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1
Matlawe, Isaac Mpusang. "The impact of culture on the right of women to participate in public affairs : a comparative analysis of Swazi and Buganda Kingdoms." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1047.
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"For a long time patriarchial African societies have denied women their rightful place in public life. There are certain cultural practices within these patriarchal societies, which impede the realisation of the human rights of women. Such cultural practices have impacted on the division of power and perpetuated the stereotypical roles of women within those societies. The diminshed status of women in public life does not accord with universal human rights norms and standards. The fact that Swaziland has not ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) makes it difficult for women to vindicate their rights within the United Nations (UN) structures. The right to participate in public affairs is recognised and enshrined as a fundamental human right in both universal and regional human rights instruments. The exercise of this right ensures that citizens, both men and women, have a say in the affairs of the government of their respective countries. The scope of this right includes the right to vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections, which shall be by universal and equal suffrage held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors. The deeply patriarchal nature of the two kingdoms presupposes that social, legal and political power is mainly vested in men. With the exception of royal women, "commoner" women are often given inferior roles or none at all in public life. The number of women holding positions in public life in both kingdoms suggests that there is an inherent anomaly in the division of power. ... Chapter two of this study examines the legal and institutional framework regulating the right to participate in public affairs at international and regional level. It does so by identifying the international and regional human rights instrumetns governing the exercise of this rights. The chapter focuses on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) and the Protocol to the African Charter on the Rights of Women. It also discusses the role of the treaty bodies established under the ICCPR and CEDAW as well as the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights. The third chapter examines the provisions of the national constitutions of Uganda and Swaziland, governing the right to participate in public affairs and the enforcement mechanisms created under those constitutions. It also analyses the political set-up in Buganda and Swazi kingdoms including the traditional set-up in Swaziland. Chapter four starts by defining culture and then goes on to explore the debate over the universality of human rights and cultural relativism. Beyond this debate, the chapter proposes a way for finding a common ground between the two theories. It then turns on to focus on cultures and traditional practices impacting on the rights of women to participate in public affairs in the two kingdoms. Chapter five gives a brief exposition of the role of roqyl women in both kingdoms. Here emphasis is on the roles of the queen mothers in both kingdoms, the role of the queen sister in Buganda and the princess of the country in Swazilnad. Finally, chapter six presents the conclusion of the study. This chapter also advances recommendations, which may be useful in assisting other traditional African societies in the full realisation of the right." -- Introduction.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2003.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
2
Debly, Teresa. "Culture and Resistance: Swaziland 1960-2011." Thesis, University of New Brunswick, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1882/35385.
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“Culture” and “tradition” are used by the royal family of
Swaziland to maintain its position of power in the Kingdom;
however, over the past forty-one years various forms of "resistance"
to this domination have emerged. In response to the refusal of people
to be loyal “subjects”, the regime has introduced draconian laws
that prohibit political parties, free speech and any form of opposition.
This thesis will examine the role of protest songs and funerals
as new sites of political dissidence within Africa's last absolute
monarchy.
3
Rose, Laurel L. "The politics of harmony : land dispute strategies in Swaziland /." Cambridge ; New York ; Port Chester : Cambridge university press, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37402392t.
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Dlamini, Lomakhosi G. "Socio-economic and political constraints on constitutional reform in Swaziland." University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4327_1197279930.
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This study looked at socio-economic and political constraints on constitutional reform in Swaziland, an independent state with a fully autonomous government that falls under the Monarch who is Head of State. Swaziland maintains strong economic and trading links with South Africa and also maintains such ties with other states, especially in the Southern African Development Community region. Up untill 1973, the country's constitution was Westminister based. This was evoked and replaced with a system designed to facilitate the practice of both western and traditional styles of government. This system incorporated the system known as Tinkhundla and provides for the people to elect candidates to be their parliamentary representatives for specific constituencies.
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Magagula, Petros Qambukusa. "Swaziland's relations with Britain and South Africa since 1968." Thesis, Durham University, 1988. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/6640/.
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This work looks into Swaziland's political, economic, social and cultural relations with Britain (its former colonial master) and South Africa (its big and rich neighbour) in the period since Swaziland's Independence in 1968. The focus is on how Swaziland's relations with Britain and South Africa influence its socio-economic and political developments, and its internal and external security. As a micro-state, with a population of less than 0.7 million people, the assumption is made that Swaziland's progress and security can be reasonably assessed by examining its relations with the two powerful states with whom it has close links. This assumption arises from the fact that (i) Swaziland inherited political institutions from Britain, (ii) there were strong economic links (investments, trade, aid) between it and Britain at Independence and these ties continue today, (iii) there were, and still are, economic links in almost every aspect between Swaziland and South Africa at Independence and (iv) South Africa dominates the Southern Africa region - militarily and economically. The main arguments in the Thesis are (a) that the economic links between Swaziland and the two states provide economic growth for the former, thus helping to maintain stability, although South African domination threatens to undermine Swaziland's independence (b) that Swaziland has pursued a "tightrope policy" in Southern Africa, and that this regional strategy has, on the whole, succeeded in helping the country's survival; and (c) that the political system of Swaziland has an in-built tension in that the traditional institutions exist alongside modern ones and this is a threat to political stability.
