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Journal articles on the topic 'Politics and culture – South Africa'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 7 February 2022

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1

Suttner, Raymond. "The South Africa Reader: History, culture, politics." African Historical Review 47, no. 2 (July 3, 2015): 171–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17532523.2015.1130282.

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2

Mngomezulu, Bheki R. "The South Africa Reader: History, Culture, Politics." South African Historical Journal 68, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 142–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2015.1126342.

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3

Healy-Clancy, Meghan. "The Politics of New African Marriage in Segregationist South Africa." African Studies Review 57, no. 2 (August 18, 2014): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2014.45.

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Abstract:For the mission-educated men and women known as “New Africans” in segregationist South Africa, the pleasures and challenges of courtship and marriage were not only experienced privately. New Africans also broadcast marital narratives as political discourses of race-making and nation-building. Through close readings of neglected press sources and memoirs, this article examines this political interpolation of private life in public culture. Women’s writing about the politics of marriage provides a lens onto theorizations of their personal and political ideals in the 1930s and 1940s, a period in which the role of women in nationalist public culture has generally been dismissed as marginal by scholars.
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4

Nuttall, Sarah. "A Politics of the Emergent." Theory, Culture & Society 23, no. 7-8 (December 2006): 263–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263276406073229.

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This essay attempts to track the changing shape of cultural studies in South Africa, drawing on both local and global reference points. In the first part of the essay, I account for the preoccupations of South African cultural studies from the late 1980s to the late 1990s. In the second part, I reflect on further shifts since 2000. Here I argue for a politics of the emergent, an increasing turn towards the negotiation of the possible, the drawing in of trans-national frames, and the reformulation of theories of race in the aftermath of resistance politics. Studies of popular culture during this period increasingly come to be superseded by a focus on public culture and on circulation. The essay concludes by considering current contests in cultural studies in South Africa and with a reflection on its current place within a reconstituted public intellectual space.
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5

Gran, Thorvald. "Trust and Power in Land Politics in South Africa." International Review of Administrative Sciences 68, no. 3 (September 2002): 419–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852302683008.

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Land politics is of high practical and symbolic importance in much of Africa. South Africa is no exception. Here it is investigated from two angles. First from a discussion of trust and a culture of trustworthiness as conditions for the functioning of modern institutions. Second from an interest in how the administrative level of communities and/or political cultures gives form to the relations between authority and subjects or, more generally, in modernity to the relation between state and society. Western South Africa was chosen for the investigation as there are no homelands. ‘Land-reformed’ communities in two provinces, Northern and Western Cape, are compared. The study showed (1) that the ANC’s land policy is increasingly an expression of a unified government–bureaucracy–modern economy élite; (2) that there are specific barriers to the formation of cultures of trustworthiness in institutions of authority (commercial farmers, lack of horizontal communication and the power of ethnicity), barriers blocking ‘embedded authorities’; and (3) that trust in government with respect to land policies is waning, despite progress in the redistribution of land.
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6

Maphai, Vincent T., and Dwight N. Hopkins. "Black Theology-USA and South Africa: Politics, Culture and Liberation." African Studies Review 34, no. 1 (April 1991): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524258.

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7

J. Lekgothoane, Patrick, Molefe Jonathan Maleka, and Zeleke Worku. "Exploring organizational culture at a state-owned enterprise in South Africa: a process approach." Problems and Perspectives in Management 18, no. 2 (July 3, 2020): 431–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.18(2).2020.35.

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The researchers intended to explore organizational culture at a state-owned enterprise (SOE) in South Africa. The reviewed literature showed very few similar studies where job satisfaction was tested as a mediator between organizational citizenship behavior and organizational culture. Furthermore, the reviewed literature revealed that Martins’ organizational culture model, which was used to give theoretical grounding to the study, did not have job satisfaction as a mediator. The research design was exploratory, correlational, and cross-sectional. A total of 204 respondents were selected using a stratified sampling technique. The major finding was that the respondents perceived the organizational culture as a hostile, bellicose culture, rife with politics. The unexpected result was a significant positive relationship between organizational citizenship behavior and organizational culture. This means that even when the organization’s culture was hostile, employees did not abuse and leave and went beyond the call of duty. It was found that job satisfaction did not mediate the relationship between organizational citizenship behavior and organizational culture.
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8

Mlambo, Daniel Nkosinathi, and Victor H. Mlambo. "To What Cost to its Continental Hegemonic Standpoint: Making Sense of South Africa’s Xenophobia Conundrum Post Democratization." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (May 10, 2021): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/696.

