders. On a theoretical level, this thesis engages critically with ethnomusicological and anthropological debates surrounding cultural appropriation. Particularly pertinent to each chapter are discussions concerning authenticity, cultural authority and power relations, and I explore the politics and logistics that are associated with British singersâ encounters with black South African choral music. By discussing critically these different levels of encounter and engagement, I offer some new and intriguing standpoints from which to consider existing debates surrounding cultural appropriation and, in so doing, suggest approaches for theorising cross-cultural encounters through a more nuanced postcolonial lens.
16
Jacobs, Anthea Hydi Maxine. "A critical-hermeneutical inquiry of institutional culture in higher education." Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71702.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation is a conceptual analysis of “institutional culture” in higher education, especially because the concept has become a buzzword in higher education discourse in South Africa. The aim is to develop an understanding of the concept, and more specifically, to explore how institutional culture is organised, constructed and articulated in the institutional documents of Stellenbosch University (SU) and the University of the Western Cape (UWC). These analyses are preceded by an analysis of higher education policy documents. I employ critical hermeneutics as research methodology to construct constitutive meanings of “institutional culture”. Since it is difficult to work with a large set of constitutive meanings, I narrowed the list down to the four most frequently recurring meanings, namely: shared values and beliefs; language; symbols; and knowledge production. These constitutive meanings form the theoretical framework which is used to analyse institutional documents. My findings suggest that all the constitutive meanings of my theoretical framework are addressed in the institutional documents of both SU and UWC, which means that the institutional documents conform to my theoretical framework. SU has, in my opinion, an excellent and comprehensive base of well-prepared and compiled institutional documents. However, most of these documents seem to relate to quality and compliance to national policy requirements, with no significant actions or strategies to address the challenges related to transforming the University’s institutional culture. Even though SU has shown commendable strategic initiatives to transform its institutional culture, there has not been sufficient engagement with the challenges of transformation. Similarly, for UWC, it is my contention that even though UWC is committed to transformation and nurturing a culture of change in order to make meaning of and address the complex challenges of the world, there needs to be more rigorous engagement in shaping and managing strategic direction and planning to ensure an institutional culture to accommodate change. Even though the institutional documents analysed mostly conform to the constitutive meanings of the theoretical framework, what of concern is the lack of an adequate articulation of the concept “institutional culture”. If there is no articulation, it follows that there is an inadequate understanding of the concept. A deeper understanding is crucial if the important link between transformation and “institutional culture” is to be realised. I contend that there exists a disjunction between “institutional culture” and transformation policies. One of the reasons for this disjunction is an impoverished understanding among higher education policy practitioners of the concept “institutional culture”, which creates an impression of compliance with national policy requirements.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie verhandeling behels ’n konseptuele ontleding van “institusionele kultuur” in hoër onderwys, vernaamlik omdat die konsep ’n modewoord in die diskoers in hoër onderwys in Suid-Afrika geword het. Die doel was om begrip van die konsep te ontwikkel, en meer spesifiek om te ondersoek hoe institusionele kultuur in die institusionele dokumente van die Universiteit van Stellenbosch (US) en die Universiteit van die Wes-Kaap (UWK) georganiseer, saamgestel en geartikuleer word. Hierdie ondersoeke word voorafgegaan deur ‘n analise van hoër onderwys beleidsdokumente. Kritiese hermeneutiek is as navorsingsmetodologie gebruik om die konstitutiewe betekenisse van ‘institusionele kultuur’ te bepaal. Aangesien dit moeilik is om met ’n groot stel konstitutiewe betekenisse te werk, is die lys tot die vier mees herhalende betekenisse beperk, naamlik gedeelde waardes en oortuigings; taal; simbole; en die voortbring van kennis. Hierdie konstitutiewe betekenisse het die teoretiese raamwerk gevorm vir die ontleding van die institusionele dokumente. My bevindinge doen aan die hand dat al die konstitutiewe betekenisse van die teoretiese raamwerk in die institusionele dokumente van sowel die US as UWK aan bod kom, wat beteken dat die institusionele dokumente met die teoretiese raamwerk ooreenstem. Na my mening het die US ’n uitstekende en omvattende basis goed voorbereide en saamgestelde institusionele dokumente. Die meeste van hierdie dokumente blyk egter met gehalte en nakoming van nasionale beleidsvereistes verband te hou, met geen beduidende handelinge of strategieë om die uitdagings aan te pak wat met die transformasie van die US se institusionele kultuur verband hou nie. Alhoewel die US lofwaardige strategiese inisiatiewe aanwend om sy institusionele kultuur te transformeer, blyk daar nie ’n genoegsame verbintenis te wees om die uitdagings van transformasie die hoof gebied nie. Eweneens, wat UWK betref, is my argument dat alhoewel UWK verbind is tot transformasie en die kweek van ’n kultuur van verandering ten einde sin te maak van die komplekse veranderinge van die wêreld en sodanige veranderinge aan te pak, ’n meer nougesette verbintenis nodig is rakende die ontwikkeling en bestuur van strategiese leiding en beplanning ten einde ’n kultuur wat verandering tegemoet kom, te verseker. Alhoewel die institusionele dokumente wat ontleed is hoofsaaklik met die konstitutiewe betekenisse van die teoretiese raamwerk ooreenstem, is die gebrek aan voldoende artikulasie van die konsep “institusionele kultuur” rede tot kommer. Die gebrek aan artikulasie lei tot onvoldoende begrip van die konsep. ’n Grondiger begrip is noodsaaklik ten einde die belangrike skakel tussen transformasie en “institusionele kultuur” te verwesenlik. My gevolgtrekking is dat daar skeiding tussen” institusionele kultuur” en transformasiebeleide is. Een van die redes vir sogenaamde skeiding is gebrekkige begrip van die konsep “institusionele kultuur” onder hoër onderwys beleidsrolspelers, wat die idee skep van nakoming van nasionale beleidsvereistes.
Andrew Mellon Foundation
17
Snowball, Jen. "The economic valuation of cultural events in developing countries: combining market and non-market valuation techniques at the South African National Arts Festival." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002703.
Full textAbstract:
The arts in many countries, but particularly in developing ones, are coming under increasing financial pressure and finding it difficult to justify the increases in government funding needed to maintain and grow the cultural sector. The trend in cultural economics, as well as in other areas, appears to be towards including qualitative valuations, as well as the more traditional quantitative ones. This thesis argues that the value of cultural events should include long term historical qualitative analysis, financial or economic impact and a valuation of the positive externalities provided by cultural events and that any one of these should only be regarded as a partial analysis. Four methods of valuing the arts using the South African National Arts Festival (NAF) as an example are demonstrated. Firstly, a qualitative historical analysis of the role of the NAF in South Africa’s transformation process from Apartheid to the democratic New South Africa is examined, using theories of cultural capital as a theoretical basis. It is argued that the value of cultural events needs to take into account long-term influences especially in countries undergoing political and social transformation. The second valuation method applied is the traditional economic impact study. Four economic impact studies conducted on the NAF are discussed and methodologies compared. It is concluded that, despite the skepticism of many cultural economists, the method can provide a useful partial valuation and may also be used for effective lobbying for government support of the arts. Chapter four discusses willingness to pay studies conducted at the NAF in 2000 and 2003 (as well as a pilot study conducted at the Klein Karoo Nationale Kunstefees). It is found that lower income and education groups do benefit from the positive externalities provided by the Festival and that this is reflected in their willingness to pay to support it. It is also argued that such contingent valuation studies can provide a reasonably reliable valuation of Festival externalities, but that they may be partly capturing current or future expected financial gains as well. Finally, the relatively new choice experiment methodology (also called conjoint analysis) is demonstrated on visitors to the NAF. The great advantage of this method in valuing cultural events is that it provides part-worths of various Festival attributes for different demographic groups. This enables organizes to structure the programme in such a way as to attract previously excluded groups and to conduct a cost-benefit analysis for each part of the Festival.