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Manson, Katherine Elizabeth. "Comparing and contrasting liberal, communitarian and feminist approaches to resolving tensions between customary and constitutional law: the case of polygamy in Swaziland." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003011.
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Tensions between the individual rights and freedoms found in constitutional bills of rights and the traditionally prescribed social roles and positions articulated in African customary law systems have often been characterised as tensions between communitarian and liberal philosophies. In particular, the notion of gender equality, which is often a feature of the protections offered by constitutional bills of rights, is seen to be in direct opposition to the overtly patriarchal character of many African customs and traditions. This thesis looks specifically at polygamy, long and widely considered in the West to be an oppressive practice premised on the assumed inferiority of women. The analysis considers the implications of polygamy in a particular cultural context, that of the Kingdom of Swaziland, where the newly instituted constitution is often seen to be incompatible with many aspects of Swazi customary law. Here, the tension between the constitutional commitment to gender equality and the persistence of polygamy as a seemingly discriminatory cultural practice forms a lens through which to view the debate as a whole. The theoretical analysis is supplemented by empirical research sourced from local media archives and in-depth interviews conducted with twelve Swazi women, both unmarried and married in polygamous relationships. Communitarian and liberal approaches to resolving this tension are compared, contrasted and finally critiqued from a feminist standpoint. The feminist critique of both communitarianism and liberalism implies that neither ideology promises much for women and affirms the relatively recent feminist suggestion that the key to resolving tensions between constitutional and customary law in general, and to uplifting the social/legal status of women in particular lies in the enhancement of women’s democratic participation and the improvement of women’s decision-making powers.
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Mulholland, Mary-Lee. "Sensuous politics, salsa as culture critique." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ36839.pdf.
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Szemere, Anna. "Pop culture, politics, and social transition /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9820881.
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Tiongson, Antonio T. "Filipino youth cultural politics and DJ culture." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3199265.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed February 28, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 206-220).
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Reeves, Donna Marie. "U.S. culture and the politics of wilderness." Connect to online resource, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3337061.
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Tok, Nafiz. "Culture, identity and politics : an identity-based approach to culture-related issues." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365174.
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Khoza, Phumlile Tina. "A study of the powers of the Swazi monarch in terms of Swazi law and custom past, present and the future." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004723.
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The thesis covers the branches of law known as Constitutional law and Customary law. It focuses on the powers of the Swazi monarch, which are based on a combination of the received Western law and Swazi custom. For the purposes of this study, therefore, Swazi law and custom shall be taken to include both the statutory law and the yet unwritten customary law. Swaziland is black Africa's only remaining traditional monarchy, ruled as it is by the Ngwenyama, an indigenous institution, whose origin is derived from custom. The resilience of this ancient system of government in a continent where modernisation and constitutional democracy among other factors have led to its extinction is phenomenal, particularly because some commentators have described traditionalism in modern Africa as an "embarrassing anachronism.' In Swaziland the monarchy continues to be a vibrant system and the nation is currently engaged in a process of not only codifying the customary law but also of drafting the constitution of the country. One of the key areas of concern is the question of the distribution of power between the monarch and the people under the proposed constitution. Traditionalists are of the view that the powers that the King currently exercises should remain intact as they are a reflection of the Swazi law and custom. Progressives, on the other hand, are of the view that the current position makes the King an absolute monarch and are thus proposing a change from an absolute to a constitutional monarch. In other words they want some kind of checks and balances in the envisaged system of government. The study will show that the constitutional evolution of Swaziland and the exigencies of synthesising modern and traditional systems of governance have over the years obscured the true nature of the powers of the monarch in terms of Swazi custom. Thus before we can consider whether the future of the monarchy in Swaziland depends on the harmonisation of modern and traditional systems of governance, it is necessary to revisit the past to determine the powers of the monarch in their embryonic form, for it is from this period that we can extrapolate the powers of the Ngwenyama in terms of Swazi custom. The thesis has been arranged as follows: The first chapter will review the precolonial political system of Swaziland with a view to establishing whether monarchical authority was founded on command or consensus. The various theories, which seek to explain the foundations of the monarchical system of government, will be outlined. The second chapter will focus on European influence on the Swazi traditional system of government. The third chapter will be an analysis of the powers of the monarch under the 1968 independence constitution. The fourth chapter will focus on the effect of the repeal of the 1968 independence constitution by the Monarch. The fifth chapter will focus on the constitutional reforms under the reign of king Mswati III. The sixth and last chapter focus on proposals for reform. The research method used was in the main, an analysis of relevant legal principles as contained in textbooks, legislation, journals, the scant case law that is available in this area of the law and other relevant materials. A comparative survey of ancient African kingdoms will be done, with emphasis on those Kingdoms, which later became British colonial possessions. It is hoped that this comparative analysis will help explain the evolution of these traditional structures alongside modern governmental institutions.