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From the 1940s, a period where the National Party (NP) came into power and destabilized African and Southern Africa’s political dynamics, South Africa became a pariah state and isolated from both the African and African political realms and, to some extent, global spectrum(s). The domestic political transition period (1990-1994) from apartheid to democracy further changed Pretoria’s continental political stance. After the first-ever democratic elections in 1994, where the African National Congress (ANC) was victorious, South Africa was regarded as a regional and continental hegemon capable of re-uniting itself with continental and global politics and importantly uniting African states because of its relatively robust economy. However, the demise of apartheid brought immense opportunities for other African migrants to come and settle in South Africa for diverse reasons and bring a new enemy in xenophobia. Post-1994, xenophobia has rattled South Africa driven (albeit not entirely) by escalating domestic social ills and foreign nationals often being blamed for this. Using a qualitative methodology supplemented by secondary data, this article ponders xenophobia in post-democratization South Africa and what setbacks this has had on its hegemonic standpoint in Africa post the apartheid era.
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9

Steen, Peter, and Gerhard Mare. "Ethnicity and Politics in South Africa." African Studies Review 38, no. 2 (September 1995): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525347.

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10

Joubert, Marina. "Country-specific factors that compel South African scientists to engage with public audiences." Journal of Science Communication 17, no. 04 (December 17, 2018): C04. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.17040304.

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A study in South Africa shed light on a set of factors, specific to this country, that compel South African scientists towards public engagement. It highlights the importance of history, politics, culture and socio-economic conditions in influencing scientists' willingness to engage with lay audiences. These factors have largely been overlooked in studies of scientists' public communication behaviours.
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11

Deacon, Jock. "MILITARY CULTURE IN SOUTH AFRICA." African Security Review 4, no. 4 (January 1995): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10246029.1995.9627803.

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12

Watson, R. L., and Gerhard Mare. "Ethnicity and Politics in South Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 27, no. 3 (1994): 637. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/220766.

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13

Kurbak, Maria. "“A Fatal Compromise”: South African Writers and “the Literature Police” in South Africa (1940–1960)." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016186-2.

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After the victory of the National Party (NP) in the 1948 elections and the establishment of the apartheid regime in South Africa, politics and culture were subordinated to one main goal – the preservation and protection of Afrikaners as an ethnic minority. Since 1954, the government headed by Prime Minister D. F. Malan had begun implementing measures restricting freedom of speech and creating “literary police”. In 1956 the Commission of Inquiry into “Undesirable Publications” headed by Geoffrey Cronje was created. In his works, Cronje justified the concept of the Afrikaners’ existence as a separate nation, with its own language, culture, and mores. Cronje considered the protection of “blood purity” and prohibition of mixing, both physically and culturally, with “non-whites” as the highest value for Afrikaners. The proposals of the “Cronje Commission” were met with hostility not only by political opponents but also by Afrikaner intellectuals One of Cronje's most ardent opponents was the famous poet N.P. Van Wyk Louw. Yet, the creation of a full-fledged censorship system began with the coming into power of the government headed by Prime Minister H. Verwoerd, who took a course to tighten racial laws and control over publications. 1960 became the turning point in the relationship between the government and the South African intelligentsia. After the shooting of the peaceful demonstrations in Sharpeville and Langa, the NP declared a state of emergency, banned the activity of the Communist Party and the African National Congress (ANC), and apartheid opponents turned to a military struggle. The political struggle against censorship became more difficult during the armed stand-off between the apartheid loyalists and the NP deposition supporters. The transition to the military struggle was an important force for the radicalization of the intellectuals and the appearance of the “literary protest” and “black voices”. The time for negotiations and searching for compromises was over.
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14

Tienou, Tite. "Book Review: Black Theology USA and South Africa: Politics, Culture, and Liberation." International Bulletin of Missionary Research 16, no. 1 (January 1992): 39–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/239693939201600118.

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15

Smith, J. Alfred. "Book Review: Black Theology U.S.A. and South Africa: Politics, Culture, and Liberation." Review & Expositor 87, no. 4 (December 1990): 657. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003463739008700435.