18
Kim, Gunwoo. "The political culture of university students in South Korea : a comparison of before the democratic transition and today." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/79697/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis compares the political culture of university students in South Korea before and after the democratic transition in 1987. It identifies the changes in the following: the attitudes to politics, government and media; the political socialization process; the experience of political participation; and the reasons for political participation and non-participation. Qualitative analysis was used to analyse the data collected from interviews and surveys conducted on respondents who were university students in the 1980s and current university students. It was found that compared to university students in the 1980s, current university students held less intensely negative attitudes towards the government. However, although current university students were interested in politics, they were still distrustful of politicians, did not have a political party they supported and had low levels of perceived political efficacy and political participation. Based on these findings, this thesis examined three different types of theories to explain the changes in the political culture of university students. First, demand-side theories that focus on underlying socioeconomic changes to explain changes in the political culture were used to analyse the changes in the reasons for political participation and the changes in the political socialization process. Second, intermediary-side theories that emphasise the role of media were used to examine the changes in the attitudes towards the media and the experience of latent political participation. Finally, supply-side theories that focus on the supply of politics and governance were used to explain the changes in the other elements of political culture. Close examination into the workings of democracy in South Korea since the democratic transition in 1987 revealed that there were indications of cartelisation of the political party system, which explains the low levels of political trust and perceived political efficacy reported by current university students.
19
Majozi, Joyce Jabulile. "A functional terminological analysis of a “Multilingual parliamentary/ Political terminology list” of the Department of Arts and Culture." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6679.
Full textAbstract:
Magister Artium - MASouth Africa’s National Language Policy Framework was formulated in 2003. The framework was designed to create an enabling environment for the development of instruments and initiatives intended to promote multilingualism in the country. Following the formulation of the National Language Policy Framework, National Parliament, in collaboration with the Western Cape and the Eastern Cape Legislatures, commissioned a project of developing a Terminology List of terminology that is used in these settings. This Terminology List was taken over and expanded in 2005. According to the Terminology List’s preface, “stakeholders embarked on the enlarged terminology project in order to ensure that multilingualism was possible in this field. The Multilingual Parliamentary/Political Terminology List will promote multilingualism in Parliament and elsewhere, and will facilitate effective communication between parliamentarians, politicians, national and provincial language offices, provincial legislatures and Hansard offices” (DAC (2005: iii-iv). With perhaps one exception (Rondganger, 2012) focusing on the English-Afrikaans language pair, there are no known studies evaluating the Multilingual Parliamentary/Political Terminology List. As a result, it is not known to what extent envisaged target users (e.g. language practitioners) in National and Provincial Legislatures are even aware of its existence. It is also not known to what extent the terminology resource is able to support target users in the typical usage situations envisaged in the preface. More generally, there has also been no determination of how the Multilingual Parliamentary/Political Terminology List has contributed to language development, specifically, making possible the use of the nine indigenous African languages for parliamentary-related discourse. As a consequence of the above dearth of knowledge around the Multilingual Parliamentary/Political Terminology List, there also is no empirical database upon which suggestions can be made for improving it; that is, responding to the call in the preface for suggestions: “the compilers acknowledge that it might be useful to expand the collection, and any suggestions in this regard will be welcomed” (DAC (2005: iv). This research draws on the sociology of dictionary use (Kühn 1989, Flinz 2010) and on a knowledge-attitude-practice (KAP) approach to terminology evaluation (Antia 2000, Antia & Clas 2003; Rubin 1977, Kummer 1983) to analyse the Multilingual Parliamentary Terminology List.
20
Maxengana, Nomalungisa Sylvia. "The impact of missionary activities and the establishment of Victoria East, 1824-1860." Thesis, University of Fort Hare, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10353/d1006292.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis covers a period of drastic change in that part of Xhosaland later known as Victoria East. Chapters one and two deal with the clash between the Glasgow missionaries at Lovedale and the amaXhosa who were expected to simply discard their way of life in favour of the new dispensation. Chapter three explains the arrival in the Eastern Cape of the amaMfengu, formerly called abaMbo, and their role in the divisive policies of the colonial government. Chapter four recounts the brief interlude (1836-1846) during which the colonial government tried but ultimately rejected a more equitable model of cross-border relations known as the Treaty System. The final chapter deals with the introduction of direct rule over the newly-created district of Victoria East, and with the policies of Henry Calderwood, its first magistrate, which were artfully constructed to perpetuate ‘Divide and Rule’ so as to maintain a comfortable life for the white settlers in the border area.
21
Cowling, Lesley. "Saving the Sowetan : the public interest and commercial imperatives in journalism practice." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017781.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the complex ways in which notions of the public interest and commercial imperatives intertwine in journalism practice. It does this through a study of the 2004 takeover and relaunch of the Sowetan newspaper, the highest circulation daily in South Africa throughout the 1990s and an institution of black public life. The ‘public interest’ and ‘the commercial’ are recurring ideas in journalism scholarship and practice, and the relaunch appeared to be a challenge to reconcile the Sowetan’s commercial challenges with its historical responsibility to a ‘nation-building’ public. However, the research shows that the public/commercial aspects of journalism were inextricably entangled with Sowetan’s organisational culture, which was the matrix through which its journalism practice was expressed. Conflict in the organisation over the changes was not simply a contest between commercial realities and the public interest, with journalists defending a responsibility to the public and managers pushing commercial solutions, but a conflict between the culture of Sowetan “insiders”, steeped in the legacy of the newspaper, and “outsiders”, employed by the new owners to effect change. Another conclusion of the research is that commercial “realities” – often conceptualised as counter to the public interest – are highly mutable. Basic conditions, such as a dependence on advertising, exist. However, media managers must choose from a range of strategies to be commercially viable, which requires risk-taking, innovation and, often, guesswork. In such situations, the ‘wall’ between media managers and senior editors is porous, as all executives must manage the relationship between business and editorial imperatives. Executives tend to overlook culture as a factor in changing organisations, but I argue that journalism could benefit from engaging with management theory and organisational psychology, which offer ways to understand the specific dynamics of the organisation. Finally, I argue that the case of the Sowetan throws into question the idea that there may be a broadly universal journalism culture. The attachment of Sowetan journalists to their particular values and practice suggests that forms of journalism evolve in certain contexts to diverge from the ‘professional’ Anglo-American modes. These ‘journalisms’ use similar terms – such as the ‘public interest’ – but operationalise them quite differently. The responsibility to the public is imagined in very different ways, but remains a significant attachment for journalists.