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Ford, Jonathan. "The politics of print culture: Southey and Shelley." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493318.
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Reyes, Eric Estuar. "The politics of globalization in Filipino American culture /." View online version; access limited to Brown University users, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/dissertations/fullcit/3134344.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Brown University, 2004.Available in film copy fromProQuestDissertation Publishing. Vita. Thesis advisor: Neil Lazarus. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-235). Also available online.
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Rose, Gillian Cathryn. "Locality, politics and culture : Poplar in the 1920s." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 1989. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1706.
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The thesis begins with a discussion of the literature on local working-class politics, which includes the work of labour historians, political geographers and locality-study writers. The latter have been especially keen to acknowledge the unique causal powers of the social formations of specific localities and to explore the implications of these for local political behaviour. Nonetheless, locality studies share with other approaches to local politics an interest in class to exclusion of other bases of social action, and a structuralism which denies human agency. The history of Poplar in the 1920s denies such explanatory logic. The Labour Party came to power in the borough in 1919. Yet although the class and economic structure of Poplar was very similar to that of the rest of east London, Poplar Labour Party was unique in the degree of its militancy. In order to explain this radicalism, the thesis turns away from structural analysis and towards cultural interpretation, exploring Poplar's politics in terms of local culture and civil society, focussing on five themes: the politics of class and of gender, the discourses of citizenship, the morality of the neighbourhoods and the religious faiths. The influence of these cultural 'communal sensibilities' on Poplar Labour Party are traced in order to stress the complexity and contingency of the relationship between a locality and its politics. That contingency is further emphasised in the conclusion, which describes the shift in Poplar Labour Party away from a left-wing and participatory form of politics and towards a right-wing and elitist mode as the 1920s progressed. It is concluded that both types of politics were closely linked to Poplar's culture and that, although local culture in all its complexity is vital for the understanding of local politics, there is no necessary relationship between a culture and the form of political expression it may take.
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OLIVEIRA, BERNARDO CARVALHO. "THE DESPERATE WAR: CULTURE AND POLITICS IN NIETZSCHE." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2011. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=18629@1.
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COORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIORPROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
A princípio não existe razão para considerar a filosofia de Nietzsche de um ponto de vista político, em virtude, sobretudo, de seus elogios à escravidão e a um individualismo estético que despreza o caráter mediador e humanitário da política moderna. Caberia, portanto, insistir na afirmação de que há uma dimensão política em sua crítica da cultura, mesmo após os mal-entendidos e acidentes que fizeram de Nietzsche um autor problemático para o pensamento político? Se sua crítica da cultura detecta na política moderna mais um sintoma do niilismo moderno, podese perceber também, nesta mesma crítica, uma dimensão política intrínseca, vinculada a outras possibilidades de cultivo e aperfeiçoamento da cultura e dos indivíduos. A preocupação com a constituição de uma cultura forte o suficiente para afirmar e projetar uma vida ativa e criadora é pano de fundo e princípio geral para qualquer avaliação da política em Nietzsche, tanto no que diz respeito à apreciação que ele faz da situação política de seu tempo quanto nas possibilidades de efetivação da Grande Política.
At a first glance, there is no reason to consider the Nietzsche s philosophy in a political point of view, due mainly to his praises to slavery and aesthetic individualism, that disregards the mediating and humanitarian character of modern politics. Therefore would it insist on the claim that there is a political dimension to his critique of culture, even after the misunderstandings and accidents that made him an problematic author for political thought? If your critique of culture detects another symptom of modern nihilism, can also be noticed in this same criticism, a political dimension intrinsically linked to other possibilities of cultivation and improvement of culture and individuals? The concern with the creation of a culture strong enough to assert and project an active and creative life is the background for any evaluation of Nietzsche s political philosophy, both regards the assessment he makes of the political situation of his time as the possibilities of realization of his Great Politics.
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Glaser, Clive L. "Youth culture and politics in Soweto, 1958-1976." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1994. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272663.
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Mngomezulu, Bhekithemba Richard. "Gender politics and problems in Southern Africa: KwaZulu-Natal, Swaziland and Namibia in the post-colonial/apartheid era." University of Western Cape, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/8469.
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Magister Artium - MAThe study of gender is crucial for the achievement and sustainability of the democratic ethos in Southern Africa. The substantial·literature in this field attests· to this notion1 '. It could help us understand why certain gender stereotypes are viewed by societies as given.rat could also help us explain such problems as the unequal representation in most political structures, and the gendered labour system!. In addition, as the quotation a~ove suggests, the way we talk has gender connotations of which most people are unaware. Many males however, distance themselves from public debates on gender issues on the grounds that gender is about women.
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Lee, Theng-Boon Terence. "Politics, governmentality & cultural regulation in Singapore /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 2004. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl4771.pdf.
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Groves, Leroy. "The politics of cultural policy." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2001. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/3504/.