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16

CROSS, MICHAEL. "Youths, Culture, and Politics in South African Education:." Youth & Society 24, no. 4 (June 1993): 377–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0044118x93024004004.

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17

Erlmann, Veit. "’Africa civilised, Africa uncivilised’: local culture, world system and South African music." Journal of Southern African Studies 20, no. 2 (June 1994): 165–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057079408708394.

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18

Hyslop, Jonathan. "E.P. Thompson in South Africa: The Practice and Politics of Social History in an Era of Revolt and Transition, 1976–2012." International Review of Social History 61, no. 1 (April 2016): 95–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000031.

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AbstractThe work of E.P. Thompson has had an enormous impact on the writing of history in South Africa since the 1970s. This article traces the rise of this historiographical trend, focusing especially on the History Workshop at Wits University (Johannesburg). It outlines how a South African version of Thompsonian historical practice was theorized, and sketches some of the ways in which Thompson’s ideas were utilized by South African historians. The article shows how the History Workshop attempted to popularize their research, and examines the political projects behind these activities. Finally, the article suggests that although the influence of Thompson-style South African social historians has declined, their work has had a lasting impact on the country’s literary culture, well beyond the academy.
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19

Ally, Shireen. "PEACEFUL MEMORIES: REMEMBERING AND FORGETTING POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN KANGWANE, SOUTH AFRICA." Africa 81, no. 3 (July 22, 2011): 351–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972011000441.

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ABSTRACTDespite its manifest, if largely undocumented, histories of menacing violence and perilous politics, the thrust of popular memory in the former apartheid bantustan of KaNgwane insists that it was a peaceful, even apolitical, place. In a contemporary South African memorial culture that idealizes memories of victimization by (and resistance to) apartheid and its political violence, why would some in KaNgwane persistently narrate the past through tropes of peaceful order and disavowals of the political? Are these mnemonic effacements in KaNgwane best conceived of as forms of forgetting? This article challenges such a proposition. First, it recovers the hitherto unrecognized politics and violence in KaNgwane, in part (and paradoxically) out of the very same narratives that deny such histories. Second, it explores the dialectical co-implication of remembering and forgetting, and of memory and history, in KaNgwane's supposed anamnesis. And third, it proposes that the occlusions and assurances of memory in KaNgwane are structured by a localized semiotics in which politics is retrospectively signified by order and restraint, and negated by disorder and revolt. In this ‘memory work’, KaNgwane's past is anaesthetized of violence, and heroism is recovered not from rehearsals of victimization and resistance, but from memories of pacified civility instead.
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20

Bhana, Surendra, Judith M. Brown, and Martin Prozesky. "Gandhi and South Africa: Principles and Politics." International Journal of African Historical Studies 31, no. 2 (1998): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221127.

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21

Hindson, D. C., and Heribert Adam. "South Africa; The Limits of Reform Politics." International Journal of African Historical Studies 19, no. 4 (1986): 697. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219143.

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22

Ross, Robert, and Tom Lodge. "Black Politics in South Africa since 1945." International Journal of African Historical Studies 18, no. 2 (1985): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/217773.

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23

Banwari, M. "Dangerous to mix: culture and politics in a traditional circumcision in South Africa." African Health Sciences 15, no. 1 (March 12, 2015): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ahs.v15i1.38.

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24

Majola, Brian K. "Support Extended to Women Ward Councillors by Stakeholders in South Africa." Journal of Educational and Social Research 11, no. 3 (May 10, 2021): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2021-0053.

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The paper aims to explore how culture, family and community-women have shaped women councillors’ representation and participation in South Africa. It investigates the extent to which women ward councillors are gaining support from their male counterparts; other women councillors irrespective of political affiliation when women-related issues are raised in council meetings. The paper identifies reasons contributing to the non-support by key stakeholders when women-related issues are raised and when performing their duties. Post-1994 in South Africa, women’s participation in politics is still a struggle. The number of women ward councillors have been fluctuating since the local government was reformed between 1995/96. Ward councillors are elected by local communities to represent their respective wards, to be accountable to the community that elected them. The paper is exploratory and qualitative in nature. It focuses on 104 Ward and Proportional Representative (PR) councillors from local municipalities in KwaZulu-Natal and Eastern Cape Provinces. Face-to-face and telephonic interviews were employed. Findings were analyzed using content analysis and themes were induced from the data. The paper revealed that culture is gradually changing due to laws introduced. Also, family support depends on a woman marital status and family involvement in politics. However, males did not support women-related issues, but women ward councillors supported each other irrespective of political affiliation on gender issues. Community-women support councillors through women’s groups and community structures. The factors contributing to the non-support of gender-related matters include women competing with each other and political party influence. Received: 27 January 2021 / Accepted: 15 April 2021 / Published: 10 May 2021
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25