22
Ellis, Emily Melissa. "Global taxes and a more equitable global political economy : a feminist analysis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49977.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Feminist international relations theories stress that global solutions to environmental, social and economic dilemmas will not be accurately diagnosed nor corrected until hierarchal social relations, including gender relations, intrinsic to the global economic and political framework are recognized and altered. How does a feminist interpretation of international relations aid in the adoption of global taxes to benefit women? This study explores the ways a mechanism such as global taxation could be utilized to create a more equitable global political economy. The study is exploratory making use of a qualitative methodology employing secondary data from industries such as tourism, toy production, and textiles. Feminist perspectives on environmental, social, and economic security, rational actor behavior and collectivism facilitate the dialogue which is essential for global tax implementation. The adoption of global taxes has the capability to better the lived experiences of women globally by minimizing poverty and strengthening the working conditions of women worldwide. Proposed carbon taxes and global commons taxes work to redefine environmental security by placing appropriate price indicators on the use of globally used resources. Proposed email taxes, world trade taxes, and currency exchange fee taxes grant the fiscal resources necessary to create greater economic and social security. Chapter One is an analysis of the global political economy. Chapter Two explains the controversial and progressive idea of a global tax administered by the United Nations to deal with the inequity of globalization. Chapter Three focuses on the linkages between the introduction of a global tax and the feminist perspective on the global political economy. Chapter Four summarizes the structural inadequacies of the current economic framework to address the economic and social grievances that global taxes combat.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Feministiese teorieë oor internasionale verhoudinge benadruk die feit dat wêreldwye oplossings vir omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese probleme nóg akkuraat gediagnoseer nóg reggestel kan word tensy hiërargiese sosiale verhoudinge (waaronder genderverhoudinge), wat onlosmaaklik deel van die wêreldwye ekonomiese en politieke raamwerk is, as sulks erken en verander word. Hoe dra die feministiese interpretasie van internasionale verhoudinge by tot die instelling van wêreldwye belasting wat vroue tot voordeel strek? Hierdie studie ondersoek maniere waarop 'n meganisme soos wêreldwye belasting benut kan word om 'n billiker wêreldwye politieke ekonomie daar te stel. Die studie is ondersoekend van aard en maak gebruik van kwalitatiewe metodes wat sekondêre data uit bedrywe soos toerisme, speelgoedproduksie en die tekstielbedryf gebruik. Feministiese standpunte oor omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese sekuriteit, rasionele optrede en kollektivisme dra by tot dialoog wat noodsaaklik is vir die instelling van wêreldwye belasting. Danksy die instelling van wêreldwye belasting kan die lewenservaring van vroue wêreldwyd verbeter word deur armoede te beperk en werkstoestande van vroue wêreldwyd te verbeter. Die voorgestelde koolstofbelasting en wêreldmeent-belasting sal bydra tot 'n nuwe benadering in omgewingsbeveiliging deurdat toepaslike prysaanwysers aan die gebruik van wêreldwyd benutte hulpbronne gekoppel word. Die voorgestelde e-posbelasting, wêreldhandelbelasting en belasting op valutagelde sal nodige fiskale middele bied vir die daarstelling van beter ekonomiese en maatskaplike sekuriteit. Hoofstuk 1 is 'n analise van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 2 is 'n uiteensetting wêreldwye belasting as kontroversiële en progressiewe konsep, wat deur die Verenigde Nasies geadministreer sou word om die wanbalans in globalisasie die hoof te bied. Hoofstuk 3 handel oor die raakpunte tussen die instelling van 'n wêreldwye belasting en die feministiese beskouing van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 4 bied 'n oorsig oor die strukturele ontoereikendheid van die huidige ekonomiese raamwerk met betrekking tot die ekonomiese en maatskaplike griewe wat wêreldwye belasting sou bekamp.
23
Kozain, Rustum. "Contemporary english oral poetry by black poets in Great Britain and South Africa : a comparison between Linton Kwesi Johnson and Mzwakhe Mbuli." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20139.
Full textAbstract:
Bibliography: pages 242-266.The general aims of this dissertation are: to study a form of literature traditionally disregarded by a text-bound academy; to argue that form is an important element in ideological analyses of the poetry under discussion; and, on the basis of this second aim, to argue for a comparative, rigorously critical approach to the poetry of Mzwakhe Mbuli. Previous evaluations of Mbuli's poetry are characterised by acclaim which, the author contends, is only possible because of under-researched criticism, representing a general trend in South African literary culture. Compared to Linton Kwesi Johnson's work, for instance, Mbuli's poetry does not emerge as the innovative and progressive art - in both content and form - it is claimed to be. Mbuli and his critics are thus read as a case study of a general trend. Johnson and Mbuli mainly perform their poetry with musical accompaniment and distribute it as sound-recording. This study's approach then differs from the approaches of general oral literature studies because influential writers on oral literature - specifically Walter J. Ong, Ruth Finnegan and Paul Zumthor - do not address the genre under investigation here. Nevertheless, their writings are explored in order to show why particularly Ong and Finnegan's approaches are inadequate. The author argues that using the orality of the poetry as an organising, theoretical principle is insufficient for the task at hand. On cue from Zumthor, this study suggests an approach through Cultural Studies and conceives of the subject matter as popular culture.
24
Kunvar, Yogita. "Reconceptualising notions of South African Indianess : a personal narrative." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1017767.
Full textAbstract:
The theoretical challenge of conceptualising South African Indianess is suffused with a plethora of variables that suggest complexity. While being misleadingly homogenous, Indian identity encompasses a multitude of expressions. This thesis seeks to reconceptualise notions of South African Indianess through personal narrative. The research context is contemporary South Africa with a specific focus on Johannesburg’s East Rand Reef. Inspired by the dearth of literature on contemporary Indianess this study addresses the gap in the present discourse. Following the autoethnographic work of Motzafi-Haller (1997) and Narayan (1993) the thesis presents a layered narrative by juxtaposing the experiences of research participants with my own. Using multi-sited autoethnographic data the thesis explores the question of what it means to be Indian in relation to South Africa’s Apartheid past. By drawing on concepts in popular diaspora theory and critiquing their application, the thesis illustrates the inadequacies inherent in the definitions of diaspora and suggests a broader understanding of its application. Through exploring layers of Indianess the thesis illustrates the inherent complexity in reconceptualising South African Indianess. The study suggests that as a result of changing global and local flows, South African Indians are reconceptualising what it means to be South African Indian.
25
Böhmke, Werner. "A decade of changes : Eastern Cape white commercial farmers' discourses of democracy." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2005. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/167/1/bohmke-ma.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This paper deals with an analysis of the discursive accounts of Eastern Cape white commercial farmers on the subject of Democracy. Drawing on the theoretical perspectives of Social Constructionism and Discourse Analysis – which view individuals’ accounts of their realities as produced and informed by their particular social and historical context – the paper seeks to provide an analysis of the content of, and rhetorical strategies within the participants’ accounts and explanations. Such accounts of the social, historical and political circumstances in which Eastern Cape commercial farmers find themselves are thought to provide valuable insights into the manner in which the process of democratisation has been received by members of the agricultural sector. Data collection was conducted via brief, audio taped, semi-structured interviews. The participants were all white men and women, living in a commercial farming region of the Eastern Cape Province. Responses to the interviews were subjected to the Discourse Analytical procedure advanced by Ian Parker. Analyses reveal that participants are critical of the notion of democracy; utilize specific rhetorical and argumentation strategies; make use of notions and techniques of ‘Othering’; and subscribe to a colonial / patriarchal ideology which attempts to idealize pre-democratic South Africa. These findings illustrate what is in many ways still an ongoing political and ideological struggle in the rural regions of the country.
26
Sooklal, Sandra Sanyagitha. "The structural and cultural constraints on policy implementation a case study on further education and training colleges in South Africa /." Thesis, Pretoria : [s.n.], 2004. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-03302005-114248.
Full text
27
Puckett, Robert Fleming. "The strange case of the landed poor : land reform laws, traditional San culture, and the continued poverty of South Africa's ‡Khomani people." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ebaac8e4-d4be-462c-a035-f128101f9cbc.
Full textAbstract:
The ‡Khomani San people received lands in 1999 under the ‘restitution’ arm of South Africa’s land reform programme. Restitution laws, contained in the Restitution of Land Rights Act and the Communal Property Associations (‘CPA’) Act, seek not only to return lands to peoples dispossessed after 1913, but also to inculcate the ideals of South Africa’s dominant agro-pastoral-based society into defined, cohesive land-recipient ‘communities’. These ideals include centralised, hierarchical, representative, democratic leadership and decision-making structures that the West takes for granted. However, these concepts of control are not typically found among foraging or post-foraging peoples, who tend to base their societies on decentralised, small-group, egalitarian social structures that strongly oppose hierarchies, representation, or accumulation. Such social organisation remains intact even after these groups become settled or adopt non-hunting-and-gathering livelihoods, and today’s ‡Khomani self-identify as San, ‘Bushmen’, hunters, and indigenous people, despite their settlement and their adoption of varied livelihood strategies, including stock-farming. Among such groups, externally imposed governance structures tend to be viewed as illegitimate, and instead of the cohesion and order these centrally legislated structures seek to create, they instead engender dissent, conflict, and non-compliance. The ‡Khomani, as both a formerly scattered group of apartheid-era labourers and a cultural group of San people, have struggled with little success to plan and implement ‘development’, infrastructure, and livelihood projects on their lands and have ‘failed’ to operate the Restitution and CPA Acts’ required ‘community’ land-ownership and decision-making structures successfully. Thus, restitution has failed to bring the socio-economic improvements that the new ‡Khomani lands seemed to promise. Since 2008, however, the government has temporarily taken governance and approval authority from the ‡Khomani, which has led to the creation of smaller, behind-the-scenes governing bodies, as the ‡Khomani have begun taking the reins of power in their own ways. Such bodies, including the ‡Khomani Farmers’ Association and the Bushman Raad, have begun achieving some successes on the ‡Khomani farms in part, it is argued, because they allow the ‡Khomani to reproduce the focused, non-hierarchical, small-group structures that are more suitable to them as a non-cohesive group and more culturally appropriate to them as San people. The South African government, with appropriate protections for abuse of power, should provide the space within land reform laws to allow land-recipient groups to make decisions, govern themselves, and manage their lands according to their own community realities and their own conceptions of leadership and social organisation.