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Over the past twenty years the arts and culture have become a popular vehicle through which local economic development can be pursued. Whilst this relatively new local economic development tool has generated much interest amongst academics, many have been content to simply provide descriptive accounts of its development. Where theoretical frameworks for analysis have been applied, they have failed to adequately examine and assess those local factors which have contributed to the development of these strategies. Interestingly, the evolution of arts policy as a vehicle through which to pursue economic development, has been mirrored by proliferation In coalitions as preferred vehicles through which governing decisions, at the local level are effected. Current debates surrounding the New Urban Politics have focused on the degree to which current modes of governance reflect: widened representation; increased community empowerment; and increased local autonomy. By employing regime theory as a framework for analysis, this thesis will examine how those local political factors in two cities have influenced the development of cultural strategy. Such an exercise will enable a comment to be made on the degree to which cultural strategies reflect more co - operative forms of decision making, increased access to new forms of expertise and community empowerment.
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Gilbert, Francis Bertrand. "A culture of chaos: The politics of dynamic space." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/187356.
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This discussion of chaos theory is concerned with two major issues. On the one hand, I explore what kind of knowledge is linked to chaos theory, and more specifically how as a science it informs the cultural discourses created by postindustrial societies. On the other hand, I probe chaos theory's potential as a model for challenging the existing conception of our world within the prevailing epistemologies of order and predictability. Both of these issues are addressed with in mind the broader framework and question concerning social relations, especially to the extent that those relations, in their spatial dimension, have become an object of scientific discourse. My approach to chaos theory is purposefully eclectic, conjoining the scientific with the social and the political. I believe that chaos theory points to a dynamic, intertextual, and multidimensional universe, and therefore, my interest lies in these connections, in bridging the various elements working together to create our contemporary, postmodern world. Science creates theories and images of nature that have been used to subordinate and control segments of the population through theories of race and sexuality. Thus, to recognize the existence of complexity and instability is to give away powerful conceptual means of political and social control, a strategy in which Western science has been an active participant.
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Stevenson, Nicholas. "Culture, ideology and politics : Raymond Williams and E.P. Thompson." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.294431.
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Williams, Abigail. "Whig literary culture : poetry, politics, and patronage, 1678-1714." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339967.
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Bradley, J. M. "Religious identity in modern Scotland : culture, politics and football." Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1993. http://oleg.lib.strath.ac.uk:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21296.
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The central argument of this thesis is that football in Scotland has acquired characteristics which make it a nationalistic, political and cultural repository. This has its origins in the post-Reformation period in Scotland, Irish immigration into Scotland and Scotland/Britain's historically contentious relationship with Ireland. Part one examines the present situation as regards religious identity in Scotland. It reflects on the development and pervasiveness of Protestantism within society, emphasising its anti-Catholic dimension. Irish immigration to Scotland in the 19th and 20th century is briefly reflected upon within the context of a growing ethno-religious cleavage. The second part of the thesis concentrates upon football. It particularly addresses the 'Old Firm' of Glasgow Rangers and Celtic though substantial reference is made to other clubs and to the Scottish international arena. Here, much of the analysis is based upon an original survey of the political and social attitudes of a sample of the supporters of the nine largest clubs in Scotland. The penultimate section focuses specifically upon anti-Catholicism in Scotland and the present character of Irish identity, particularly in the west of Scotland. The nature of the cleavage between both cultures is explored. Various Protestant and Catholic social and political groupings were also surveyed and the results are reported in this section. The context within which anti-Catholicism in Scotland has developed is established together with the main tenets of the contemporary Irish Catholic identity in part four. The conclusion establishes that previous studies have utilised a flawed approach to analysing religious identity in modem Scotland. Despite being a secular country, religious identity is a dominant cultural idiom in Scotland and its academic neglect has resulted in its miscomprehension of the nature of Scottish society and politics. In sum the thesis suggest five major conclusions: 1) Although the term sectarianism has major limitations it also has relevance for religious identity in Scotland. 2) Football is a crucial element of ethno-religious identity in Scotland, and national, cultural, social and political expressions become more explicit in the Scottish football arena. 3) Anti-Catholic culture runs deep in Scotland. This thesis -has located it in its historical context, explained its wider ideological underpinnings and reflected its complexity and variability in modern society. 4) The term 'sectarianism' has the function of shrouding the character of the Irish immigrant experience and identity. It has also served a long term ideological purpose in its debasement of the Irish identity in Scotland. 5) Identity is a much more useful concept than sectarianism for our understanding of religious cleavage and cultures in Scottish society.
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MacCarthy, Conor. "Failed entities : culture and politics in Ireland 1969-1991." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.309443.
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Price, T. "The politics of culture : 'Saturday night and Sunday morning'." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.380137.
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Holberton, Edward. "Poetry and the Cromwellian protectorate : culture, politics, and institutions /." Oxford : Oxford university press, 2008. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb41310920f.
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Maasri, Zeina. "Cosmopolitan promises : visual culture and politics in 1960s Beirut." Thesis, University of Brighton, 2016. https://research.brighton.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/e769d5ba-6f45-4904-bb51-72bb732cc17d.