Gow, Bonar A., and Lyn S. Graybill. "Religion and Resistance Politics in South Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies 32, no. 1 (1998): 209. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/486242.

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26

Muller, Carol A. "Why Jazz? South Africa 2019." Daedalus 148, no. 2 (April 2019): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01747.

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I consider the current state of jazz in South Africa in response to the formation of the nation-state in the 1990s. I argue that while there is a recurring sense of the precarity of jazz in South Africa as measured by the short lives of jazz venues, there is nevertheless a vibrant jazz culture in which musicians are using their own studios to experiment with new ways of being South African through the freedom of association of people and styles forming a music that sounds both local and comfortable in its sense of place in the global community. This essay uses the words of several South African musicians and concludes by situating the artistic process of South African artist William Kentridge in parallel to jazz improvisation.
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27

Grundy, Kenneth W. "Cultural Politics in South Africa: An Inconclusive Transformation." African Studies Review 39, no. 1 (April 1996): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524666.

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28

Klopper, Sandra. "Art and culture in contemporary South Africa." Thesis Eleven 115, no. 1 (March 25, 2013): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0725513612470538.

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29

Frenkel, Ronit. "Feminism and Contemporary Culture in South Africa." African Studies 67, no. 1 (April 2008): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020180801943065.

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30

Thomas, Adèle, and Johann S. Schonken. "Culture-specific management and the African management movement: A critical review of the literature." South African Journal of Business Management 29, no. 2 (June 30, 1998): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/sajbm.v29i2.771.

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In recent years a school of thought has emerged in South Africa, which proposes that, along with the new political dispensation, African values and African culture should be incorporated into South African business practice. This so-called African management movement bases its assumptions and recommendations on various contemporary South African writers and also draws heavily on a theoretical model advocated by Lessem. This article argues that thinking in this field has not been empirically derived and contrasts Lessem's model to the more empirically-formulated one of Hofstede.
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31

Norval, Aletta J. "Book Review: Creating order. Culture as politics in 19th and 20th century South Africa." Progress in Human Geography 23, no. 2 (June 1999): 328–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030913259902300234.

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32

Nyeko, Balam, and Andre Odendaal. "Black Protest Politics in South Africa to 1912." International Journal of African Historical Studies 18, no. 4 (1985): 743. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/218819.

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33

Adam, Heribert. "The politics of ethnic identity: Comparing South Africa." Ethnic and Racial Studies 18, no. 3 (July 1995): 457–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.1995.9993874.

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34

McSheffrey, Gerald M., and Geisa Maria Rocha. "South Africa and Namibia: Domestic Politics and Decolonization." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 20, no. 2 (1986): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484874.

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35

Nyamnjoh, Francis B. "Racism, Ethnicity and the Media in Africa: Reflections Inspired by Studies of Xenophobia in Cameroon and South Africa." Africa Spectrum 45, no. 1 (April 2010): 57–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971004500103.

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This paper demonstrates the extent to which the media and belonging in Africa are torn between competing and often conflicting claims of bounded and flexible ideas of culture and identity. It draws on studies of xenophobia in Cameroon and South Africa, inspired by the resilience of the politicization of culture and identity, to discuss the hierarchies and inequalities that underpin political, economic and social citizenship in Africa and the world over, and the role of the media in the production, enforcement and contestation of these hierarchies and inequalities. In any country with liberal democratic aspirations or pretensions, the media are expected to promote national citizenship and its emphasis on large-scale, assimilationist and territorially bounded belonging, while turning a blind eye to those who fall through the cracks as a result of racism and/or ethnicity. Little wonder that such an exclusionary articulation of citizenship is facing formidable challenges from its inherent contradictions and closures, and from an upsurge in the politics of recognition and representation by small-scale communities claiming autochthony at a historical juncture where the rhetoric espouses flexible mobility, postmodern flux and discontinuity.
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Lanegran, Kimberly, and Mzwanele Mayekiso. "Township Politics: Civic Struggles for a New South Africa." African Studies Review 41, no. 2 (September 1998): 199. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/524859.