28
Kaden, Martha J. "Herinnering, geskiedenis, identiteit : 'n ondersoek na beeld en teks in mito-poesis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/8546.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MA)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002.214 Leaves printed on single pages, preliminary pages i- xvi and numbered pages 1-191. Includes bibliography and illustrations.
Digitized at 600 dpi grayscale to pdf format (OCR), using a Bizhub 250 Konica Minolta Scanner. Digitized by Ivan Jacobs on request of Niel Hendrickz, 15 April 2011.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This investigation is informed by the assumption that language, as representation and as image, is positioned in a metaphorical relationship to reality. Language, as a structure of representation, is the way in which we represent reality to ourselves and to others and recreate the past, as well as the way in which we invest our lives with meaning, significance and experience. Language includes visual and verbal representation, and this investigation shows how image and text create a variety of multiple meanings through playful and interactive reciprocation. Following from the assumption that language comprises temporal and spatial qualities, it is also the terrain that enables us to know and understand reality, ourselves, and others. This emphasizes the material nature of language, which is also connected with social and cultural practices and, as such, involves reciprocation and interaction between divergences. Language is therefore a mode of action that makes the bridging of divisions possible. Language is proposed as a medium through which the monolithic hegemony of the apartheid past may be confronted within a multicultural South Africa. The aim of representing this past in my work is not to recall it as it was or to discover etemal, inheritable qualities, but rather to bring about re-demption (healing) through re-presentation. Re-demption and re-presentation is a textual practice that involves a re-script of the past. With the understanding that history and culture are regarded as text, re-writing the past does not involve representation as mimesis, but as production. This investigation recognizes the role of the subconscious as the other or the alterity in all language constructs that makes it possible to circumvent the logic of binary oppositions; entertain alternatives simultaneously; erase boundaries; share spaces, and discover the other in the self. This unconscious language of the other, as a strange doubling and interplay between near and far, gives rise to poies/s. The creation of multi-dimensional spaces that draw the poetical and the everyday into an imaginative and directed conceptual interplay as well as provoke dialogue between differences and diversities, engenders a desire for the complexity of the other. The interplay and recurrent movement across divisions and between paradoxes create a new and changed interspace, characterized by difference, plurality, and contradiction. Intertextual spaces allow relationships between differences and exist precisely as a result of dialogicity between diversities. In this way it is possible to establish, by virtue of difference, a mutual, interdependent relationship with the other. Metaphorical language requires an allegorical reading that places divergences in relation to one another, thereby causing a mythic animation of signification that moves from one level to another. Mytho-poeisis, as an allegorical structure, is proposed as a model by means of which symbolic transformation and redemption of the personal and collective psyche may occur. Poetic re-imagining as re-presentation impels change and transformation and points to other possible forms of social and ethical experiences. This impulse, to reconcile the social and the aesthetic, or the cultural with symbolic form, is based on the principle of reconciliation between art and life.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie ondersoek handhaaf die veronderstelling dat taal in 'n metaforiese verhouding tot die werklikheid staan as voorstelling en as beeld. Taal, as 'n struktuur van voorstelling, is die wyse waarop ons die werklikheid aan onsself en ander voorstel en die verlede herskep, asook die wyse waarop ons sin, betekenis en ervaring aan ons lewens verskaf. Taal sluit visuele en verbale voorstellings in en hierdie ondersoek toon op watter wyse beeld en teks in speelse en interaktiewe wisselwerking 'n verskeidenheid meersinnige betekenisse skep. Uitgaande van die veronderstelling dat taal temporele en ruimtelike kwaliteite betrek, is dit ook die terrein wat ons in staat stel om die werklikheid, onsself en ander te ken en verstaan. Dit beklemtoon die materiele aard van taal, wat ook met sosiale en kulturele praktyke verbind is en sodanig wisselwerking en interaksie tussen uiteenlopendhede betrek. Taal is dus 'n modus van doen, wat oorbrugging van skeidings moontlik maak. Taal word as 'n medium voorgestel waardeur die monolitiese hegemonie van die apartheidsverlede binne 'n multikulturele Suid-Afrika gekonfronteer word. Voorstelling van hierdie verlede in my werk is nie met die doel om dit te herroep soos dit was, of ewige, erfbare eienskappe te ontdek nie, maar eerder om herstel deur her-voorstelling te bewerkstellig. Her-stel en her-voorstelling is 'n tekstuele praktyk wat 'n re-skripsie van die verlede behels. Met begrip dat geskiedenis en kultuur as teks beskou word, behels die her-skryf van die verlede nie voorstelling as mimesis nie, maar as produksie. Hierdie ondersoek erken die rol van die onderbewussyn as die ander of die alteriteit (alterity) in alle taalvoorstellings wat dit moontlik maak om die logika van binere oposisies te omseil; alternatiewe gelyktydig in ag te neem; grense uit te wis, ruimtes te deel en die ander in die self te ontdek. Hierdie onbewuste taal van die ander, as 'n vreemde verdubbeling en spel tussen naby en ver, gee aanleiding tot poesis (poiesis). Die skep van multidimensionele ruimtes wat die poetiese en die alledaagse in 'n verbeeldingryke en gerigte konseptuele wisselspel betrek, asook dialoog tussen verskille en diversiteite bewerkstellig, skep 'n aandrang vir die kompleksiteit van die ander. Die interspel en ewigdurende beweging oor skeidings en tussen paradokse skep 'n nuwe en veranderde interruimte, wat gekenmerk word deur verskil, pluraliteit en kontradiksie. Intertekstuele ruimtes laat verskilsverhoudings toe en bestaan juis as gevolg van dialogisiteit tussen diversiteite. Op hierdie wyse is dit moontlik om op grond van verskil 'n wedersydse en interafhanklike verhouding met die ander aan te knoop. Metaforiese taalgebruik verg 'n allegoriese lees wat uiteenlopendhede in verhouding tot mekaar plaas sodat dit 'n mitiese animasie van betekening bewerkstellig wat vanaf een vlak na 'n ander vlak beweeg. Mito-poesis, as 'n allegoriese struktuur, word voorgestel as model waarvolgens simboliese transformasie en herstel van die persoonlike en kollektiewe psige kan geskied. Poetiese her-verbeelding as her-voorstelling motiveer verandering en transformasie en dui op ander moontlike vorms van sosiale en etiese ervarings. Hierdie impuls, om die sosiale en die estetiese, of om die kulturele met simboliese vorm te vereenselwig, berus op die beginsel van versoening tussen kuns en lewe.