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Kronenberg, Clive. "Manifestations of humanism in Cuban history, politics, and culture." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/8095.
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The thesis explores what it deems are some of the most perceptible humanistic features in Cuban history, politics, and culture, less specified, or highlighted, or generally not presented in a cohesive body of knowledge in the western scholarly world. In the context of its subject, the thesis embraces rational-critical thinking and supports the custom of non-violent dispute. Insofar as the Cuban Constitution incorporates a range of goals structured on socialist principles, the thesis sets out to scrutinise manifestations in Cuban thinking emblematic of the Marxist-humanist and/or anti-Stalinist philosophical traditions of revolutionary praxis. The thesis' main body investigates, illustrates, and analyses the presence of such features, focussing predominantly on the period 1959 to the late 1960s. Where the thesis does delve into timeframes beyond this era, it endeavours to show the continuity of relevant facets previously identified. Preceding the main examination, the thesis looks into what is widely perceived as the main roots of the country's humanist tradition, the moral ideas and standpoints of Jose Marti, the country's national hero. A further objective of this thesis lies in the belief that aspects of Cuba's national cultural policy in large measure addresses historical issues post-Apartheid South Africa confronts today.
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Quinlan, Tim. "Marena a Lesotho: chiefs, politics and culture in Lesotho." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/23740.
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'What is a chief?' and 'what do chiefs do?' are the two questions which begin this study of political authority in rural Lesotho. These questions are contained within a broader one, 'why do villagers often hold chiefs, individually and generally, in contempt but recoil at the suggestion of dissolution of the chieftainship?' The latter question arose from the author's initial field experiences to become the basis for a study which examines the history of the chieftainship in Lesotho. This history is seen as a dialectical process involving a struggle over, and a struggle for, the chieftainship. The former struggle refers to the interventions of elites in society, namely senior chiefs, colonial government officials and, in more recent times, post-independence governments and foreign aid agencies. The latter struggle refers to the interventions of chiefs and the rural populace. Having outlined different ethnographic descriptions of Lesotho's chieftainship, in order to illustrate the different criteria of authority which were applied in the making of the chieftainship, the study goes on to consider the efforts of different agencies to make the chieftainship in the image they desired. The contradictions within, and between, these interventions are explored as the study moves towards consideration of why rural Basotho still support the chieftainship. This analysis takes the discussion from the colonial context, during which Basutoland and the chieftainship were created, to contemporary regional and local rural contexts, in which the chieftainship exists. The discussion illustrates how chiefs have been personifications of family and society, and how this representation is being challenged amongst the rural populace today. The multiplicity of forces which have shaped the chieftainship are then drawn together in a conclusion which examines the pivotal role of the chieftainship in the creation of a national identity and in the crisis of legitimacy facing the contemporary state in Lesotho. The study is informed by a marxist theoretical perspective, but it is also influenced by the debate on postmodernism in Anthropology. This leads the study to acknowledge the current context of theoretical uncertainty for ethnographic research, and the opportunities this affords for exploration of new perspectives. One result is that the study examines tentatively the role of bio-physical phenomena in the way Basotho have constructed society and nature, and represented this construction in their collective understanding of political authority.
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Stade, Ronald. "Pacific passages : world culture and local politics in Guam." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Socialantropologiska institutionen, 1998. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-45875.
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Lee, Kit-wai, and 李潔慧. "Power politics in post-colonial narrative." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2002. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31953591.
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Lee, Kit-wai. "Power politics in post-colonial narrative." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2002. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?
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Andriano-Moore, Stephen Albert. "The professional culture of Hollywood film sound : understanding labor politics and culture through practitioner discourse." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.574611.
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Within the Hollywood film industry, sound is marginalized as the lowest status craft whose use and functions are often not considered until the last phase of filmmaking. The professional culture of Hollywood film sound is wrought with social, political and occupational misgivings as a result of sound's lower status. This thesis utilizes empirical research in an examination of the professional discourse of film sound practitioners to illuminate the issues, conditions and politics of labor that affect and form the professional culture of Hollywood film sound. Hollywood film sound practitioners critically analyze and theorize over social, occupational and political aspects of their work in email discussion groups such as the Sound Article List and the Sound Design List as well as within the professional journals of the Cinema Audio Society and the Motion Picture Editors Guild. The examination of professional discourse between Hollywood film sound practitioners reveals tension within the professional culture concerning filmmaking practices, work roles, professional identity, creative contribution, recognition and status. An in- depth case study considers the ways in which one leading practitioner, Oscar winning sound designer and re-recording mixer Randy Thorn, actively engages in discourse and activity invested in improving the marginalization of film sound and film sound practitioners. This investigation of industrial reflexive professional discourse and film sound organizations illuminates a dynamic picture of the professional culture of Hollywood film sound and how practitioners conceive and negotiate their professional identities, status within the industry and their impact on film.
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Sjunner, Roger. "Traditional knowledge and global politics : the promotion of Inuit culture." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=31139.