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37

McLuckie, Craig W., and Stephen Clingman. "Regions and Repertoires: Topics in South African Politics and Culture." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 27, no. 1 (1993): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485449.

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38

Robinson, Jenny. "Spaces of Democracy: Remapping the Apartheid City." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 16, no. 5 (October 1998): 533–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d160533.

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Democracy is associated with particular kinds of spatialities. In this paper I address two aspects of the spatiality of democracy through an assessment of transitional arrangements for local government in South African cities. Political identities, as well as spatial arrangements, involved in democratic politics are associated with instability, uncertainty, and ongoing contestation. In democracies, the contestation both of identities and of spaces is institutionalised and this implies the generalisation of particular spatialities. Drawing on a spatially informed interpretation of the work of Ernest Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, I argue that the transitional phase in the emergence of democracy in South Africa has involved the growth of a democratic culture—even in situations where substantial compromises have been made to keep recalcitrant white interests on board. I question the assertion of a nonracial politics which seeks to erase the possibility of ethnically based political identities and argue that the failure of the left to hegemonise their perspective of a nonracial political project and a nonracial postapartheid city may have ironically assisted in extending the possibilities for democracy. A key conclusion is that democracies are associated with different spatialities which facilitate contestation and representation. A politics of space, given the radical undecidability of spatial boundaries, is supportive of the extension of democracy.
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Sapire, Hilary. "Apartheid's ‘Testing Ground’: Urban ‘Native Policy’ and African Politics in Brakpan, South Africa, 1943–1948." Journal of African History 35, no. 1 (March 1994): 99–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025986.

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Although studies of both state ‘urban native’ policy and African life on the Witwatersrand in the 1940s have increased in volume and sophistication over the last decade, these two themes have generally been treated discretely in the literature. While a regional focus has yielded a complex and differentiated picture of urban African politics and culture, studies of the state still tend to miss this complexity by focusing on the ‘view from above’, from the vantage point of central state institutions.This article draws together these two separate historiographical threads to examine state policy from the perspective of local state officials, those individuals most intimately concerned with day-to-day administration of urban African communities in the rapidly industrialising Witwatersrand of the 1940s. Through the narrative of a deep personal antagonism between an African politician in the Witwatersrand location of Brakpan and a white administrator, the article explores the intersection of two microcosms: the world of the Afrikaner intellectual, educated in the tradition of ‘volkekunde’ and thereby claiming expert knowledge of the African, and the real worlds of the Africans the expert claimed to know—themselves shaped by new, radical currents in the changing wartime urban context. Using the Brakpan case study, the article also shows that in contrast to the national government's fumbling indecision in the face of the urban crisis, it was the municipalities which agitated for state control over all Africans, tighter influx and efflux controls and the more efficient distribution of African labour between different economic sectors. In voicing their discontent with state policy and in their policy improvizations, local officials anticipated much in the apartheid order of the 1950s.
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40

Frederiksen, Bodil Folke. "PRINT, NEWSPAPERS AND AUDIENCES IN COLONIAL KENYA: AFRICAN AND INDIAN IMPROVEMENT, PROTEST AND CONNECTIONS." Africa 81, no. 1 (January 24, 2011): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972010000082.

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ABSTRACTThe article addresses African and Indian newspaper networks in Kenya in the late 1940s in an Indian Ocean perspective. Newspapers were important parts of a printing culture that was sustained by Indian and African nationalist politics and economic enterprise. In this period new intermediary groups of African and Indian entrepreneurs, activists and publicists, collaborating around newspaper production, captured fairly large and significant non-European audiences (some papers had print runs of around ten thousand) and engaged them in new ways, incorporating their aspirations, writings and points of view in newspapers. They depended on voluntary and political associations and anti-colonial struggles in Kenya and on links to nationalists in India and the passive resistance movement in South Africa. They sidestepped the European-dominated print culture and created an anti-colonial counter-voice. Editors insisted on the right to write freely and be heard, and traditions of freedom of speech put a brake on censorship. Furthermore, the shifting networks of financial, editorial and journalistic collaboration, and the newspapers’ language choice – African vernaculars, Gujarati, Swahili and English – made intervention difficult for the authorities. With time, the politics and ideologies sustaining the newspapers pulled in different directions, with African nationalism gaining the upper hand among the forces that shaped the future independent Kenyan nation.
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41

Grundy, Kenneth W., and Timo-Erkki Heino. "Politics on Paper: Finland's South Africa Policy 1945-1991." International Journal of African Historical Studies 28, no. 2 (1995): 392. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221633.