29
Dang, Hong Khanh. "La Francophonie et la coopération Vietnam - Afrique." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE3029.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse a pour objectif de répondre à une demande du Vietnam de renforcer sa coopération avec les pays africains qui est encore modeste à ce jour malgré son intérêt grandissant pour ces pays. Il se trouve dans un contexte d’accélération de la mondialisation avec l’essor du capitalisme et de la langue anglaise. De nouvelles dynamiques sur la scène internationale sont observées parmi lesquelles figurent la croissance économique très élevée de certains pays du Sud (Chine, Inde, Brésil, etc.) et le développement remarquable de leur coopération avec l’Afrique. Au cœur de cette dynamique, malgré le mimétisme évident avec la Chine et d’autres pays du Sud, comme les forums de coopération avec l’Afrique, la coopération Vietnam-Afrique se distingue par la francophonie. Ce lien francophone s’est tissé à travers une histoire commune liée à la décolonisation et à une inscription au sein du Tiers-monde. Il est aujourd’hui maintenu sous un autre angle au sein de la Francophonie qui est une organisation politique et culturelle regroupant en 2016 80 États et gouvernements ayant le français en partage dont le Vietnam et une grande partie de l’Afrique. « La Francophonie contribue-t-elle à promouvoir la coopération entre le Vietnam et l’Afrique, notamment dans le domaine économique ? ». La recherche de la réponse nous conduira à étudier le rôle que jouent les aspects politique et culturel de la Francophonie dans la coopération Vietnam-Afrique, notamment dans le secteur économique. Prenant comme point de départ théorique les idées de Max Weber et de Jean Baechler sur les origines du capitalisme, nous essayerons de démontrer les potentialités et la réalité de la Francophonie dans cette coopération avant de proposer une stratégie francophone du Vietnam pour l’Afrique dans le but de renforcer son rôle. Cet exemple pourra servir ensuite de référence pour la coopération Sud-Sud francophone en particulier et celle dans le monde en généralMy thesis addresses Vietnam’s request to enforce its cooperation with African countries, which at present is still modest despite its growing interest there. Vietnam finds itself in a context of accelerated globalization with the emergence of both capitalism and English language. On the international scene, new dynamics are observed, such as the strong economic growth of Southern countries like China, India and Brazil, and their remarkable cooperation with African countries. At the core of this process, what distinguishes Vietnam from other South-South cooperation is that it shares with Africa the Francophonie, a political and cultural organization gathering as of 2016, 80 States and governments who share French as a language.Their francophone bond was constructed through a common history linked to decolonization and to the fact of being both Third World countries. My work answers the following question: does Francophonie, as a cultural political construct, contribute to promote the cooperation between Vietnam and Africa, particularly in the economic sector? I use Max Weber and Jean Baeschler’s ideas on the origins of capitalism in order to demonstrate the potential and current reality of the Francophone element present in the cooperation between Vietnam and Africa before proposing Vietnam’s ‘Francophone’ strategy aiming at strengthening its role in Africa. The Vietnam-Africa cooperation may serve as a case study enabling to reflect on other francophone South-South cooperation
30
Haglund, Agnes-Cecilia. "Wandering away from apartheid : A study on interracial bridging social capital in South African small-town society." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-80345.
Full textAbstract:
Trust, cooperation and equal value. The purpose of the current study has been to present evidence of interracial bridging social capital between groups and individuals in South African small-town society. An ethnological field study has been executed by searching, observing and interviewing citizens at various meeting points in civil society where interracial interaction is taking place. The collected empirical data will be evaluated in relation to established theories regarding the importance of social capital in relation to political prospering of liberal democracies. This will be done in order to answer the question: in what way and in which spheres of South African society can evidence of bridging social capital be found? The discussion and conclusion will be dependent on to what extent bridging social capital is taking place in conjunction with interracial meetings. The research will be divided into three phases. The first phase will be presenting the idea of the research and the preparation of how it is going to be performed. The second phase demonstrates the execution of data gathering with the theories at its core. Finally, the third phase of the essay will be carried out by discussing the results and how it contributes to the existing science base (George and Bennet, 2005, p. 73). In conclusion, the study showed that bridging social capital is possible to find primarily in the spheres of education and Christian parishes close to communities where the middle and upper-class live.
31
Silke, Daniel. "The broadcasting of politics in South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/18271.
Full textAbstract:
Bibliography: pages 240-265.This dissertation studies the broadcasting of politics in South Africa from 1920 to the end of the P. W. Botha era in 1989; that is, the reaction of radio and television to the changing political environment. Since 1948 South Africa's broadcasting system has increasingly been influenced by the ruling National Party as they strengthened their authority. This follows the Lasswell communications model which emphasizes the role of the controller in the communications flow as well as Fagen's and Siebert's description of authoritarianism as a national political system. A study of the historical legacy of broadcasting in South Africa clearly shows an authoritarian orientation. This is accomplished through an investigation utilizing historical material including Tomaselli as well as press reports and Hansard. The advent of television has seen this maintained in a variety of forms. The key question confronting the reader is whether or not there exists change away from the authoritarian model to a more liberalistic trend. The author details a number of visible inconsistencies and anomalies that are present both within radio and television. These are shown to markedly contradict with the control model of the past and highlight fundamental shifts in the media orientation. These contradictions are a reflection of the socio-political pressures that have recently emerged to influence the National Party. This is a function of the reforming of their past ideology as well as of internal economic advances and political upheavals which increase the influence of non-State elements upon the electronic media as depicted in the De Fleur model. The broadcasting system is increasingly shown to reflect an inclusive picture adapting to the political and economic realities in which it operates. The emerging trend moves away from authoritarianism in a more liberal and pluralistic direction.
32
Nagar, Marcel Felicity. "Democratic development states in Southern Africa : a study of Botswana and South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/20111.
Full textAbstract:
In light of the growing consensus surrounding the need for the emergence of Democratic Developmental States in Africa, this thesis analyses the concept within the context of two Southern African states: Botswana and South Africa. In this regard, it critically analyses the extent to which Botswana and South Africa can be considered to be Democratic Developmental States by making use five benchmarks of a Democratic Developmental State. It does so by firstly exploring and defining the concept and theory of the Developmental State as well as the concept of the Democratic Developmental State. Secondly, the thesis surveys the contributions made by five key authors, namely, Richard Sklar, Adrian Leftwich, Mark Robinson, Gordon White and Omano Edigheji, to the topic of the Democratic Developmental State and outlines the following five benchmarks of a Democratic Developmental State: Development-Oriented Political Leadership; Effective and Well-Insulated Economic Bureaucracy; Developmental Success; Consolidated Electoral Democracy; and Popular Participation in the Development and Governance Process. Thirdly, the five benchmarks are used to critically analyse whether Botswana and South Africa can truly be regarded as Democratic Developmental States. In this regard, the thesis finds that neither state fully exhibits all five outlined benchmarks of a Democratic Developmental State: While Botswana exemplifies most of the five outlined benchmarks of a Democratic Developmental State, this thesis finds that South Africa still has a long to go before it can be regarded as a Democratic Developmental State. In this manner, this thesis provides possible recommendations which will assist both Botswana and South Africa towards becoming fully-fledged Democratic Developmental States.
33
Fine, Robert. "Labour and politics in South Africa, 1939-1964." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1989. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/55901/.
Full textAbstract:
The core of my dissertation is devoted to a re-interpretation of the history of the liberation movement in South Africa in two critical periods of its development. The first I call in short 'the 1940s' but shall be referring more specifically to the years between 1939 and the rise of apartheid in 1948; the second I call 'the 1950s' but shall refer to the years between the emergence of apartheid and the defeat of the liberation movement in 1964. Both the 1940s and the 1950s were marked by fierce class struggles which brought with them hopes of a new democratic order in South Africa; both closed on the sombre note of defeat for democracy and triumph for the forces of reaction and racism. Motivated by a dissatisfaction with prevailing interpretations, I shall explore what went wrong in these years in order to deepen our understanding of the political culture and social base of the liberation movement. I have focussed on these two historical periods because I see the basic parameters of the contemporary liberation movement as set by the class struggles which occurred within them. My central hypothesis is that, although class relations do not on the whole manifest themselves directly on the surface of the liberation movement, they have nonetheless been the crucial determinants of its pattern of evolution. My introductory chapter will be devoted to a theoretical discussion of the relation between nationalism and socialism in the South Africa liberation movement. It was written after the historical research and its ideas reflect a considerable change of mind which resulted from the research; the ideas expressed within it provide a necessary foundation for understanding what I wish to say through the substantive history. My final section will be an attempt to outline the major lessons which I draw from the history of these class struggles; it focusses on what I see as the unresolved conflict between the two traditions of 'radical liberalism' and 'insurrectionism' which run through the history of the liberation struggle and on defining what I see as the 'absent centre' of this history: social democracy or more accurately the social democratic movement of the working class.