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This thesis investigates, through primary research, the role of traditional knowledge in regional, national, and international political activities of Canadian Inuit. The links between an increasingly postmodern West, global environmental discourse, and the role of traditional knowledge in Inuit self-identity and self-government issues are outlined and set in relation to anthropological theory on globalization. The research indicates that Inuit engagement in competition over resources and power is complemented by a competitive cultural imagery, which draws on and contributes to a discourse on global cultural exchange. Subordinate groups' uses of such imageries have been discussed in anthropology, and are discussed further in the thesis. It is argued that deconstructive critiques of these imageries are problematic, but the need for research about cultural imageries is acknowledged as well. It is suggested that analyses of the politicization of cultural imageries should include political and philosophical contexts in order to lessen their potentially harmful consequences.
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au, jane lorrimar@challengertafe wa edu, and Jane Lorrimar. "Organisational culture in TAFE colleges : power, gender and identity politics." Murdoch University, 2006. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20070717.145611.
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This study explores the human face of workplace change in two Technical and Further Education (TAFE) colleges in Western Australia. It analyses the impact of neoliberalism on organisational culture by examining the way vocational education and training (VET) reforms influenced the restructuring and orientation of these colleges, and changed their power dynamics and work practices. It presents the accounts of 100 women and men who were interviewed between 2000-2002 about their working lives. Their stories of passion and angst represent a vertical slice of life in TAFE and include responses from administrative staff, lecturers, academic managers, corporate services managers and executives.
This study explores perceptions of power and the mechanisms of control that were exerted upon and within the colleges with a focus on the factors that impact on career satisfaction. In addition, it examines perceptions of fairness in relation to employment, remuneration and promotion issues. Specifically, it reveals a variety of points of view on the attributes of success and outlines the strategies individuals use to get ahead. Furthermore, it seeks to understand the way values and norms guide and justify conduct and how they influence organisational culture. It evaluates whether a climate of sacrifice operates in the colleges and whether individuals will sacrifice personal or professional values to get ahead.
Although much has been written on the impact of neoliberalism on the changing nature of work and organisational culture, there has been little investigation of the TAFE experience at the individual, group and institutional level. It is also less common to find analyses of workplace restructuring that conceptualises the changes from a feminist and sociocultural perspective. By investigating the colleges as sites of gender and identity politics, this study explores the way individuals and groups do gender and describes how gender asymmetry is reproduced through social, cultural and institutional practices. It highlights how individuals construct their professional and worker identity and perceive themselves in relations to others in the social and organisational hierarchy of the colleges.
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Lorrimar, Jane. "Organisational culture in TAFE colleges : power, gender and identity politics /." Lorrimar, Jane (2006) Organisational culture in TAFE colleges: power, gender and identity politics. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2006. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/164/.
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This study explores the human face of workplace change in two Technical and Further Education (TAFE) colleges in Western Australia. It analyses the impact of neoliberalism on organisational culture by examining the way vocational education and training (VET) reforms influenced the restructuring and orientation of these colleges, and changed their power dynamics and work practices. It presents the accounts of 100 women and men who were interviewed between 2000-2002 about their working lives. Their stories of passion and angst represent a 'vertical slice' of life in TAFE and include responses from administrative staff, lecturers, academic managers, corporate services managers and executives.
This study explores perceptions of power and the mechanisms of control that were exerted upon and within the colleges with a focus on the factors that impact on career satisfaction. In addition, it examines perceptions of fairness in relation to employment, remuneration and promotion issues. Specifically, it reveals a variety of points of view on the attributes of success and outlines the strategies individuals use to get ahead. Furthermore, it seeks to understand the way values and norms guide and justify conduct and how they influence organisational culture. It evaluates whether a climate of sacrifice operates in the colleges and whether individuals will sacrifice personal or professional values to get ahead.
Although much has been written on the impact of neoliberalism on the changing nature of work and organisational culture, there has been little investigation of the TAFE 'experience' at the individual, group and institutional level. It is also less common to find analyses of workplace restructuring that conceptualises the changes from a feminist and sociocultural perspective. By investigating the colleges as sites of gender and identity politics, this study explores the way individuals and groups do gender and describes how gender asymmetry is reproduced through social, cultural and institutional practices. It highlights how individuals construct their professional and worker identity and perceive themselves in relations to others in the social and organisational hierarchy of the colleges.
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Watson, Timothy D. "The Lyon city council c. 1525-1575 : politics, culture, religion." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322782.
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Chow, Olivier. "The cruel imagination : visual politics of cruelty in contemporary culture." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499991.
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This thesis deals with cruelty, its representation and its underlying symbolic and political subtext on a psychic as well as on a social level. The perspective that will be adopted within this research is one with a strong emphasis on French theory, psychoanalysis and continental philosophy. This research provides an interface between philosophy and the visual through the angle of cruelty. The central hypothesis of this thesis is that cruelty is an archaic and transversal phenomenon which, while it finds many local, individual and specific expressions throughout cultures and histories, nevertheless indexes a global resonance of pain, desire, death and obscene enjoyment. Cruelty operates a return to the body, a return to desire, a return to archaic beliefs and representations. Cruelty is also an act of mediation between self and other, a relation where the other is integrated through destruction. This power-relation of cruelty is highly political in the sense that it inevitably begs questions of sovereignty and subjection. This power-relation survives in our imagination, contemporary culture and politics under very specific forms, psychic as well as collective figures, postures, enactments, sensations and movements. The objective of this thesis is thus to analyse the trans-cultural and trans-historical visual politics of cruelty.