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42

Hodes, Rebecca. "The Culture of Illegal Abortion in South Africa." Journal of Southern African Studies 42, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2016.1133086.

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43

Nyawasha, Tawanda Sydesky, and Phakiso Michael Mokhahlane. "The Paradox of Civil Policing in Contemporary South Africa." Insight on Africa 9, no. 2 (June 13, 2017): 109–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087817707448.

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This article is a study of democratic policing in contemporary South Africa. The attempt in this article is to offer a scholarly analysis on the nature of civil policing in South Africa. Empirically, our focus is on everyday observations and also public discourse shaped and transmitted within the civil and political realms of the broader South African community. We argue that civil policing and security in South Africa is typified by a paradox that destroys the civic virtue and rationale of policing. It is our argument also that this paradox has posed a significant challenge to democratic and civil policing in a new South Africa. The solution to this paradox, we will argue, lies in recognising policing and security as uniquely constituted ‘public goods’. We also argue for a rethink on the place of culture in the policing register and grammar of post-apartheid South Africa. In this article, our treatment of civil policing and its challenges in South Africa is informed by recent incidences that have shown an imbrication between violence and the repertoires of policing. Overall, we contend that policing in contemporary South Africa sits at the disjuncture between political liberation and the persistent use of physical force. In all the cases, we shall refer to in this article, we will attempt to show how policing has often been entirely extricated from the habitus of law.
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44

Reno, William, and Peter Vale. "Security and Politics in South Africa: The Regional Dimension." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 38, no. 1 (2004): 216. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4107295.

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45

Adelman, Sammy. "The Politics of Research on Sanctions against South Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 27, no. 1 (1993): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485441.

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46

Dreijmanis, John, and Ronald Aronson. ""Stay out of Politics": A Philosopher Views South Africa." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 26, no. 2 (1992): 342. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485877.

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47

Buhlungu, Sakhela. "The Rise and Decline of the Democratic Organizational Culture in the South African Labor Movement, 1973 to 2000." Labor Studies Journal 34, no. 1 (February 26, 2008): 91–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160449x07308522.

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From 1973 to 2000, the emerging black union movement in South Africa made efforts to construct a collectivist and democratic organizational culture. The development and decline of this culture correspond with three phases in the history of the black trade union movement. Political and economic changes in the past fifteen years have affected this culture, specifically the unions' political engagement and new pressures arising out of globalization. However, although it is true that union democracy in the South African labor movement is under stress, it is premature to conclude that this labor movement has become oligarchic.
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48

Cartwright, John, Jacklyn Cock, and Eddie Koch. "Going Green: People, Politics and the Environment in South Africa." African Studies Review 36, no. 3 (December 1993): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525178.

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49

Kaarsholm, Preben. "The Ethnicisation of Politics and the Politicisation of Ethnicity: Culture and Political Development in South Africa." European Journal of Development Research 6, no. 2 (December 1994): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09578819408426610.

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50

ENGEL, ELISABETH. "Southern Looks? A History of African American Missionary Photography of Africa, 1890s–1930s." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 2 (May 2018): 390–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581700192x.

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This article traces and analyzes the missionary photography of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME), the most important independent black American institution that began to operate in colonial South Africa at the onset of the politics of racial segregation in the 1890s. It argues that AME missionary photography presents a neglected archive, from which a history of black photographic encounters and a subaltern perspective on the dominant visual cultures of European imperialism and Christian missions in Africa can be retrieved. Focussing in particular on how AME missionaries deployed tropes of the culturally refined “New Negro” and the US South in their visual description of South Africa, this article demonstrates that photography was an important tool for black subjects to define their image beyond the representations of black inferiority that established visual traditions constructed.
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