34
Lieres, B. E. von. "Marginalisation and politics in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Essex, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.369350.
Full text
35
Meyer, Alice Patricia. "Poetry and politics in Post-Apartheid South Africa." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/270292.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the ability of poetry to articulate political critique in Post-Apartheid South Africa. The aim of the project is to evaluate the extent to which poetry provides criticism of a contemporary political climate marked by government corruption, rising social inequality and widespread immiseration. I argue that both ‘poetry’ and ‘post-Apartheid’ are developing and contested concepts that acquire meaning in concrete circumstances and continue to take on fresh resonance in South Africa today. I contend that poetry does not passively reflect historical circumstances nor docilely take its place in a post-Apartheid political climate. Instead, it actively engages with the milieu within which it finds itself and contributes in a meaningful way to our understanding of what the post-Apartheid era actually means. My study focuses on six poets who represent the innovative and politically charged character of post-Apartheid poetry. The writers I choose to examine are Ari Sitas, Seitlhamo Motsapi, Lesego Rampolokeng, Mxolisi Nyezwa, Vonani Bila, and Angifi Dladla. All of these poets lived through Apartheid and were young, or of middle age, at the dawn of liberation. Eager and able citizens willing to build a new democracy, these artists have been bitterly disappointed by the African National Congress’s abandonment of South Africa’s black majority. The poets in question have set about bearing witness to unrelenting social ills through drawing upon the dynamism of poetry in order to rejuvenate public language, dialogue and debate. Confronted with the over-simplification of information in an epoch of late-capitalism, the poets in this thesis seek to revitalise language, through innovative use of form, in order to fashion new perceptions of the world in which they live. All of the writers in this thesis have been involved in politics or activism and make a point of incorporating these real world experiences into their work. Thus, Sitas invokes worker chants from his time spent in Durban’s labour movement and Dladla remains fascinated by the Gauteng prisons where he has taught creative writing. The poetry I examine is moulded by the active public life of its writers and in turn seeks to participate in a wider world. In this line of thought, many of these poets have started their own literary journals and publishing initiatives, often with strong ties to social justice movements and grass-roots communities. Here, one can mention Nyezwa’s development of the English/isiXhosa multicultural arts journal Kotaz in the Eastern Cape and Bila’s Timbila publishing in the Limpopo province. Through autonomous methods of poetic production and distribution, poets are able to create spaces in which non-commercial and potentially revolutionary art can be heard. My doctorate spotlights the artistic and political victories of a pioneering group of poets, who are little known both locally and abroad. My research underscores the politically critical qualities of poetic form and thus has resonance beyond a narrowly South African context. Indeed, I believe my PhD can contribute in a valuable way to debates pertaining to the social relevance of poetry in the world today.
36
Robb, Charles A. "The impact of leadership on organisational politics." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1634.
Full textAbstract:
Today‘s workforce consists of employees with diverse personalities, cultural backgrounds, nationalities, needs and wants, thus creating new challenges for today‘s leaders. One of the primary functions of leadership is the management of employee perceptions that influence organisational outcomes. Among these perceptions the perception of politics is an influential type of organisational phenomenon. There is no denying the fact that leadership greatly affects the performance of organisations. According to DuBrin (2010:8), an overview of research on managerial succession conducted over a 20 year period provides support that leadership has an impact on organisational performance. The analysis of the research found that leaders might be responsible for somewhere between 15 per cent and 45 per cent of a firm‘s performance. From the above mentioned research, it can be seen that the importance of leadership cannot be underestimated when regulating the effect of politics in the working environment and to achieve the company goals and objectives. Part of the challenge today‘s leaders face is to help employees to see the different perspectives of political actions as a positive force, rather than seeing these as negative processes that cause internal competition for resources, recognition and promotions. Company politics does not have to be about back stabbing, internal rivalry, manipulation for power and lack of trust. With the development of proper skills and personal and organisational goals, positive organisational politics provides the real foundation for competitive advantage to benefit the employee as well as the organisation. The main purpose of this research paper is to identify the influence of leadership on organisational politics. The first step was to complete a literature study on the iii selected factors which contribute to organisational politics. The factors selected were those of job ambiguity, scarcity of resources, personality, uncertainty and fairness. The literature study also includes the outcomes of organisational politics. These outcomes include job satisfaction, job performance, turnover intention and job stress. An empirical study was then used to analyse the views of staff in various departments. These questions were based on the selected factors mentioned in the previous paragraph. This involved the staff completing questionnaires. Based on the findings of the literature study and the empirical study, the last step is to make recommendations to the selected company on managing the perceptions of organisational politics. Recommendations are also made as to what leadership styles would best fit different situations
37
Louw, Gerhard Martin. "South African defence policy and capability : the case of the South African National Defence Force." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85766.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Armed forces the world over have three primary functions — force development, force deployment and force employment. Defence policy plays a guiding role in all of these, but is especially important in establishing the rationale for the creation of those military capabilities that force development brings about. The end of the Cold War, which coincided with a new political dispensation in South Africa, also gave rise to a new security paradigm: a theory implying both a reduction in the utility of military force, and an adjustment in the use of military forces. This phenomenon changed the context within which states generate modern defence policy, but did not affect the causal relationship between policy publications and the outcomes of a military’s force development activities. Usually, a defence policy presupposes the development of armed forces that are effective and efficient at executing their mandate — a condition that is measurable in terms of the organisation’s levels integration, skill, quality and responsiveness. The thesis uses this concept, both as a point of departure and as a structural organising device, to describe the variance between defence policy and military capabilities. A general analysis of South Africa’s defence policy publications indicates that, indeed, the policymakers had thoroughly considered the armed forces’ effectiveness when they wrote the White Paper (1996) and the Defence Review (1998). By 2006, the South African Army has interpreted national defence policy and formulated a future strategy of its own, very much in alignment with the ‘modern system’ approach of the original policy publications. However, further analysis of the actual capabilities of the South African National Defence Force indicates a major variance between the relevant defence policy publications, the military’s force development outcomes, and the present demands of the South African security environment. There appears to be quite serious deficiencies in the attribute of integration, which arise primarily from political influences; furthermore, the military’s quality is under strain, mainly because of the defence force’s seeming inability to formulate a strategy that is not only acceptable, but also suitable and feasible. While the armed forces appear to be skilful enough to execute their present (peacetime) missions, success in the type of operations that policy demands is unlikely. In summary, the study suggests that the principal reason for the large variance between defence policy, military capabilities, and real operational demands stems from defence’s lack of responsiveness to its resource constraints and operational realities. The thesis therefore concludes that the defence force has been largely unsuccessful in complying with the demands of defence policy, irrespective of the fact that the policy by itself may be obsolete and/or inappropriate for the South African context; furthermore, that military effectiveness in meeting current operational demands is also doubtful. Finally, the defence force’s schizophrenic organisational culture may be the primary cause of it moving ever closer to reneging on its constitutional mandate.