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Tsagkarakis, Ioannis. "The politics of culture : historical moments in Greek musical modernism." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2013. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/275daedd-e867-48d5-8981-ff49b1da4d5c/1/.
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This thesis spotlights eleven formative moments or ‘events' in the history of twentieth-century art music in Greece. They date from 1908 to 1979 and are ordered by two master narratives, the ‘Great Idea' and the ‘European Idea', concepts with multifarious implications for the making of contemporary Greece. The nature of the musical works presented during these events, the particular kind of reception they received, the debates they generated, and the role their composers hoped they would play in the construction of a contemporary Greek musical identity are some of the indicative issues that will be discussed, and always in relation to the prevailing political and social context. More specifically, I will try to show by way of these events how politics and culture were inextricably tied together. In some cases the events directly mirrored the political divisions and social tensions of their time, while in others they formed an easy (‘innocent') prey to political agendas – indigenous and foreign – that were at some remove from matters aesthetic. The discussion of these historical moments in the concert life of Greece is partly based on secondary sources, but it is also supported by extensive archival research. It is hoped that both the general approach and the new findings will enrich and update the existing literature in English, and that they may even serve to stimulate further research in the music history of other countries located in the so-called margins of Europe.
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Luke, Anne. "Youth culture and the politics of youth in 1960s Cuba." Thesis, University of Wolverhampton, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2436/20492.
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The triple coordinates of youth, the Sixties and the Cuban Revolution interact to create a rich but relatively unexplored field of historical research. Previous studies of youth in Cuba have assumed a separation between young people and the Revolution, and either objectify young people as units that could be mobilized by the Revolution, or look at how young people deviated from the perceived dominant ideology of the Revolution. This study contends that, rather than being passive in the face of social and material change, young people in 1960s Cuba were active agents in that change, and played a role in defining what the Revolution was and could become. The model built here to understand young people in 1960s Cuba is based on identity theory, contending that youth identity was built at the point where young people experienced – and were responsible for forging – an emerging dominant culture of youth. The latter entered Cuban consciousness and became, over the course of the 1960s, a part of the dominant national-revolutionary identity. It was determined by three factors: firstly, leadership discourse, which laid out the view of what youth could, should or must be within the Revolution, and also helped to forge a direct relationship between the Revolution and young people; secondly, policy initiatives which linked all youth-related policy to education, therefore linking policy to the radical national tradition stemming from Martí; and thirdly, influence from outside Cuba and the ways in which external youth movements and youth cultures interplayed with Cuban culture. Through these three, youth was in the ascendancy, but, where young people challenged the positive picture of youth, moral panics ensued. Young people were neither inherent saints nor accidental sinners in Cuba in the 1960s, and sought multiple ways in which to express themselves. Firstly, they played their role as activists through the youth organisations, the AJR and the UJC. These young people were at the cutting edge of the canonised vision of youth, and consequently felt burdened by a failure to live up to such an ideal. Secondly, through massive voluntary participation in building the Revolution, through the Literacy Campaign, the militias and the aficionados groups, many young people in the 1960s internalised the Revolution and developed a revolutionary consciousness that defines their generation today. Finally, at the margin of the definition of what was considered revolutionary sat young cultural producers – those associated with El Puente, Caimán Barbudo and the Nueva Trova, and their audience – who attempted to define and redefine what it meant to be young and revolutionary. These groups all fed the culture of youth, and through them we can start to understand the uncertainties of being young, revolutionary and Cuban in this effervescent and convulsive decade.
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Codling, Deborah Ann. "The kingly style of Henry IV : personality, politics and culture." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.417272.
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Wiggins, Sarah Lynn. "Politics and political culture in English women's colleges, 1890-1914." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.408731.
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Cottington, David. "Cubism and the politics of culture in France 1905-1914." Thesis, Courtauld Institute of Art (University of London), 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.242602.
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Leitch, David Gideon. "The politics of understanding language as a model of culture /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3331060.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Dec. 5, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 235-251).
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Hutfilz, William George. "Pastoral politics : German pastoral literature and court culture, 1200-1800 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9950.
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Powell, Douglas Reichert. "Critical Regionalism: Connecting Politics and Culture in the American Landscape." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2007. http://amzn.com/0807830917.
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The idea of "region" in America has often served to isolate places from each other. Whether in the nostalgic celebration of folk cultures or the urbane distaste for "hicks," certain regions of the country are identified as static, and culturally disconnected from everywhere else. This title explores this trend and offers alternatives to it.https://dc.etsu.edu/alumni_books/1005/thumbnail.jpg
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Lamond, Ian. "The articulation of culture in British governmental politics since 1945." Thesis, Sheffield Hallam University, 2012. http://shura.shu.ac.uk/20742/.
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The relationship between government and culture, in Britain, has changed dramatically since 1945. It is the principal objective of this research to understand in what way the articulation of culture, in British governmental politics, has changed over that period. The research investigates the structures of the state that have been responsible for articulating that relationship, and the rationales produced by different political parties, at the time of an election, who have expressed a position on government's engagement with culture. Using a series of indicators for the presence of cultural policy in the election manifestos of the Conservative, Labour and Liberal/ Liberal Democrat parties, this thesis begins by quantitatively mapping the frequency of those indicators during elections from 1945 to 2010. That analysis is then used to identify both those sets of elections to be investigated further, and those parts of the manifestos to be subjected to a more detailed qualitative scrutiny. A critical approach is taken to the reading of the manifestos; bringing to the surface a discernment of how culture is being construed by the parties, and the way in which they have constructed the relationship between culture, the state and the citizen. Those constructions are then contextualised by locating their emergence in the structures, operating within each party, which bring policy areas to the fore, and the historical setting to which the parties were responding. Drawing on research strategies not normally associated with cultural policy studies, this thesis develops an empirically robust approach to the investigation of rationale within the discipline. By combining techniques from discourse analysis, governance and policy process studies, it also develops a novel means of adding contextual sensitivity to critical discourse analysis. This research is of importance to anyone interested in how government engages with culture, the impact that has on us all as citizens, and on some of us as arts practitioners.
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Yeganegy, Roxanne. "The politics of participation : Burning Man and British festival culture." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2012. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/6759/.
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Numerous industry reports and publications have acknowledged the dramatic transformation of the British music festival industry over the last two decades, with the emergence of what has been described as a new 'boutique' model in festival production. Using a selection of boutique events, this study reveals a nexus of British events culturally aligned with the 'No Spectators' ethos of Nevada's Burning Man. How far it is possible to claim that the politics of Burning Man has transformed participation at festivals in Britain, is a question central to this investigation. Documenting the emergence of a transatlantic politics of participation, this study explores the relationship between Nevada's Burning Man and British festival culture. Firstly, a theoretical chapter surveys literature from interdisciplinary fields, identifying concepts previously utilized in the interpretation of festival and carnival forms. This analysis exposes the differences in audience engagement implied by contrasting carnival types, which form key conceptual frameworks throughout the investigation. Following this preliminary, a discussion of the concert-model event reveals the impetus for 'No Spectators' and critiques uniform interpretations of festival audiences as 'active'. Through the discussion of its milieu, production values and interpretive discourses, an examination of Burning Man exposes a fusion ofparticipative precept and praxis. Retaining a set of indicators for extreme participation, a detailed case study investigation of Cambridgeshire's Secret Garden Party exemplifies an attempt at achieving a similar synthesis. The idealizing discourse of Secret Garden Party is presented as a form of positioning that, despite producing a broader posture of authenticity that rejects commoditization and sponsorship, is subordinated by commercial necessity. Underlining Britain's inevitable de-radicalization of 'No Spectators', these findings are contextualized by a critical examination of the contemporary festival industry and boutique sector, concluding with an action-research-based analysis of the author's own festival, Raisetheroof. The assumption that the participative doctrine of Burning Man is active beyond the boundaries of its own official international network is confirmed by the investigation. The placement of this event as exclusively responsible for the reproduction of 'N 0 Spectators' outside of Secret Garden Party is, however, presented as problematic. This study concludes by recognizing a synergy of demographic, economic and cultural factors responsible both for the emergence of the boutique festival industry, and the idealization of participation discernable within it.
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Murphy, Kylie. "Bitch : the politics of angry women /." Murphy, Kylie (2002) Bitch: the politics of angry women. PhD thesis, Murdoch University, 2002. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/217/.
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'Bitch: the Politics of Angry Women' investigates the scholarly challenges and strengths in re theorising popular culture and feminism. It traces the connections and schisms between academic feminism and the feminism that punctuates popular culture. By tracing a series of specific bitch trajectories, this thesis accesses an archaeology of women?s battle to gain power.
Feminism is a large and brawling paradigm that struggles to incorporate a diversity of feminist voices. This thesis joins the fight. It argues that feminism is partly constituted through popular cultural representations. The separation between the academy and popular culture is damaging theoretically and politically. Academic feminism needs to work with the popular, as opposed to undermining or dismissing its relevancy.
Cultural studies provides the tools necessary to interpret popular modes of feminism. It allows a consideration of the discourses of race, gender, age and class that plait their way through any construction of feminism. I do not present an easy identity politics. These bitches refuse simple narratives. The chapters clash and interrogate one another, allowing difference its own space.
I mine a series of sites for feminist meanings and potential, ranging across television, popular music, governmental politics, feminist books and journals, magazines and the popular press. The original contribution to knowledge that this thesis proffers is the refusal to demarcate between popular feminism and academic feminism. A new space is established in which to dialogue between the two.