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Gewapende magte wêreldwyd het drie primêre funksies — magsontwikkeling, magsontplooiing en magsaanwending. Verdedigingsbeleid vervul ‘n rigtinggewende rol in al hierdie funksies, maar is veral belangrik om die skepping van die militêre vermoëns, wat deur magsontwikkelingsaktiwiteite daargestel word, te regverdig. Gevolglik beoog hierdie tesis om die mate van ooreenkoms tussen die voorskrifte van Suid-Afrikaanse verdedigingsbeleid en die werklike militêre vermoëns van die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag te beskryf, soos dit ontwikkel het tussen 2000 en 2011. Die einde van die Koue Oorlog (samelopend met die totstandkoming van ‘n nuwe bedeling in Suid-Afrika) het geboorte gegee aan nuwe denke betreffende veiligheid, wat ook ‘n afname in die nuttigheid van militêre mag en ‘n aanpassing in die aanwending van militêre magte tot gevolg gehad het. Hierdie verskynsel het die omgewing waarbinne moderne state verdedigingsbeleid ontwikkel verander, maar nie die kousale verband tussen beleidspublikasies en die uitkomste van ‘n weermag se magsontwikkelingsaktiwiteite aangeraak nie. Gewoonlik veronderstel ‘n verdedigingsbeleid die ontwikkeling van gewapende magte wat doeltreffend en doelmatig is in die uitvoering van hul mandaat — ‘n toestand wat meetbaar is in terme van die organisasie se vlakke van integrasie, vaardigheid, kwaliteit, en hul vermoë om toepaslik op omgewigsinvloede te reageer. Die tesis gebruik hierdie konsep, beide as ‘n vertrekpunt en as ‘n strukturele ordeningsmeganisme, en om die verskille tussen verdedigingsbeleid en militêre vermoëns te beskryf. ‘n Algemene ontleding van Suid-Afrika se verdedigingsbeleidspublikasies toon dat, met die skryf van die Witskrif (1996) en Verdedigingsoorsig (1998), beleidmakers wel deeglike oorweging geskenk het aan die weermag se doeltreffenheid; so ook die Suid-Afrikaanse Leër, wat teen 2006 sy eie toekomsstrategie die lig laat sien het. Desnieteenstaande getuig verdere ontleding van die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasional Weermag se werklike vermoëns van diepgaande verskille tussen verbandhoudende beleidspublikasies, die weermag se ontwikkelingsuitkomste, en die huidige eise van die Suid-Afrikaanse veiligheidsomgewing. Dit wil voorkom asof daar ernstige integrasie-leemtes is, komende hoofsaaklik vanuit die politieke omgewing; verder is die gewapende magte se kwaliteit onder druk, hoofsaaklik vanweë die weermag se onvermoë om ‘n strategie te formuleer wat gelyktydig aanvaarbaar, geskik en uitvoerbaar is. Die gewapende magte mag dalk vaardig genoeg wees om hul huidige (vredestydse) take te verrig, maar dit is te betwyfel of hulle suksesvol sal wees in die voer van die tipe operasies soos beleid voorgeskryf. Ter opsomming dui die studie aan dat die groot verskille tussen verdedigingsbeleid, militêre vermoëns en werklike operasionel eise voor die deur van ‘n gebrek aan doelmatige aanpassing by hulpbrontekorte en operasionele werklikhede gelê kan word. Die tesis maak dus die gevolgtrekking dat die weermag grootliks onsuksesvol was om aan die vereistes van verdedigingsbeleid te voldoen, ongeag die feit dat verdedigingsbeleid op sigself verouderderd en/of ontoepaslik binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks mag wees; verder, dat militêre effektiwiteit ter voldoening aan huidige operasionele eise tans ook verdag is. Ten slotte is die weermag se tweeslagtige organisasiekultuur moontlik die belangrikste oorsaak van die neiging na die versaking van verdediging se grondwetlike mandaat.
38
Landau, Gallaye-Joachim. "Les impacts de la démocratisation sur un secteur culturel : le cinéma sud-africain post-apartheid." Thesis, Bordeaux 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012BOR40020/document.
Full textAbstract:
Cette thèse met en avant, d’une part, les bouleversements qui parcourent le secteur cinématographique en Afrique du Sud depuis 1994 : volontés d’autonomie esthétique et économique, recherches de voix authentiques, formation d’une nouvelle famille de cinéastes.D’autre part, cette recherche révèle le rôle de l’État Sud-Africain dans la définition de la fonction du cinéma au sein de la démocratie contemporaine : Organes spécialisés de l’État, politiques publiques, idéologies, relations avec les professionnels du secteurThis thesis highlights on one hand, changes that run through the film industry in South Africa since 1994 : wills of aesthetic autonomy and economic, research of authentic voices, growth of a new family of filmmakers. Moreover, this research reveals the role of government in the South African definition of the function of cinema in the contemporary democracy: specialized organs of the State, public policies, ideologies, relationships with industry professionals
39
Magang, Tebogo Israel Teddy. "Culture and corporate governance in South Africa." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/5485.
Full textAbstract:
The main objective of this thesis is to investigate corporate governance practices in South Africa listed companies. Specifically, the thesis strives to achieve the following objectives. First, it investigates the extent of compliance with the best corporate governance practices as recommended by the King Committee on Corporate Governance prior to and post 2002 in order to understand whether there is improvement in corporate practices. Second the thesis investigates whether compliance with the best corporate governance practices are related to ethnicity of board structures (in particular Board Chairman, Board Dominance and Chief Executive Officer/Managing Director) and other factors such as company characteristics, market and performance related variables. Third it investigates the views/opinions of key stakeholders [e.g. regulators, King Code Commissioners, companies and institutional investors] regarding the state of corporate governance in SA and its influence in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The findings from regression results indicate that compliance with the King Code increased substantially between 2002 and 2008. The results also indicate that compliance is high for accounting and auditing and boards and directors issues and lowest for integrated sustainability reporting issues. The findings also indicate that ethnicity influences corporate compliance with best practice governance principles such as the King Code, as per prediction. Compliance was also found to be high for large firms, firms with multiple listings in other stock exchanges and firms audited by Big 4 audit firms. Finally, the findings from the views of key stakeholders indicate that the Code has indeed improved corporate governance standards in South Africa, is suitable for the country because of its consideration of local circumstances and influences corporate practice in the SADC region.
40
Visser, Ronelda. "Corporate culture in a democratic South Africa." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/1661.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (MTech (Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2006.This study investigated whether the different home languages of employees of a large financial institution in the Western Cape had an influence of their perception of organisational structure and processes. The author conducted a series of interviews with management-level employees who speak Afrikaans, English and Xhosa as home languages in an attempt to ascertain the extent of the influence of individual cultures on perceptions and actions in corporate society. Specific attention was given to how these individuals perceived meetings, decision-making processes and conflict. These interviews were transcribed verbatim and studied by means of narrative analysis using a specialised software package to provide a better insight into the roles language and culture play within the South African organisation. Based on the narratives provided by the respondents in this study, the author concluded that individual culture does play a significant role in the perceptions of organisational structures such as conflict management,interaction during meetings, decision-making and acceptance of authority.
41
Naicker, Camalita. "Marikana : taking a subaltern sphere of politics seriously." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015651.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to open up the realm of what counts as political in the context of the Marikana strikes and subsequent massacre. It does primarily by taking into account the social, political and cultural context of Mpondo workers on the mines. Many narrow Marxist and liberal frameworks have circumscribed the conception of the ‘modern’ and the ‘political’ so much so that political organisation which falls outside of this conceptualisation is often regarded as ‘backward’ or ‘archaic’. It will provide an examination of the history, culture and custom of men, who have, for almost a hundred years migrated back and forth between South African mines and Mpondoland. This not only reveals differing modes of organising and engaging in political action, but also that the praxis of democracy takes many forms, some of which are different and opposed to what counts as democratic in Western liberal democracy. By considering what I argue, following some of the insights from the Subaltern Studies collective in India, to be a subaltern sphere of politics and history, it is possible to better understand the way workers organised and acted. The thesis also argues that most labour and nationalist historiography has been silent on the political contributions of women because of how Marxist/liberal analysis frames struggles through disciplined notions of work and resistance. Rather than objectifying workers as representatives of a homogenous and universal class of people devoid of context, the thesis has linked ‘the worker’ to the community from which s/he comes and community specific struggles, which are supported and sustained, often, by the parallel struggles of women in the community.
42
Mhlaba, Mabalana Wilson. "Judging and politics." Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2052.
Full text
43
Haron, Muhammed. "South Africa and Malaysia: identity and history in South-South relations." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002990.
Full textAbstract:
The focus of this thesis is on the bilateral relationship between South Africa and Malaysia. The thesis appropriates ‘critical theory,’ and as a flexible theoretical tool, and, as an open-ended, loose frame in order to give voice to the marginalized and voiceless from the South. The thesis thus looks at the politico-economic ties that have been developed and brings into view the socio-cultural relations that had been established between the peoples of the two sovereign nation-states during the apartheid and post-apartheid eras respectively. The basic purpose of this study was fivefold: (a) to contribute to the extant literature that concentrates on South Africa’s relations with Malaysia, (b) to examine the relationship at political and economic ties in some detail, (c) to demonstrate that apart from the afore-mentioned bonds IR specialists should also take into account the socio-cultural dimensions of international relations, (d) to bring to light the nation-state’s limitations when discussing the role of non-state actors and considering the contributions of other factors such as globalization, and (e) to stimulate further research on bilateral and multilateral relations in the South – particularly between South Africa and other states in Asia and Latin America - that would assist to better understand the past, present and perhaps the future.
44
Leibowitz, Louise Social Sciences & International Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences UNSW. "The politics of pressure: Jewish liberalism and apartheid South Africa." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. Social Sciences & International Studies, 2008. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/41498.
Full textAbstract:
The apparent complicity of South African Jews with apartheid rule is of social scientific interest in that it is unexpected. Pronounced left-liberalism is considered to be the default position of Jewish politics in Western societies. Yet in South Africa, while a small minority of Jews were conspicuous players in left-radicalism, the vast majority of Jews seem to have complied with the discriminations and injustices of apartheid. This thesis challenges the commonplace assumption that the political records of SA Jewry under apartheid refutes the oft-noted pattern of left-liberalism among modern Jews in the Diaspora. I argue that political actions do not necessarily reflect political values, especially under authoritarian regimes. Jews may strongly subscribe to liberal values, but, as a result of pressures both extrinsic and intrinsic to their particular communities, be less able or less willing to express these values in a politically overt manner than Jews elsewhere. I suggest that, in the South African case, voting patterns and official postures obscure rather a Jewish preference for liberal values. The Jewish community in SA while unusually cohesive was, like other Diaspora communities, not monolithic. The ???united front??? presented by the Jewish community in apartheid SA disguised a predictably diverse range of political opinion. It is appropriate that our quest to understand and explain political values goes beyond that which is openly expressed and peers into the shadows of political behaviour. The point is not to morally redeem the South African community, whose record, after all, may still be found wanting. Rather, it is to recognise that hidden in the official deliberations and directives, and in the domestic dilemmas and incidental actions of SA Jews, is the material from which we may form a fuller picture of SA Jewish political values. More generally the case highlights the complexity of studying, comparing, and generalising about political behaviour.
45
Mokvist, Uggla Annika. "Democratisation, traditional leadership and reform politics in South Africa /." Uppsala : Uppsala universitet, 2006. http://publications.uu.se/spikblad.xsql?dbid=6902.
Full text
46
Tebeau, Kahreen Celeste. "ANC Dominance and Ethnic Patronage Politics in South Africa." Thesis, Yale University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3580869.
Full textAbstract:
South Africa has a ruling dominant party, the African National Congress (ANC), which has been in power since apartheid ended in 1994. In national elections, the ANC has consistently received an overwhelming majority of the vote, even though the majority of South Africa's citizens have benefitted little from the ANC's policies. This dissertation investigates why so many South African voters continue to vote for the ANC despite little, if any, measurable improvement in their quality of life since the ANC came to power. In so doing, it examines the literature on dominant parties, voter behavior and what motivates it, the incentives created by various electoral systems, and ethnic patronage politics. It also draws on empirical research into these phenomena in both South Africa and an illustrative comparative case study, Malaysia. Ultimately, I argue that both the theoretical framework and the empirical evidence point toward ethnic patronage as the driving explanation of electoral outcomes in South Africa; they also suggest there is little prospect for significant change in the foreseeable future.
47
Marx, Colin Edward. "Poverty politics : reconceptualising economic growth in Durban, South Africa." Thesis, Open University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.441142.
Full text
48
Pithouse, Richard Michael. "Politics in the slum: a view from South Africa." Unpublished, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008579.
Full textAbstract:
[From introduction]The modern state, and its civil society, have always been comfortable with workers in their allotted place – be it formed around the immediate needs of industrial production, like the migrant workers hostels in apartheid South Africa or contemporary Dubai, or an attempt at creating a haven, like the suburban home which has its roots in the gendered and raced class compromise reached in North America after the Second World War. When there has been a part of the population rendered or considered superfluous to the immediate needs of production there has been a degree of comfort with the inevitably bounded spaces into which these people have been abandoned or contained – prisons, ghettos, Bantustans etc. But both the modern state and civil society have always been acutely uncomfortable with that part of the ‘dangerous class’ - vagabonds or squatters - that are, by virtue of their occupation of space outside of state regulation, by definition out of place and threatening to domination constructed, along with other lines of force, on the ordering of space.
49
Mhlanga, Brilliant. "The politics of ethnic minority radio in South Africa." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2010. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/90715/the-politics-of-ethnic-minority-radio-in-south-africa.
Full textAbstract:
The discourse on the implications of ethnicised radio, for example, in the Nigerian ethnic conflicts, the Rwandan genocide of 1994 and in the Kenyan ethnic violence of 2008 have brought more focus on challenges involved with policing ethnic media and managing ethnic relations in contemporary Africa. This study focuses on attempts by the reformed South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC), to develop and manage an ethnic minority radio sector in ways that would promote “simunye” or “national unity” as part of its public service mandate and to foster majority rule, in the post-1994 period with the objective of building a “rainbow nation”. The South African case is chosen on account of its long and complex history of apartheid and the overt use of ethnicity for political purposes. Further, it is informed by the post-apartheid efforts to emphasize the centrality of ethnicity; as part of the pluralist policies furthering the neo-liberal economic agenda. My research in 2008-2009 involved five carefully selected ethnic minority radio stations (Lotus FM, Munghana Lonene FM, Phalaphala FM, Radio Sonder Grense FM (RSG) and X-K FM), all owned and managed by the SABC as part of its public service mandate. Using a case study research methodology, the study investigated the development of ethnic minority radio broadcasting policies in post-apartheid South Africa, in the context of residual and incremental broadcasting policy models from the apartheid era. The nexus of ethnic minority radio and nationalism cohesion is a huge challenge in many other African countries and South Africa’s attempts at radio pluralism are a cautious walk on a tight rope given their history, which much like her economy, have local, regional and global aspects. Various theories are used as a conceptual framework; the public service broadcasting (PSB); models of ethnic minority media; and theories of ethnicity and nationalism. The study shows the challenges faced by PSBs in an African context. The discussion also involves the role of radio in the construction of a transient national identity and nation-building as a process. The main findings included the simmering tensions, intense politics and rivalry between groups running the ethnic minority radio stations. The appointment of top SABC personnel on ethnic basis feeds into the perceptions of ethnic relations at the stations and the marked feelings of ethnic consciousness at the radio stations that ubiquitously feed into the ‘rainbow nation’ project as part of the ‘retribalisation’ process. It affirms the rights of ethnic minorities to communicate through radio in their own languages within a multi-ethnic society; thereby giving meaning to its enigmatic instance. However, South Africa’s bold experiment with cultural pluralism in the radio sector offers Africa a delicate but workable way of dealing with ethnicity in public radio broadcasting. This research is an original analysis of policies, politics, history and aspects on the continuity of the ethnic radio sector in a local but rapidly globalising context. The study is important for its epistemological rethinking of public broadcasting and ethnicity in a non-Western context.
50
Mokalobe, Mafole Paul. "Demobilisation, reintegration, rationalisation and peacebuilding in South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3752.
Full text